The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume], July 01, 1864, Image 1

About The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865

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VOL XV.—NO. 52
ARE THE PEOPLE ORGANIZED ?
From Chicago Post, [War Dem.]
The Philadelphia Age in a very earnest
and emphatically expressed article appeals
to the “Democratic masses” to “organize”
for the coming campaign, and expresses a
deep regret that the people should evince
so little interest in the mighty events now
oocnrring, and the terrific dangers that
now threaten them The philosophic ed
itor of the Cincinnati Enquirer pro
nounces this appeal to be all nonsense and
asserts that the people are organized. The
Enquirer declares:
It is amusing and instructive to witness the
imperturability of the people, under the ur
gency of some fourth corporal in politics, who
takes upon himself the airs of a Major Gen
eral, and tells them that unless they do thus
and thus, and that instantly, they will come to
grief They know better. The people are
eternal. k They feel their eternity. AH the
rights are theirs, invariably; and they know it.
They do not even take the trouble to thank
their anxious little friend for this trouble he
borrows in their behalf. They look upon him
as children upon a pantomime, and aroamused
The apparent, insensibili'y of the people
to the excited appeals of partisans, is one
of the best signs of the future redemption
of the country from its perils. The Amer
ican people are not indifferent to the dan
gers und perils which environ them. Bat
they are indifferent to mere party appeals
and party harangues. The political cam
paign can hardly be said to have opened
yet; the public meetings, the speeches of
contesting condidates, and the parade and
bustle of an excited canvass have not yet
taken place, neverthelass the people are as
prepared to vote to-day as they will be in
November next. We do not mean to say
that every man who to-day proposes
to vote for Lincoln or against Lincoln will
adhere to that purpose and so vote in No
vember. There will be changes and great
changes of public sentiment in that time,
but what we mean to say is that the peo
ple will not change their opinion or their
intended votes at the bidding of party
clamor, or party harangners, or be deter
red from changing by the crack of the
party whip.
The election this fall will result in the
choice of a President in favor of prosecut
ing this war to a conclusion that will pre
serve the territorial integrity of the Union,
and the suppression of every possible armed
resistance to the authority of the Federal
government. That result of the public
verdict is beyond all question; no man of
any party can hope tor even a lecent
■how of hands either by the people or in
the electoral college,' who is not known to
the people to be, beyond all cavil or dis
pute, devoted to the prosecution of this
war until the rebellion has been crushed,
the south brought willingly or unwillingly
back to its allegiance to the constitution.
The only question open for discussion is
which of the candidates who may be run
ning, will, if elected, beßt carry ont and
accomplish this result. Will Lincoln do
so? Lincoln has had four years of oppor
tunity to crush the rebellion ; he had the
resources of the land—an unlimited supply
of meu and money. He has exhausted one
million of troops, and spent two thousand
millions of dollars; he has proclaimed the
slaves to be free, and three millions of them
are yet engaged in the service of the
rebellion ; the rebellion still lives, and be
sides the exhaustion of their means and
bredit and of their resources, the Confed
eracy still is as defiant as it wa9 when it
fired on Sumter. We honestly believe
that three-fourths of the people, men,
women and children, out of office, would.
vote to-morrow to displace Lincoln and
put another in his place, if they had con
fidence that that other would carry on
the war to a speedy and conclusive ex
tinguishment of the rebellion, and re-es
tablishment of the Federal Union. All
that is required to defeat Lincoln and elect
another person, is the confidence of the
people that the opposing candidate will
honestly carry out the wishes of the coun
try by striking this rebellion as it *hould
have been struck in the beginning, deadly
and crushing blows ; that he will give up
all schemes civil and military for his own
re-election, and devote his whole energies
to the cause of his country.
