i
VOL. XII.—NO. 36
Written for the Pioneer and Democrat •
The Philosophy of Politics->Teachlng
by Example.
The DUuaion atr! D iwnla'l i'f the It .lien Republics—
Their Subjugation t-y Fore pn i’ow -r-.
We learn from the history of the confed
erated Republics, which have preceded
our own, that tueir only strong bond of
union was a common and manifest danger.
Their period of assured peace and security
from external tors, a>d of their highest
prosperity ano power, was that of their
greatest peril. It was then, fearing no
assault from externa! forces, that States and
parties became irreconcilably opposed to
each other on scute internal issue origina
ting iu sectional fends jealousy, envy or
ambition. Although they were at first,
when weak, wiliiug to make any necessa
ry compromise to accomplish a perfect
union, they refused, when they had grown
strong, to make any concessions to each
other, and thus States originally fraternal,
became alien and hostile, and preferred an
alliance with a commou foe, to which they
finally sacrificed everything they valued,
rather than yield their mutual cause cf
quarrel, though it, were only a mere ab
straction.
Among confederated States there are, in
all ages and countries, diversities of charac
ter, manners, prejudices, and local interests,
sufficient, when arrayed against each other,
to excite the most unrelenting auimosities,
and to produce disunion and war. This is
the rock, which seems to be submeregd and
out of sight in periods of party or popular
commotion, upon which every great union
of states, except our owo, has oeeD dashed
to pieces—and already, our Uniou is in
great and present danger of alike fate from
the same cause.
Of all the Republics ever touDded in Eu
rope, only those of Switzerland and San
Marino survive. Their insignificance is
their safety. To the cause assigned may be
clearly traced the destruction of the confed
erations of free states, in Greece, lialy, and
The Netherlands. It is now fearfully prob
able that the history ot our “United States”
may repeat that ot and ail the great
Republics that have preceded it, aud that
the only glorious period in our annals, will
be that in which the Union was formed to
resist the oppressions ot George the Third,
as was that of Greece to resist the Mede, of
Italy, Frederick Barbarossa, and oi The
Netherlands, Philip the Second.
Should our Union be dissolved in the
present sectional conflict, which we now all
see threatens its existence, luture historians
may record with wonder the iccurrence of
this calamity, in the age of our greatest
prosperity, when we were the most flourish
ing people on earth. Monarchies and des
potism are endangered by want, by “hard
times,” and misery, aud Ignorance, prevail
ing to excess among the people; but Repub
lics are destroyed by an excess of plenty, by
intelligence and meutal activity, guided by
ambition and party zeal.
It is only by studying the history of the
falleu Republics which have preceded our
own, that we can rightly estimate the value
of our Union, as the source of prosperity
individual as well as national.
The Lombard League, a uoion of most of
the Italian Republics, continued no longer
than was essential tosscuring tbeir freedom.
The condition of Europe enabled them to
retain their separate independence tor a
long time, notwithstanding their frequent
wars with each other. When they had the
power, having achieved their independence,
to unite and make a perpetual union and
a great nation, their mutual rivalries and
jealousies, had already divided them into
States alien to each other. It is now “too
late*” as we have no doubt, will soon be
apparent, to organize “a free and united
Italy.” Nations, like individuals, have but
one youth, the time for education, and the
formation of permanent habits. It is then,
that Republics, with any promise of perpe
tuity have their birth, and development,
essential to a healthy maturity. The Italians,
by sectional strifes, sacrificed this period of
their growth to the indulgence of mutual
hostilities. Their free spirit is now in its
second childhood. Alter the present fitful
struggle is over, we have no doubt but they
will again become the prey of despots, main
tained on their petty thrones by foreign
powers.
Just before the Italians lost their liberties,
they were the richest and most prosperous
people of Europe. The Americans of our
day do not excel the Italians of that age,
in energy and enterprise, or even in talents
applied to business and affairs. The uni
versal stimulous of ample reward to all
kinds of industry and enterprise, increased
to the utmost extent, the activity of all
classes of society, inciting every Italian to
cultivate his faculties, and follow whatever
pursuit might appear to him most conginial
to his talents and tastes. “Labor,” (says
NUMBER FOUR
riismoodi, the greatest of Italian historians)
••was in constant demand. For the poor it
sufficed to take their hands to market. There
were always employers ready to set them to
work, and to pay them according to their
merit.”
