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Andrew €. Dnnn, Commladoner. We publish below a correspondence between Mr. Brisbin, Chairman of the Democratic Cen tral Committee and Gov. Miller. The Gov ernor’s reply to. Jhe communication is curious and unique. The only fact with which he seems to be intelligently impressed is that Mr, Brisbin Is a lawyer, and then proceeds to charge him with a knowledge of certain pro positions of which he assures us he Is profound ly ignorant, e. y.: “ He (Dunn) was appointed and was confirmed by the Senate, and you know as a lawyer, that I have no power to re more an officer after such confirmation.” Mr. Brisbin tells us that he “knows no such thing,’ but on the contrary he has the authority of the Supreme Court of the United States in sup port of the power abnegated by the Governor. Judge Aaron Goodrich was appointed one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Minneso ta, his commission by its term running for four years. He was displaced from office before the expiration of his term, not for cause, but by a power which the Supreme Court of the United States decided to be inherent in the Executive. This case is much stronger than that of Mr Dunn, whose appointment is for no specific period. The Governor conveniently ignores the facts referred to in Mr. Briabin’s letter and which are of record, by reason of which it is claimed that Dunn is absolutely disqualified to just the same extent that he would be if dead or remov ed from the State. Touching the fourth “ proposition” of his Excellency, Mr. Brisbin informs us that he is just as much in the dark as he admits himself to be upon the second and third. “ You know, &c. that there is another tribunal be fore which you could have received a remedy.” The learned Governor could have had “ in his mind’s eye” if his mind has an outlet for vision (quere!) two remedies—one a mandamus to compel the Executive to appoint. It is rath er late in the day to inform even laymen that tliis process will not lie to an executive officer to compel the performance of an act within the sphere of his official duties. The other “ remedy ” must be in the nature of a proceed ing,by “quo warranto.” This “remedy” is available when au individual usurps an office or intrudes therein without lawful claim. The proceeding may move at the instance of a com peting claimant oi the office or of the State. Here there is no competing claimant and as to whether the lie publican Attorney General would move with the requisite alacrity, even if he could, //«t re But there is another fatal fact to the Governor’s special plea. Quo warrauto is predicated upon the usurpation of an office. Mr. Dunn's commission, if we mistake not, dates from yesterday. He usurped the office yesterday, and left to discharge its functions to day, the 1 Gih. The other remedy, therefore, if of any value, was entirely impracticable. This subterfuge and this pretentious ignorance is unworthy of the Governor, for whom we have due respect. “Proposition" live i- admitted, anti all that Mr. Brisbin requested was that the Governor would give the Democratic votes to “one of the Commissioners.” to wit, Allen Harmon, believed to be au upright and an honest man. “ Proposition ” six. shows clearly that His Excellency either did not read or could not understand Mr. Brisbin’s letter, which did not charge Mr. Dunn with perjury committed, but with a “ pledge to commit official perjury” by the non-delivery of Democratic ballots. On the whole, we are inclined to commend to the Governor the time honored maxim of the Romans. sutor ultra crepidam.'' “ Stick to your last.” Governor. Keep to the Execu tive Chamber, unless the exigencies of the “loyal party” may require you to visit Fort Snelling and close the religious services of the Sabbath day by a political exhortation, If you will do the former you may be able to inform us bow you came to find a “ War Dem ocrat ” io tlie Republican County Attorney of Faribault county; in the Clerk of a Republi can Legislature; in a delegate to the Republi can Judicial Convention of the Sixth District; in a delegate to the Repflblican County Con vention ; in the man who, no longer ago than yesterday, proclaimed himself in your presence a supporter of Lincoln; in the man who ap plied for his position as a Republican, and, finally, why you have debauched and prostitu ted the office of Governor of this State by pan dering to the behests of a political party, at the expense of a manly, statesmanlike inter pretation and execution of a law which you are bound to obev. <X>RUKBro2ll>rc*<'K. St. Paui.. Sept. 15, 1864. //?.