To say that the people are net organ
ized for the approaching election is an ab
surdity. Never in the history of the
country has there been a firmer and more
fixed purpose on the part of the people
than at the present time. They have
made up their mind as to the kind ofsnan
they want, and when the time comes for
voting, they will vote for that candihate
who approaches nearest to what they
think he should be. The Democratic par
ty have the field before them. They have
it in their power to nominate a candidate
who will defeat Mr Lincoln. That can
didate must be a man in whom the people
have full confidence that at heart he is
disposed, and mentally capable of devis
mg and executing the suppression of the
rebellion by force, and the re-establish
ment of the authority of the Union over
the willing and unwilling people now in
rebellion. The nomination of such a can-'
didate with full assuranoes that he will
be sustained by his party i n executing
these purposes and ends, will awing
off from the support of Mr. Lincoln
one-half of those who now, in default of a
better candidate, give him a nominal sup
port, and purpose eventually to vote for
him. II the Democratic party does not
nominate such a candidate, and does not
win back the confidence of the people by
placing itself fairly and squarely in favor
of a prosecution of this war to a final ex
tinguishment of all armed rebellion, then
we repeat the people will not touch their
candidate, but in despair will be obliged to
fall back to the support of lancoln, with
all his ghastly jokes, and terrible blunders,
and almost criminal neglect of duty.
The people are “organized.” Their*
minds are made up. They are praying
for a better man to carry on the war.
Will the Democratic party name a candi
date of the kind they want, or will they,
mistaking public sentiment, nominate a
candidate and expect the people will kick
Lincoln over for any one else ? Lincoln’s
defeat or re-election depends on the action
of the Chicago Convention. Let that
convention nominate a candidate touched
with “peaceism,” or burdened with a
peace platform, and it will do more to
elect Lincoln than forty such conventions
as that held at Baltimore. Let it nomi
nate *a war candidate, —one who wishes to
make this a war by the Democratic party
to put down by force the rebellion against
the constitution, and there will be no ne
cessity for appeals to the people to “ or
ganize,” but there will. be a perfect up
heaval of the popular will that will scat
ter Lincoln and his followers from the
places they now hold against the people’s
will.
THE NATIONAL FINANCES.
Passage of the $400,000,000
Loan Bill by the House,
Important and Interesting Debate
Washington, Thursday June 23.
The House, in Committee of the Whole, re
sumed the consideration of the new loan bill.
Mr. Brooks, of New York, called attention
to the fact that the bill provides one per cent
for necessary expenses of engraving, printing,
preparing and issuing the United States notes.
Treasury notes, fractional notes and bebds. and
of disposing of the same to subscribers and
purchasers. He said only a few days ago four
hundred and forty thousand dollars were ap
propriated for similar purposes, and as the
whole amount to be printed under this bill
was $614,000 000. the one per cent wonld
make a sum total of $4,000 000. It could bedone
for a great deal less. He himself would print
the public money for one-tenth of that sum.
On motion of Mr. Brooks, an amendment
was made that the imprint of the seal of the
Treasury Department shall me made in a room
apart from the printing bureau.
Mr. Pomeroy, of New York, offered the fol
lowing as a substitute for the second section
of the bill:
That the Secretary of the Treasury may lance, upon
the credit of the United States, bonds of any denomi
nation not less than SIOO. payable in lawful money
three years from the date thereof, and bearing inter
est not exceeding«ight per centum per annum, pay
able semi-annually in lawful money, and may receive
at par therefor the lawful money of the United States,
Treasury notes certificates of" indebtedness, or cer
tificates of deposit, issued under any act of Congress:
and the Secretary of the Treasury, in addition to the
total amonnt of bonds authorized by the first and
second sections of this act, shall issue at par, in re
demption of any outstanding notes certificates of de
posit, or certificates of indebtedness, of the United
States bonds, similar to those herein before in this
second section authorized, in denomination of less
than SIOO. or of like denomination similar to those
authorized by the first section, and payable five years
fr'-m date, with interest at six per centum : and the
Secretary of the Treasury is further authorized to
issue in lieu of any bonds hereafter authorized by
law. and not now Issued in pursuance thereof bonds
similar and of the denomination hereby authorized.
All Treasury notes, other than United States notes,
shah cease to be a ieeal tender in the payment of
public or private indebtedness on and after the first
day of October. 18(54, and no Treasury notes msde
legal tender, other than United States notes shall
hereafter be issued or re-issued; nor shall the total
amount of United States notes issued or to be issued
ever exceed $400,000 000. and such additional sum,
not exceeding $50,000,000, as may be temporarily re
quired for the redemption of a temporary loan.