The most illustrious families ol Florence,
Venice, Lucca, Genoa and Bologna, lur
n shed chiefs to the commercial houses, as
well as to other lucrative,and to the learned
professions. And noue are held iu higher
esteem thou the merchant princes. They
delighted to honor labor, and to set them
selves examples of enterprise and industry.
Among such a people none could remain
idle.
The Italians in their rapid growth to this
high condition of prosperous industry and
enterprise, in which they had no formidable
competitors, accumulated a vast amount of
real capital. Their cash was in specie, and
the country was literally overflowing with
cash capital, in gold and silver. It is esti
mated that they had more money than all
the rest of Europe united
The immense wealth thus acquired by in
dustrial and commercial enterprise did not
diminish their‘'energy or taste for active
pursuits. Occupation and business had be
come the habit or the nation, and habit is
second, or rather educated nature.
There seemed to he no limit to the in
crease of their surplus wealth. They ex
fiended vast amounts in the most expensive
uxnries, in architecture, artistic furniture,
paintings, statuary and libraries, and yet
there was always plenty of money to be had
lor any new enterprise, which promised suc
cess
Population increased prodigiously. The
youDg married without (ear of want. Great
financial revulsions were unknown, for they
had no paper money. The merchants did
not brood with gloomy anxiety over their
adventures, for they know that in the event
of loss, there was no lack of opportunity to
retrive their fortunes.
They were as vain of their prosperity,
and as proud of their advantages over other
nations, as are we Americans.
To show how all this prosperity and great
ness passed away, and was followed by de
population, degeneracy and degraded pov
erty, we quote again from Sismondi’s great
work,* making the following translation of
one of its most brilliant and graphic pas
sages :
The monuments which covered Italy in the
Fifteenth Century, indicate not only that a del
icate sentiment ot the beautiful, directed the
chisel, the oencil and the square of the illus
trious sculptors, painters and architects, but
the tout ensemble makes ns acquainted with
a nation full of confidence in its power, of hope
iu bis future, and of satisfaction for its success
in the past. Its temples surpass infinitely in
magnificence and in solidity, all the most cele
brated of Greece. The palaces of its citizens
surpass in magnitude and in the colossal thick
ness of their walls, those of the Roman Empe
rors. The most simple of their houses have an
aspect of strength, convenience and commo
dionsness. While in onr times, we pass through
the cities of Italy, quite or half deserted, shorn
of their ancient opulence; while we enter in
its temples which the crowd can no longer fill,
even on the grandest occasions; while we visit
the palaces of which the proprietors occupy
hardly a tenth part; while we observe the brok
en panes of the windows, constructed with so
much elegance,and the grass which grows along
the base of these walls, the solitude of these
vast dwelling places, the poverty of the inhab
itants which we see about them, the languid
gait, the anoccupied air of those who move in
the streets, and the beggars who seem alone to
compose half the population—we feel that
such cities must have been bnilt by some more
active people than those whom we see thero in
our day; that these cities are the product of
life, and that death has inheritea them, that
they belonged to opulence and that misery
has succeeded to their possession ; that they
were the work of a great people and that this
great people is now seen no more.
What a lessou is this for the American
people, who now feel so assured of their
prosperity, their wealth and greatness, and
free institutions—who now feel brave and
strong, and would regard any one as mad
who might venture to intimate that some
future historian may draw a striking paral
lel between their fallen greatness and that
of the Italians. But yet it is undoubtedly
true, that like causes produce like effects.
The original populations of both countries
were much the same—an admixture of
Gothic and Celtic stock. And in variety
of climate and natural productions, also,
Italy bears a closer resemblance to the Uni
ted States than any other country of Eu
rope. The parallel, to a certain extent,
rans even through their respective histories.
They each, at an early period, formed
municipal governments,and became schooled
in advance of their respective ages, in the
conduct of public affairs. They each bad
distinct organizations, educated to become
states of a great confederacy.
But the Italian Republics, distracted
by party jealousies, originating in a
moral idea of political right, dividing
them into Guelphs and Ghibelines, the ad
herents of the Pope and Emperor, and sub
sequently estranged from each other by per
sonal ambitions, sectional animosities, and
commercial rivalries, their union, when most
needed to resist foreign aggression, which
♦Notb. Historic des Bepubliques Italiennes
du Moyen Age. 8 vole. Royal octavo. Brux
elles, 1838. By M. Simonde de Sismondi. This
great work ought to be translated into English,
and published in a oheap form for the benefit
of American readers. The small volume in
English, with the same title, is only a meagre
sketch from the original.
SAINT PAUL, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1860.
their dissensions invited, became an impos
sibility.