« F.rceUency, Stephen Miller, Governor of AlitmesoUi, St. Paul , Minnesota: £ Section six of the act to enable soldiers in the service of the United States to vote pro vides for the appointment of two comniisssonera for the Military Districts therein named. They are to lie appointed by the Governor by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and shall be selected equally from the two recog nized political parties of the State. Andrew C. Dunn, of Faribault county, is ac credited by your appointment as commissioner to represent the Democratic party in the Mis sissippi District—the most considerable and important district of those enumerated in the net. We respectfully submit that the only means of determining the political standing of an in dividual is bv reference to the organic repre sentatives of the party. Judged by this stand ard Mr. Dunn is not a Democrat, and if ever qualified for the position he enjoys, has become dispossessed of qualification and is no longer eligible to serve. . , _ The Democratic Congressional Convention of the First District repudiated him for cause. The last Democratic State Convention disown ed him for reasons exposed upon its minutes, and the Democratic Central Committee ap prove most fully the action of the two Conven tions. We insist, therefore, that the office is vacant, as fully as it would have become by the remov al of Mr. Dunn from the State. Among the reasons which have induced the action referred to, are the following: Mr. Dunn was elected Countv Attorney of Fari bault county upon the Republican ticket and against the Democratic nominee. He has since been an avowed and blatant Republican politi cian. He was elected upon recommendation of a Republican caucus by Republican vote Clerk of the last House of Representatives, the functions of which he discharged. He has since been a delegate to the Republican Judi cial District Convention, and also to the Coun ty Convention of his county, in the former of which he renounced in a public speech what- ever Democracy he may have had. He has stated, moreover, in public that in his belief no means, direct or indirect, were repre hensible which would operate against the success of the Democracy in the canvass impending; and that it would be an insult to his patriotism to request him to furnish the Democratic ticket to a soldier; and has notoriously within a day of this writ ing committed himself to support the Republi can nominee to the Presidency, thus disquali fying himself by a pledge of official perjury for the position he adheres to, by the intima tion that he will disregard the obligation im posed upon him by the act in the delivery of Democratic votes. In view of the suggestions above, we re spectfully urge that the position claimed by Mr. Dunn is vacant and should be supplied by the appointment of a Democrat therein; that if not vacant it is occupied by a man unfit and self-impeached who should at once be removed and supplanted by a man within the meaning of the act of assembly; and finally, that the interests of a great and patriotic party should not be jeoparded by the retention in office of a person against the emphatic protest ot the en tire organization, when the power of re moval is so obvious for the causes enumerated. The Democratic Central Committee of the State therefore requests the appointment of a “ recognized Democrat ” in the place of Mr. Dunn. In the event of a disinclination with your Exeellency either to treat the office as empty or to exercise your undoubted power of removal, we request that the Democratic bal lots be delivered to Allen Harmon, Mr. Dunn’s colleague upon the commission, for distribu tion among the soldiers, to the end that the party may at least have the service of an honest and conscientious man who will fairly accom plish the objects of the act, and that the State may be relieved the expense of Mr. Dunn’s per diem and mileage. By order of the Democratic Central Com mittee. JOHN. B. BRISBIN, Chairman State ok Minnesota, Executive Dkp’t,) St. Paul, Sept. 17,1861. J Hon. John B. Bkisuin, Chairman Democratic State Central Com., St. Paul. Minn.: Sir —Your favor of this date is just received, and I respectfully reply: Ist. That I appointed Mr. Dunn in good faith as a War Democrat. 