Mr. Pomeroy said that the present apprecia
tion upon gold is not the result of speculation,
and Is not to be obviated, by temporary expe
dients, but by a return, in practice as well as
in theory, to the policy of gold values estab
lished in 1862. With the amonnt of paper
money in circulation, the issuing of interest
bearing notes would add nothing to the aggre
gate value of paper money, and conld only
work mischief. The House policy of 1862, of
adhering to gold values, must be adhered to,
or the theory advocated by the Chairman of
the Committee on Ways and Means (Mr. Stev
ens, of Pa.,) adopted, namely, repudiating the
payment of interest in gold aiyl relying entire
ly upon the issue of Government paper. The
effect of the present inflation must soon become
seen to the masses of the people. The fatal
mistake of the Secretary of the Treasury was
in abandoning the popular six per cent 5-20
loan, and attempting to float a five per cent
bond, and upon its failure, resorting to inte
rest-bearing legal tender, and on the part of
Congress not speedily supplying an efficient
of taxation. It was, however, still pos
sible by adhering to correct natural laws to
restore the credit of the country to a healthy
condition.
££ r \? teven . 8 ’ °f Pa -i skM he could not agree
e ma J°pty of the Committee of Wavs
and Means, and hence he has offered a substi
tute for the first section ot the bill
The Question having been taken, the sub
stitate of Mr. Pomeroy for the second section
of the bill, as given above, was adopted bv
yeas 65. nays 42.
Mr. Stevens, while advocating the amend
ment. said that those who attribute the raise
in gold to gambling are poor statesmen. Instead
of passing the gold bill to restrain speculations
it would be better to take away the <iomq n d
for gold, for no bill could rednee it a cent
The Secretary of the Treasury had said, in his
wisdom, that the principal of the 5-20’s is pay-
SAINT PAUL. FRIDAY. JULY 1, 1864.
able in coin, but the courts in three States had
not so decided.
Mr. Spaulding, of Ohio, briefly replied to
Mr. Pomeroy, stating that the Committee of
Ways and Means had faithfully performed their
duty in providing the bills necessary for rev
enue, and then expressed the opinion that all
the trouble arose from the extraordinary de
mand for gold, for gold is not now currency.
In 1862, the banks failing to loan the govern
ment money; we were driven to the necessity
of issuing legal tenders. No system ever worked
better in this or any other country, and he
supposed specie payments would not be re
sumed for ten years to come.
During the great Napoleonic war the Bank
of England suspended specie payments from
1796 to 1822. Whoever looks for a more
speedy resumption in this country was, in his
judgment, unwise, and studied history to but
little profit. He deprecated the present policy
of paying the interest of the public debt in
gold, and asserted if this should continue with
an increase of debt the Government would fall.
It was a fatal policy, which rests like an incu
bus upon us, and gold would continue to go
up, as he long ago predicted, until the govern
ment cannot procure the coin. It was to save
the country from repudiation that he then ex
plained the character of the amendment,which
was to authorize the borrowing of $400,000,-
000, and to issue therefor coupon or registered
bonds of the United States, redeemable at the
pleasure of the Government after any period
not less than five nor more than forty years,
and if deemed expedient, made payable at any
period not more than twenty years from .the
date, payable in coin. Such bonds are to be of
such denominations as the Secretary of the
Treasury shall direct, not less than SSO, and
bear an annual interest not exceeding eight
per cent., payable semi annually in currency.
After considerable debate, the Committee of
the Whole acted upon and agreed to Mr. Ste
vens’ substitute for the final section, ayes 72,
nays 51.
The House, however, at a subsequent stage
of the proceedings, refused to concur in the
action of the Committee, by a vote of 59
to 80.
The House also refused to amend Mr. Pow
ell’s substitute for the second section, by a vote
of 44 against 81.