While the Italian Republics were
becoming more hostile towards each other,
the rising nations of Europe were engaged
in forming close unions and more firmly
consolidated empires. Conscious of their
superiority, their opulences and resources,
they continued to cherish their state pride,
esteeming, according to their local and cir
cumscribed citizenship, the name of Floren
tine, Genoese, or Venetian, as more glorious
than that of Italian.
Are we not in danger of repeating this
fo'iv ?
N ear the close of the 15th century, com
mence' the general invasion of Italy by
Franco, Switzerland, Spain and Germany,
each nation rusbiag, like so many wolves iu
pursuit of prey, to get its full share of the
panting victim.
Then did the Italians learn, for the first
time, the fuli cost of their long cherished
animosities, and the weakness of their state
pride, which had prevented the formation of
a poweriul union.
For nearly half a century they could fiod
no repose from the assaults of their numerous
enemies, who ravaged the whole country
with fireaud sword, from the Mediterranean
to the Adriatic, from the Alps to Calabria,
in the vallies, in the plains on the moun
tain tops, and in the walled cities, and rural
villages,a like. Everywhere there were sol
diers, speaking a foreign language, ravag
ing, pillaging, and burning property, mur
dering the men and ravishing the women.
No power came to their relief, but those
dread followers of anarchy and war—Pesti
lence and Famine.
Then did despairing wretchedness reign
with perfect equality, in the palaces of the
rich, and in the hamlets ot the poor. The
demon of destruction ruled the land. The
people and their wea.th disappeared to
gether. Never before or since has there
been such universal havoc and devastation
in any other country of Europe.
But saddest of all, in the midst of these
unparalleled calamities, the various States
or petty Republics oi Italy, instead of
uniting for mutual defence, formed with
the different nations which iuvaded their
country, separate alliances against each
other, until finally all ot them became a
prey to foreign domination.
Arc we, the enlightened people of the
free North, influenced by our sectional
warfare, and insane attempt to enfranchise
the slaves ol the South, and raise the negro
to an equality with the white man, already
willing, rather than yield this one idea, to
risk the sacrifice of our national UnioD, and
thereby lose our commanding position
among the great powers of the Earth, con
vert our States into hostile Republics, and
finally, like the Italians, deprived of pros
perity and liberty, become the prey of for
eign nations? Shall we, to appease the
clamoring conscience of Abolitionism, thus
immolate our free white men upon its black
and bloody altar ?
“ Artemui” ou the Union.
Ime a union Man. I lav the Union from
the bottom of mi hart. I lav every hoop
pole in Maine and every shepe ranch in
Texas. The kow pastura of Nu Hampshire
ar as dear 2 A Ward, as the rice planta
sbuDS of Mississippy. There is mean taters
in both them ar States, & thar is likewise
good men and troo. It dont look very
pretty tor a lot ov inflamitory iodividooals,
who never lifted their Hands in defense uv
Ameriky, or did the fust thing towards se
kewrin our independence, to git their backs
up and sware theyl disolve the Union. Too
much blood was spi.t a cortin and maryin
that highly respectable female, the Goddess
of Liberty, 2 got a divorce at this late day.
The old gal behaved herself to well 2 cast
her off now, at the request of a pusul uv
addle braned men & wimmin, who never
did nobody no good and never will again.
Ime sorry the pictur nv the Goddess never
give her no shuse or 6tockins, bnt the band
of stars around her hed must kontiner to
shine briter so long as the Erth kontiners
2 revolve on its axeltree.
Too resoom—G Washington was a clear
heded, warm hearted, brave and stedy goin
man. He never slopt over 1 The preval
in weakness of mostpublik men is to SLOP
OVER! [Put them words in large letters.
A. W.] Tha rush things—they travail too
much on the high presher principul. Tha
git inter the popler hobby hoss, who trav
ails along, not carin a cint “hether the
beest is ever goin,” clear sighted and sound,
or spavined, blind and bawky. Of corse
they get throde eventooally if not sooner.
When tha sea the multitood goin it blind
tha go to Pel Mel with it instid of xertin
themselves too set it rite. Tha kant sea
that the kroud which is now bearing them
triumfantly on its shoulders will soon dis
kiver its errer, & then kast them inter the
hoss pond uv oblyviyun, without the slitest
hesitashun. Washington never Slopt
Over. That wasn’t George’s stile. He
wasn’t after the spiles. He was a hooman
aogel in a 3-kornered bat and noe britches,
&we shant c his like rite awa. My friends
we kant all b Washingtons, but we can all
be patriots, & bhave ourselves in a cristian
& human manner. When we 0 a brother
goin down hill 2 Rooin, let ns not give him
a push, but let ns seeze rite holt on his
koat tales & drag him back 2 Mortality.