2d. That he was confirmed as such without a dissenting voice by the Senate of Minnesota, part of which was Democratic. lid. You know, as a lawyer, that I have no power to remove an officer after such confirm ation. •ith. You know, as a lawyer, that if your charges are true there is another tribunal be fore which you could have secured a remedy. sth. You know, as a lawyer, that I cannot, as you request, give the votes to, and exact the duties from, but one of the said Commis sioners. oth. You know, as a lawyer, that if Andrew C. Dunn has been guilty of perjury and the other ofiences charged, that the Courts, and not the Executive, are authorized to try him. 7th. You know that had I the power to try him, no legal evidence has been presented to me supporting any of the charges brought against him. Bth. You are entirely mistaken when you say that he was last winter nominated and elected Clerk of the House as a Republican candidate: all the members of both parties, as I am informed, joined in the Union caucus. 9th. Your messenger, Mr. Johnston, desired to know whether I would give a pass to some man of your party to follow and watch Mr. Dunn. I will give letters to one or one thou sand loyal citizens ot any party, recommending their admission into the military department in question ; but I am not authorized by law to appoint an inspector of Mr. Dunn’s conduct, and of course would not name the object of the party so visiting the army, nor would it be necessary that I should do so. Respectfully yours. STEPHEN MILLER. From the NixJh Regiment. From private letters received yesterday from members of the Sistli Regiment, da ted at Helena, September 3d and Septem ber Bth, we make the following extracts: Helena, Sept. 3. Wc buried the second one of our company yesterday. Ilis name was George Mead. He formerly carried on a boot and she store in St. Paul, and leaves a wife and five children resi dent in Champlin, Minn., to mourn his loss. All of the sick men of the regiment have been sent to Memphis. The last of ’.hem went up river to day on the U. S. Hospital boat D. A. January. This afternoon, about 3 o'clock, eleven steamboats loaded with troops passed here en route for some place unknown to us. It was supposed to be Gen. A. J. Smith’s command, as we recognized the Seventh and Ninth Min nesota regiments by (lie Indian yell which is common to all our Minnesota troops. Our new Chaplain, Rev. Mr. Cobb of Min neapolis, arrived last eveniug, with letters and small packages for the boys. We expect great things of him, and, to all appearances, he seems to be able to fulfil our expectations. Helena, Sept 8. I know that all this regiment has had in the way of luxuries, they have received in boxes from home. All that I have had to eat for the last eight weeks has been bread and tea—my stomach being too weak to digest anything else. I believe it is all humbug about the regi ment leaving hero soon, for the health of the regiment is rapidly improving, and no troops can be spared from this place. Our remaining through the winter is thought to be settled by Col. Crooks being placed in command of the District. The Paymaster paid us off yesterday for May and jHne. There is some half dozen Pay masters here, among whom are two Minnesota men—Major S. B. A. Haynes, of St. Paul, and Major Adams, of Monticello. 1 have, while writing this, received eight St. Paul papers, for which I am truly grateful. Abraham Lincoln’s Inaugural. I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it now exists; I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Then why did you violate your faith with the people and “free the negro”? Simply because you had already said: A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure per manently half slave and half free. Donnelly Again. Let the last glimmer of hope die out of the eyes of the rebels when they behold spread out before them the dreadful prospect of four years like the last—an unbroken monotonv of misery - , desolation and death. The above is from the Hon. Ignatius’ speech on accepting his nomination. Only four years more of bloodshed! That’S nothing, is it, Donnxlly ? Cool! isn’t it, Donnklly? THE WEEKLY PIONEER AND DEMOCRAT Eleventh Regiment Roster. The following is a list of the Field, Staff and Line Officers of the 11th Minn. Vol. Infantry, in the order of their rank: Colonel—James Gilfillan. Lieut. Colonel—John BalL Major—M. Maginnis. Surgeon—McMahon. Ass’t Surgeon—Gabrielson. Adjutant—H. D. Brown. * Chaplain—C. G. Bowdish. COMPANY r.. Captain—Franklin Paine. Ist Lieut.—Joseph B. Jones. 2d Lieut.—G. W. Fertig. COMPANY F. Captain—J. W. Plummer. Ist Lieut. —James Shaver. 2d Lieut.—J. W. Stacy. company «. Captain—ll. N. Angier. Ist Lieut. —Albert Hall. 2d Lieut.—W. F. Bowen. company d. Captain—L. Webb. Ist Lieut.—C. P. McAlexauder. 2d Lieut.—Philo Hawes. company e. Captain—J. Harley. Ist Lieut.—J. Moulton. 2d Lieut. —J. J. Beaty. company 1. Captain—C. E. Thurber. Ist Lieut.—A. C. Hawley. 2d Lieut.—R. C. McCord. company a. Captain—Adam Back. Ist Lieut.—Augustus Snell. 2d Lieut.—J. O. Brunis. COMTANY C. Captain—E. Potter. Ist Lieut. —H. J. Neil. 2d Lieut James Cannon. COMPANY U. Captain—Joe S. Eaton. Ist Lieut.