The bill was then passed without a division,
the yeas and nays having been demanded and
refused. The bill authorizes the Secretary of
the Treasury to borrow from time to time on
the credit of the United States, $400,000,000,
and to issue therefor coupon registered bonds
of the United States, redeemable at the plea
sure of the Government after any period of not
less than five nor more than thirty years; or if
deemed expedient, made payable* at any pe
riod of not more than forty years from date,
the bonds to be of such a denomination as the
Secretary of the Treasury shall direct, not le6s
than fifty dollars, and to bear an annual inter
est not exceeding 6 per cent., payablesmi*an
nually in coin. The Secretary of the Treasury
may dispose of such bonds, or any part there
of, and any bonds commouly known as 6-20’s,
remaining unsold in the United States, or if he
shall find it expedient, in Europe, at any time
on such terms and conditions as he shall deem
most advisable in lawful money of the United
States, or at his discretion for Treasury notes,
certificates of indebtedness, or certificates of
deposit issued under any act of Congress,
bonds, Treasury notes, and other obligations
of the United States, to be exempt from taxa
tion by or under state or municipal authority.
The'Secretary of the Treasury may issue on
the credit of the United States, in lieu of an
equal amount of bonds authorized by the pre
ceding section, and as a part of said loan, not
exceeding $200,000,000 in Treasury notes, of
any denomination not less than ten dollars,
payable at any time not exceeding three years
from date, or, if thought more expedient, re
deemable at any time after three years from
date, and bearing interest not exceeding the
rate of 7 3-10 per cent., payable in lawful
money at maturity, or. in the discretion of the
Secretary, semi-auuualiy. Treasury notes may
be disposed of by the Secretary of the Treas
ury on the best terms that can be obtained for
lawful money, and such of them as shall be
made payable principal and interest shall be a
legal tender to the same extent as United
States notes for their face value excluding the
interest, and may be paid to any creditor of
the Uuited States at their face value, excluding
interest, or to any creditor willing to receive
them at par including interest; and any Treas
ury notes issued under the authority of this
act may be made convertable at the discretion
of the Secretary of the Treasury into any
bonds issued under the authority of this act.
The Secretary of the Treasury may redeem
j and cause to be cancelled and destroyed any
j Treasury notes or United States notes hereto
! fore issued under the authority of previous acts
: of Congress, and substitute in lieu thereof an
! equal amount of Treasury notes such as are au-
I thorized by this act, or of other United States
i notes of such denomination as shall be deemed
j expedient, not exceeding one dollar, provided
j the total amount of bonds and Treasury notes
authorized by the first and second sections of
this act, shall not exceed $400,000,000 in addi
tion to those heretofore issued, nor shall the
total amount of United States notes to be is
sued ever exceed $400,000,000, and such addi
tional sum not exceeding $50,000,000. as may
be required for the temporary loan, nor shall
any Treasury note, bearing interest, issued un
der this act, be a legal tender'in payment or
redemption of any notes issued by any bauk,
banking association or linker, to circulate as
money.
The interest on all bonds heretofore issued
payable annually may be paid semi-annually,
and in lieu of such bonds authorized to be is
sued, the Secretary of the Treasury may issue
bonds bearing interest payable semi-annuallv,
and may also exchange for Treasury notes
heretofore issued bearing 7 3-10 per cent inte
rest besides the six per cent heretofore author
ized ihe like bonds of all the denominations in
which such Treasury notes have been issued.
The interest on such Treasury notes after ma
turity shall be paid In lawful money, and they
may be exchanged for such bonds at any time
within three years.
So much of the law approved March 3,1864,
as limits the law authorized therein to the cur
rent fiscal year, is reported, and the authority
of the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow
money and issue therefore bonds and notes
conferred by the first section of said act, shall
cease on and after the passage of this act.
The Secretary of the Treasury may author
ize the receipt as a temporary loan of United
States notes, or the notes of national banking
associations on deposit for not less than 80 days
on sums not less than SSO by the Assistant
Treasurer of the United States, or depositories
designated for that purpose other than national
bank associations, who shall issue certificates
of deposit in such forms a 3 the Secretary of the
Treasury shall prescribe, bearing interest not
exceeding six per centum, annually, and paya
ble at any time after the term of deposit, after
ten days’ subsequent notice, unless time and
notice be waived by the Secretary of the Treas
ury.
The Secretary of the Treasury may increase
the interest on deposits at less than six per
cent, to that rate, or on ten days’ notice to de
positors lie may diminish the rate of interest,
as the public interests may require; but the
aggregate of such deposits shall not exceed
$160,000,000, and the Secretary of the Treasu
ry may issue and shall hold in reserve tor pay
ment of such deposits United States notes, not
exceeding g 550,000,000, including the amount
already applied in such payment; and the U.