Written for the Pioneer and Democrat.
PRAIRIE PAPERS.
NUMBER TWO.
Times have changed since Johnson and
Chesterfield—else we should not have that
autograph letter from Earl St. Germain
acknowledging the “Maroon velvet bound
novel” presented to H. R. H. The poet
Rogers published such an expensive edi
tion of his works, that it might have ru
ined him, bad he not “kuown a bank.” The
magnificence of this velvet book is some
what extraordinary, and makes us fear a
temporary “secession” of its author from
the guild of literature—or at least an in
denture of her services for a term of years,
after the manner of Goldsmith.
Our women can Dot complain of being
slighted. From the Pope and Dorothea
Dix, to the Prince and Mrs. Martha Haines
Butt, the reception is the same—kind and
encouraging—their claims are conceded, and
their positions strengthened, by such august
amenity. To those who judge by results,
pecuniary and laudatory, this book was just
the one to represent our female literature,
because it “pays” best, and is petted by
the critics. Moreover it will give a partial
idea of the ruling axiom of our women nov
elists—that “Passion is destiny,” and noth
ing short of it. The deep wrongs, the high
and passionate resolves, the utter unspeaka
ble misery, the wild and desperate love of
women, are the universal themes of heart
rending elaboration; while rage, hate, scorn,
irony, aod all the blacker shades of ieeling,
are likewise portrayed with a Flemish mi
nuteness of detail—enough to give one me
grims and shivers.
It is well to see Charlotte Cushman as
Meg Merrilles, and Matilda Heron as Cam
ille, two or three times ; but, if these were
their only roles, “ patience o’er tasked would
soon give way.” Immense talent has its
limits, and we must have variety. Some
oue must play or live Cordelia, Imogen,
and Hermione, to invest the main incidents
of life with vital power and significance.
What then shall we say of works of fiction?
which rarely ever give us the light of hu
man nature, but everlastingly its darkness,
without any mitigation—save, perchance,
that which may be derived from the usually
impossible moral contrast. The extremes
ot atrocious vice and supra mo tal virtue
are not made subservient to humanity in
teaching any lesson, and the wickedness
seems to be depicted only to show artistic
power in the doing. Domestic scenes, soft
affections, fresh virtues, and pure joys, are
vapid, common place subjects now-a-days,
for there is very little about them in Ameri
can novels. N o one seems to have any
ambition in that line, or cares to satisfy
the sympathies of a large class of readers,
who would gladly proclaim their apprecia
tion of such skill.
H. K. H. took two books to Eng
land—a Ritual and Romance; but the
one does not represent the religion of
America, nor the other the best writing of
its women. The novel was, in my belief,
an unlucky presentation to the Prince, of
all men ; for his realm has given the noblest
array of intellectual women, whose names
will ever rest gratefully in the world’s
memory. If the Wordsworthian thesis be
granted, that instruction, in its varied
range, should be the aim of the human
intellect, then how much do we not owe to
those “ sweet English bands.” For mind,
imagination, and taste, for nerve, dignity,
and finish, what women are comparable to
Elizabeth Barrett Browing, Joanne Baillie,
Mrs. Tighe, Mrs. Norton, Charlotte Bronte,
Mary Russell Mitford, Lady Georgians
Fullerton, Miss Edgeworth, Mrs. Jamieson,
and so many others ? They have not writ
ten to sickly sensibilities, but to reason,
conscience, and mind; in a woid, for the
exaltation of human life.
When we turn from these benefactors to
our own eau sucre literature, what woman
of true perceptions in America, would wish
it to be the guage of ability, however pop
ular the standard ? If we were like the boy
in the story, who had lived in a mine, to
whom weeds and thistles were glories, these
books might be prized in the bliss of igno
rance. But, in a country of such astonishing
intellectual activity as this, with fine oppor
tunities to describe the peculiarities of the
several parts of the nation, and to write of
the people in the new and original phases
of life with which the countrv abounds,
there is scarcely any thing published worthy
of the fresh wholesome soil. It is true Mrs.