S. notes so held in reserve shall be used only
when needed in his judgment, for the promp't
payment of 6uch deposit on demand, and
shall be withdrawn and placed again in reserve,
as the amount of deposits shall again increase.
liETALIATION BEGUN.
A Game Two Can Play at Before
Charleston,
Nkw York, June 23.—’The rebel General
Gardner, who was taken prisoner at Port Hud
son and baa been confined at Fort Lafayette for
some months, was taken from the Fort at an
early hour yesterday morning and sent, as is
supposed to the headquarters of Gen. Foster,
in front of Charleston. It will be remembered
that the rebels boast of daily exposing five of
our Generals, prisoners in their hands, to oar
fire on the cf'y. It is a game two can play at,
as they will And.
Washington, June 21.—The following Is the
correspondence between Generals Foster and
Jones:
LETTKR FROM GEN. JONES TO GEN. FOSTER.
Headquarters Dep’t ok South Carolina,)
Georgia and Florida,
Charleston, June 13,1864. )
General : Five generals and forty-five field
officers of the United States army—all of them
prisoners of war—have been Bent to this city
for safe keeping. They have been turned
over t<» Rrig. Gen. Ripley, commanding the
first nfflitarv district, who will see that they
are provided with commodious quarters in a
part of the city occupied by non-combatants,
the majority of whom are women and children.
It is proper, however, that I should inform
you that it is a part of the city which has for
many months been exposed, day and night, to
the tire of your guns.
Very rei.oectfully, your ob’t serv’t,
SAM. JONES,
Major General Commanding.
Maj. Gen. J. G. Foster, commanding U. S.
Forces on Coast of South Carolina, Confed
erate Btates.
GEN. FOSTER’S REPLY.
Headquarters Departm’t of the South,)
Hilton Head, S. C., June 16,1864. f
Major General Sam. Jones , Commanding Con
federate Forces, Department of South Caro
lina, Gemgia and Florida:
General—l acknowledge the receipt this
day of your communication of the 13th inst.,
informing me that five Generals and forty-five
field officers of the United States army, pris
oners of war, h ive been turned over to you by
Brigadier General Ripley, with instructions to
see that they are provided with quarters in a
part of the city occupied by non-combatants,
the majority of which latter you state are
woman and children. You add that you deem
it proper to inform me that it is a part of the
city which has for many months been exposed
to the fire of our guns. Many months since,
Major General Gilmore, United States army,
notified General Beanregcrd, then command
ing at Charleston, that the city wonld be bom
barded. This notice was given that non-com
battants might be removed, and thus women
and children saved from harm. Gen. Beaure
gard, in a communication to Gen Gilmore,
dated August 22,1863, informed him that the
non-combatant population of Charleston
would be removed with all possible celerity.
That women and children have been retained
by you in a part of the city which has been
for many months exposed to fire is a matter
decided by your own sense of humanity.
I must, however, protest against your action
in thus placing defenceless prisoners of war in
a position exposed to constant bombardment.
It is an indefensible act of cruelty, and can be
designed only to prevent a continuance of our
fire upon Charleston. It contains not merely
arsenals, bat also foundries and factories for
the manufacture of munitions of war. In the
shipyards several armed iron-clads have been
completed, while others are still upon stocks
in coarse of construction. Its wharves and
the hanks of the river on both sides of the city
are lined with batteries. To de-troy these
means of continuing the war is, therefore, our
object and duty. You seek to defeat this ef
fort, and by means not known to honorable
warfare, but by placing unarmed and helpless
prisoners under fire. I have forwarded your
communication to the President with a request
that he place in my custody an equal number
of prisoners of like grade to be kept by me in
positions exposed to the fire of your guns so
long as you continue the couse stated in your
communication. I have the honor to be, very
respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. FOSTER,
Major General Commaudiug.
D. C. Wager, A. A. G.
A REBEL ACCOUNT.
From ihe Charleston Mercury, June 14.