Stowe, in her late book, has given faithful
delineations of New England manners, trne
to the inner and outer life of its people;
but somehow you always feel that she is
like those violin performers, who play several
airs admitably on one string. Her string
is slavery; the effect is to be eduoed from
it; and her incidents, however graphic, are
all subordinate to it. But then, Mrs. Stowe
has a “mission;” (most New England
people have) and can no more avoid it than
Jonah did the whale, or vice versa. In that
view, who shall gainsay her privilege to
adapt all means to the end. She has one
great merit, of putting her fine talents to
some recognised human use.
I will concede that there are fugitive
gleams of excellence in a goodly portion of
what is published by women, in these days.
They write sweet, melting poems, touching,
pathetic tales, and spicy sketches, —full of
merit in their peculiar line,—but what Wal
ter Scott said of Mrs. Hemans, “ too many
flowers for the fruit," is true here. These
productions are the mere flotsam of the
hour ; they make a pleasant impression, and
that is the last of them—like the valedicto
ries and sentimental compositions of a board
ing school.
It seems, then, that our women can «arve
statues, be astronomers, siDgers, actresses,
physicians, lecturers, politicians, “mediums,”
and even clergy-women; bnt their novels
and sustained poetical efforts, are, with a
few exceptions, a weariness of the flesh. As
1 said before, they are not wholly devoid of
merit; but the mind is not willing to pass
over wastes of verbiage for a happy thought
or graceful sentiment. For a standard lit
erature, American women require something
very different from what is now furnished
by native female authors, or I am greatly
mistaken. The highest and gentlest thought
of womanhood, and its fine perceptions of
material and spiritual life, must form and
promulgate the true literature which is to
benefit the sex. Unfortunately, just now,
the demand is for ephemeral writing, and,
indeed, intelligence of every kind. The per
ipatetic pap ot lectures is eagerly and inju
diciously swallowed. Under the present
circumstances, no mental effort will be ac
curate, finished, or memorable.
If the sovereign’s taste is for persiflage, the
conrtiers must conform to it; and when the
public mind demands the most “thrilling”
and romantic complication of life, full of
“mysteries and miseries,” let it be the spe
cialty of a few writers, and not of all. The
various conditions of humanity must be
represented, too. When Walter Scott
described “high life” with the “understand
ing heart” of true genius, Professor Wilson
and Galt gave us the peasantry and mid
dling classes with eqaal fidelity and power.
We must have “Sairey Gamp” as well as
“Arabella Stuart,” and “Adam Bede” as
well as “Guy Darrell.” Everywhere the
mental equilibrium is kept by an admirably
adjusted variety. We, alone, are in the
extreme, and need the “harp of a thousand
strings,” in prose and poetry.
There is a memorial before the Vermont
Legislature asking, for an academy, the
authority to confer the degree of “Mistress
of Literature.”
The crown of Corinne is obsolete !
Who is the “coming” woman ?
ETHEL.
Entry of the Town of St. Cloud.
Correspondence of the Pioneer and Democrat:
St. Cloud, Nov. 30, 1860.
I write to inform yon that the town site
of St. Cloud has been entered ; and do so
because many of yonr readers are interest
ed iD the fact, and also because there is no
provision of law authorizing the payment
for advertising the notice on papers ontside
of this county.
The usual notice of the entry wsb pub
lished by the corporate authorities a little
more than a week ago, and within sixty
days of the date of the notice, parties
claiming any lots or interest in the town
must, in person, or by attorney, prese D t to
the corporate authorities a statement in
writing, particularly describing the lot and
estate therein which they claim, or their
right will be barred, according to sec. 4,
chap. 33, (page 386,) of the Compiled
Statutes. The town site comprises the
middle town. *
Proposition to Enslave Free Negroes
in South Carolina. — A bill has been draft
ed for presentation at the coming session of
the South Carolina Legislature, which pro
vides for the enslaving of all free persons of
color found in the state after the Ist day of
January, 1862. The Charleston Mercury
protests against this bill, and says:
We regard it as a measure harsh in its
policy, and wholly nnrequired by the public
exigencies, while it is mischievous in its
effects, and remarkably ill-timed in its pro
mulgation. The Legislature has something
else to do besides the discussion of such
topics as this, and we sincerely trust that,
npon reflection, it will by tacit consent be
consigned to the tomb of Capnlets- The
measure must fall still-born upon that body.
Hon. Daniel E. Sickles. —The New
York correspondent of the Philadelphia
Press writes that Hon. Daniel E. Sickles
will, at the close of the present Congres
sional term, resume and devote himself ex
clusively to the practice of the law. His
arrangements for the purpose are said to
have been fully perfected.
Missouri Electoral College.
Bt. Louis, Dec. 7.