For the fir3t time during several weeks there
was an intermission of the bombardment last
Monday. This was doubtless owiDg to the
bad weattifer. During Sunday night seven
shells were thrown into the city. The ene
my’s troops seem actively engaged repairing
the damages which the rains have caused to
their works. Our Secession ville correspondent
writes us that greetings from the Yankee bat
teries, in the shapa of shells, are still inconve
niently plentiful. On Saturday they threw
eleven shells from Light House Inlet, and ten
from Long Island. Yesterday they threw
twenty-one from the former and twenty-three
from the latter. Oar batteries replied as nsual.
For some time past it has been known that a
batch of Yankee prisoners, comprising the
highest in rank now in our hands, were soon
to be bronght hither to share the pleasures of
the bombardment; they accordingly arrived
on Monday. The following are their names
and rank:
Brig. Generals—Seymour, Weesels, Scam
mon, Shaler and Hickman.
Colonels—Ward, Hawkins. Harrison, Leh
man Lagrange, Lee, White, Bolinger, Brown,
Dana and Sardell.
Lieut. Colonels Fayes, Hunter, Alcoth,
Pallsby, Rogers, Burnham, Baldwin, Barthol
omew, Cook, Dickenson, Fellows Glenn, Fair
banks, Spottsford, Steward Swift, Taylor, La
sall, Joslin, McMakin, Miles, Maxwell, May
herd and Maffit.
Majors—Clark, Carpenter, Crandall, Grant,
Hall, Johnston, Barnes, Baker and Bales.
Hiding the Thermometer.
From th * N. Y. Post, June ITth.
Not long after tlje invention of measuring
the temperature by means of a thermometer,
an interval of extreme heat occurred which
was the object of much conversation. In a
little town of Germany there was a single pos
sessor of a thermometer, which was consulted
by all the neighborhood several times in the
course of the day. It was the beginning of
dog-days, and instead of becoming cooler, the
weather to their great disappointment grew a
little hotter with every successive day, every
body was remarking how uncomfortably warm
the season was. At last the owner of the ther
mometer, Michel by name, having duly reflectr
ed on the subject, determined to put an end to
the inconvenience which his neighbors were
suffering, and taking down the thermom
eter from the place where it hung by the
side of his door, he packed it in cotton
and hid it in a little drawer, the key of
which he kept in his pocket. " Now,” said
Micbel to his neighbors, “we shall have cool
er weather. I have put out of the way that
rascally thermometer which marked the tem
perature two or three degrees higher every
day, and you will be no more troubled with the
heat.” The story goes that from that time to
the dog-days the good peot le of Katzenwinkel,
Where Micbel lived, were divided into two par
ties, those who maintained that since the dis
appearance of the thermometer the heat had
greatly abated, and those who insisted it had
grown more intense. They perspired and
panted as before, but some of them declared
.hat the weather was almost cold enough for a
fire, while othera were positive that the at
mosphere was nearly at blood heat. They
had no thermometer to settle the question,
and so the dispute went on.
A short time since we had the means of
measuring the price of gold by the sales made
at the meetings of the board of brokers in this
city. It was an index of the inflation ot our
currency, which told how its volume was ex
panding from day to day. The gold bill, as it
is called, prohibiting all sales of gold except in
those cases in which the contract was fol
lowed by the instant delivory of the com
modity, has just been passed by the
House at Washington, and needs only the
concurrence of the Benate or President to
become a law. Then there will be no sales of
gold at the board of brokers. Michel will
nave taken away and hidden the thermometer
by which we have hitherto observed to what
degree the atmosphere was heated. The wea
ther will be just as hot the air as sultry, the
perspiratiou as copious; but there will be no
room to wrangle about the precise degree of
the prevailing warmth. To form some tol
erably accurate notion of it, we shall be
obliged to go about dipping our fingers into
standing water wherever we see it, and to
observe how thinly the people are clad, to
what degree they affect the shade, and in what
quantities they consume ice-water.
We have for our part no confidence
whatever in that clobs of expedients to
which the gold bill belongs. They inter
fere with the usual course or trade, and how
ever they may be recommended, they are in
the main and in their general consequences in
jurious to the public interests. They are also, in
the greater number of instances, wholly ineffec
tual to prevent the mischief which they seek
to obviate. Trade, when such a necessary
commodity as gold is concert ed, is sure to meet the
utmost skill of legislation with ingenious evasions
which render new legK ation nece-sary. The specu
lations in gold will either hereafter take a new form
or be conducted in priva e. It is already proposed
by some of the shrewder operators to begin the sell
ing of “greenbacks” at gold rates, which would
amount to the same thing as the present speculations
in gold, but with a much mote dangerous tendency.
A dozen other expedients, indeed, are discu-sed on
the streets and in the counting houses, any one of
which, if carried ,nto effect, wonld largely defeat the
Surposes of the legis'ators. It waa O'Connell, we
slieve, who used to say that Parliament conld not
make a statute in restraint of natural freedom which
his countrymen would n t go round, jump over, or
crawl under, and we suspect that the makers of these
statutes for regulating trace will find that a similar
word might be spoken of them
Cold up to the Skies.
From the N. Y. Evening Fost, 22d.
One of the firet fruits of the absurd legisla
tive tinkering oi the ignoramuses at Washing
ton with the gold market, is 6een in the fact
that gold sold yesterday at 210, and is sold to
day at 220, while little of it is to be had at that
price even. Merchants who have duties to
pay at the Custom House are lef t in the lurch,
and pork and other commodities are running
up as rapidly as gold.
Our legislators at Washington who have
been persuaded into this foolish gold bill, as if
the laws of trade, which are as inflexible as
those of nature, were subject to act of Con
gress, should retrace their steps at once. They
should next perfect and pass a most stringent
tax bill and 6end it forth to the country.* In
the third place, they -hould authoiize Mr.
Chase, when he issues his six per cent.'Treasu
ry notes, to do so in small denominations, and
to make them convertable into legal tenders at
the will of the holder—provisions which
would causa them to be absorbed as invest
ments in immense amounts. In the fourth
place, Mr. Chase himself, when he comes into
market for a loan, should take the market
rates, and not try to make a rate for himself.
People know what they are willing to give for
securities, and they will give no more, let the
government do what it wiil.
It will be easy enough, by following these
principles—which we repeat, v;z: not to leg
islate against the laws of trade; to impose
vigorous taxation; to issue convertable Treas
ury notes at fair interest; and to borrow
money at the market prices,—to reduce gold
and other commodities to their relative valaes.
But by obstinately adhering to plans which
experience has already signally condemned,
1 we shall only render the condition worse.
NEW SERIES-NO. 552.
The Gold Crisis—Hatters In Wall
Street—A Swindling Navy Agent
Come to Grief.
New York, Thursday, p. m. Jane, 21.
Wall 6treet is still greatly excited over the
gold question. There were rumors current
to-day of the arrest of several prominent ope
rators, but they could not be traced to any re
liable source.
Gold opened nominally at 215@218, but sales
have been made at 225, and it now stands at
218@220.
The short sellers wHI be ont of the way in a
day or two, when the rate must recede.
Government stocks are steady. Sterling ex
change and bankers’ drafts 235@240. The
stock market was depressed this morning, but
after the Board there was a general improve
ment in prices.
New York, June 24.—Isaac Henderson,
publisher of the Evening Post and Navy Agent
of this port, liras arrested yesterday by Mar
shal Murray on a warrant issued by Commis
sioner Betts on the application of Mr. Wilson,
Special Consul of the Navy Department. The
charges are very serious, embracing fraud, bri
berv, the transmission of false vouchers, &c.
LATER.
New York, June 23.—During the morning
the baying price of gold has ranged from 212
to 215, and selling 215@220. The high prices
of yesterday brought considerable in the mar
ket, and the offerings this afternoon were quite
liberal.
It appears that Mr. Henderson, when arrest*
ed yesterday, was admitted to bail in the stun
ot SIO,OOO. A few minutes before his arreat
he was waited upon with an order from the
President removing him from the office and di
recting Mr. Bridge, of the Navy Department
to take charge.
Nbw Yobe, June 23.—1 n the Superior Court
to-day a verdict of $21,649.27 was rendered by
the juiw in the case of W. 8. Wilkins against
W. P. Earle & Son. The 6uit Was brought to
recover $20,000 deposited by the plaintiff in
the safe of the defendants, in their hotel, and
which was stolen by the clerk who received it.