The Electoral College of this State met
at Jefferson City, Wednesday, and cast the
vote of Missouri for Douglas and Johnson.
■ i» •
NEW SERIES—NO. 360.
Letter From Ex-President Pierce.
Lowell, Mass, Nov. 26, 1860.
Mv Dear Sir: —Your letter was re
ceived at Concord on Saturday, and I
should have answered it while there if I
could have found a little interval of leisure.
I am here to-day on business, and can
therefore scarcely do more than to thank
you ; but let so much, at least, be said.
The apprehensions which you so forcibly
express did not increase mine You know
how sincerely and earnestly I have for
years deprecated the causes which, if not
removed, I foresaw must produce the fear
ful crisis which is now upon us; and I
know how ineffectual, in this section, have
been all warnings of patriotism and ordina
ry forecast. Now, for the first time, men
are compelled to open their eyes, as if
aroused from some strange delusion, upon a
fall view of the nearness end magnitude of
impending calamities. It is worse than idle
—it is foolhardy—to discuss the question of
probable relative suffering and loss in dif
ferent sections of the Union. In case of
disruption we shall all be involved in com
mon financial embarrassment and min, and,
I fear, in common destruction, so much
mure appalling than any attendant upon
mere sacrifice of property, that one involun
tarily tarns from its contemplation. To my
mind one thing is clear—no wise man can,
under any existing circumstances, dream of
coercion. The first blow struck in that
direction will be a blow fatal even to hope.
You have observed, of course, how seri
ously commercial confidence, and conse
quently the price of stocks, &c., have al
ready been shaken at the North, and yet
there is in the public mind a very imperfect
apprehension of the real danger. Still
there are indications of a disposition to re
peal laws directed against the constitutional
rights of the southern States—such as per
sonal liberty bills, &c., —and if we could
get a little time, there would seem to be
ground of hope that these just causes of
distrust and dissatisfaction may be removed.
I trust the South will make a large draft on
their devotion to the Union, and be guided
by the wise moderation which the exigency
so urgently calls for. Can it be that this
flag, with all the stars in their places, is
no longer to float at home, abroad, and al
ways as an emblem of our united power,
common freedom and unchallenged security?
Can it be that it is to go down in darkness,
if not in blood, before we have completed a
single century of our independent national
existence ? 1 agree with yon that madness
has ruled the hour in pushing forward a
line of aggressions upon the South ; but I
will not despair of returning reason, and of
a re-awakened sense of constitutional right
and duty. 1 will still look with earnest
hope for the fuli and speedy vindication of
the coequal rights and coequal obligations
of these States, and for restored fraternity
under the present Constitution—fraternity
secured by following the example of the
fathers ot the Republic—fraternity based
upon admission and cheerful maintenance
ot all the provisions and requirements of
the sacred instrument under which they and
their children have been so signally blessed.
When that hope shall perish, if perish it
must, lile itself, my friend, will lose its
value for you and me. It is apparent that
much will depend upon the views expressed,
and the tone and temper manifested, during
the early days of the session of Congress
now near at band. May the God of our
fathers guide the counsels of these who, in
the different departments of government,
are invested, in this critical epoch, with
responsibilities nnknown since the sitting of
the convention which framed the Constitu
tion. Yonr friend,
FRANKLIN PIERCE.
A Minister of the Gospel Excommuni
cated tor Voting for Douglas.
Krcm the Bi ffalo Republic.
Considerable excitement has been caused
at Caughdenoy, Oswego county, the Utica
Observer says, by a most extraordinary aot
on the part of the Methodist Episcopal
Church. It appears that Salisbury, pastor
of the society there, who has been an elo
quent and worthy preacher ot the Gospel
for some forty six years, and a presiding
Elder for some sixteen years, residing at
Central Square in said county, having voted
for Mr. Douglas at the late Presidential
election, was excommunicated by his church !
On Thursday succeeding the election, a
meeting was called to take the pastor’s case
into consideration.
The question of his pro-slavery voting
was discussed and severely denounced. A
member arose to speak on the impropriety
of the church mingliDg in politics, and the
injustice done in proscribing the Elder for
his political views, when the speaker was
hissed and stamped down 1 The question of
excommunication was put, and the Elder’s
head rolled from under the church’s guillo
tine. Several valuable members have
signified their intention to withdraw from
the church, and great excitement and
bitterness prevails in the community.
The eastern friends of Bishop Whipple
of Minnesota have sent him by the Ameri
can Express, a splendid black horse. It is
a fine, noble animal, and a great favorite
with all the express men through whose
hands he passed.