THE EXPOSE OF THE NAVY AGENCY.
From the N. V, Commercial Advertiser.
It appears that since the present administra
tion came into power, G. W. Schofield & Co.
have been paid $1,152,204 99. A portion of
this was for articles contracted for, but the
greater part of their deliveries were made upon
what are called “ open purchases ” —that is to
say, an order from Isaac Henderson, the Navy
Agent at New York, directing them to procure
certain articles and to deliver them to the
naval storekeeper at the Brooklyn Navy Yard.
Ostensibly in the hardware business, they have
in this way supplied the Brooklyn Navy Yard
with firewood, lumber, lime, hair, plaster,
iron, nails, hardware, {faints, glass, ship chan
dlery, charcoal, oils, belting, Btaves, packing,
leather, hose, stoves, cooking utensils, tin and
copper. Navy Agent Henderson does not ap
pear to hare paid the least attention to the
quality or the cost of the articles supplied by
bis general purchasing agents, Schofield & Co.
The members of this firm, detected at last
and now being tried by court-martial, kept a
systematic set of books, from which Senator
Grimes was permitted to make some extracts
to incorporate into his recent speech. I copy
a few items as a sample of the manner in
which open purchases have been made at New
York. The first column contains the coet
price of the articles named, and the second
column shows what the government paid for
the same articles—the Navy Agent, (Hender
son) approving the bill:
May 26, ISC3: Cost to Charged to
329, 330. Ac. C.W.S.ACo. Govern’tat
240 pair bras hinge stationary
pins, 3)4 inch 90c $47 32 $216 00
370 pair b ass hinge stationary
pins, 3 inch, 7uc.. 49 43 252 00
4»iu pair brass hinge stationary
pins, 2% inch, 45c 16 45 139 00
1,000 gri.Bß brass screws, as
sorted, at $4 787 SO 4,000 00
1,500 gross iron screws, assort
ed, atsl.4o 555 85 2,100 00
Total $1,426 75 $6,748*00
August 15, 1863:
1 031.
20 brls turpentine, 863% gals,
at $3.50 $1,169 40 $4,108 60
2 brls copal varnish, 112 gals at
$5.50 267 20 616 00
3 brls Japan varnish, 86 gals at
$4.50 116 80 387 00
„ Total $1,55740 $5,111 60
September, 7. 1863:
Ord. 426 (bil'j.
100 black bull hides at sl6 $1,600 00
Cartage.......j 1 26
Total $625 00 suloi 25
November %■ 1863:
1,703 (bUb.
CAR C G. P. Caulker, 20
brla pitch, at $1.25 $25 00 SSOO 00
Cartage, three loads, at $1.50 4 50
Total 'sso oo $504 50
The World of the 23d thus exposes the ab.
surdities of the gold bill:
What could possibly be more absurd than
this foolish and vexatious bill? A man can
not bay gold with the notes of the Chemical
Bank, or the Bank of Commerce or of the
soundest and most solvent State institutions.
He cannot sell a house for gold, nor a form,
nor a cargo of grain. He cannot , even bay
gold and pay by his certified check on the
best bank in the country. A merchant can
not buy a cargo of coflee on shipboard in
our harbor on a credit of a few days, be
cause no contract can be made for the de
livery of gold on a day subsequent to the
contract; and foreign goods must, of courae,
be paid for in gold. Nay, he cannot
buy the goods and pay for them on tne
same day, for the bill making it a penal offense
to give in exchange for gold anything bat
greenbacks or the notes of the national
This absurd law, if enforced, will compel the
people of California and Colorado to starve
In California they have adhered to the old
standard of valne accounts being kept and
payments made in gold. But it is now unlaw
ful for a man to purchase a pound of butter or
a sack of flour and offer gold as pay. “But this
is not a sale of gold, but a purchase of
food." Indeed! "Changeplaces!’’sajspoor
King Lear, “and handy-dandy, which is the
justice, and which is the thief?” Change
places, and, handy-dandy, which is the buyer
and which is the seller f If such a change is
Ml that is necessary to evade the law, it >lll
*° s California steamer through
j t ®,_ freI K ht - Such a statute Is worthy
of W when the wages of labor
were attemptedt ° *
*