—A. Crete. 2d Lieut.—Henry Pennell. COMPANY K. Captain—G. F. Tyler. * Ist Lieut.—B. G. Prentiss. 2d Lieut.—R. Thomas. Murder in Le Sueur County. Le Sueur, Sept. 15, 1864.* To the Editor of the Pioneer : On Tuesday evening last John Brown, of Elysian township, in this county, shot Obed Russell, of the same place. Brown was drunk and quarrelled with a negro named Foster, with whom he boarded. The negro beat him severely, and supposed that he killed him. Brown procured a shot gun and went in search of Foster, and met Russell at Foster’s house, when he levelled his gun and put thirty shot in Russell’s heart. He was sixteen or eighteen feet from him. Obed Russell was a member of company E, First Reg. Minn. Vols., and formerly lived in Minneapolis. During his residence in Eiysian he endeared himself to the community by his manly qualities. His Masonic brethren have charge of the body, and are preparing to send it to his friends in Wisconsin. Russell went to Foster’s house to warn him of Brown's intention to shoot him, and tried to soothe Brown, when the latter shot him. Brown is in the custody of a constable and Sheriff Fouslcy has gone to Elysian to take charge of the prisoner. WM. SMITH. Democratic Meeting*. John M. Gilman and Wm. Sprigg Hall will will speak as follows : Sept. 26—Cottage Grove. “ 27—Alton. “ 28—Stillwater. “ 29—Marine. “ 30—Taylor’s Falls. Appointments will be made for Gen. Gor man and Dillon O’Brien to speak during the same week in Hennepin and Aaoka counties. Keep It Before the People. [From Seward’s Auburn Speech, Sept. 3d. j The war is at its crisis. It is clear therefore that we are fighting to make Abraham Lincoln President of the whole United States, under the election of 1860, to continue until the 4th ot March, 1865. In voting for a President of the United States, can we wisely or safely vote out the identical person whom with force and arms, we are fighting into the Presidency? ["No, no.j You justly say no. It would be nothing less than to give up the very object of the war at the ballot box. The moral strength which makes our loyal position impregnable, would pass from us, aud when that mighty strength has passed away, material forces are no longer effective, or even available. * * * Nothing is more certain than that either the United States and their Constitutional Presi dent, or the so-called Confederate States and their usurping President, mast rule within the limits of the Republic. I therefore regard the impending Presidential election as involving the question whether hereafter we shall have a Constitution and a country left us. How shall we vote then to save our country from this fearful danger? [Vote Lincoln in again.] Yon have hit it exactly my trieud. We most vote Lincoln in again and fight him in at the same time. If we do this the rebellion will perish, and leave no root. If we do otherwise, have only the alternatives of acquiescence in a per petual usurpation, or of entering nn endless succession of civil and social wars. Upon these grounds, entirely irrespective of platform and candidate, I consider the recommendations of the Convention at Chicago as tending to sub vert the Republic. * * The Constitution of the United States says— The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four yeais. Mr. hEWABt) claims that the Confederate States have not recognized Abraham Lin coln as President, and consequently he has not served four years as President of the whole United States. “We must VOTE Lincoln in again,” says Seward, “ and FIGHT him in at the same time.” If the Abolition party does not succeed in voting him in in November, they intend to fight him in next March. Revolution is boldly proclaimed as the alternative, if Lincoln is defeated at the polls, by Mc- Clellan, as he certainly will be, Mr. Skwabd throws down the gauntlet. Lin coln is to hold over by force of arms, un til he has served four years as President of the -whole United States. We are ready to meet you on that issue. We will meet you at Philippi. OUR CAPTIVE SOLDIERS. A UNION SOLDIER TO SECRETARY STANTON. Twenty-five acres of homstead. Meadow, orchard, and spring. And amid the laden fruit trees The voices of song-birds ring. Where the rippling stream glides lightly By the fields of rustling com, And the winter hearth shines ruddy the summer days are gone. I left that dear old homstead In the North, to join the fight, To brighten our country’s honor, Or die to set her right. To fight ’mid the smoke and rattle, Where the deadly bullets hiss, To find a death in battle, But not such a death os this. Twenty-five a cnee of mire, Cut by a filthy trench, Stumps, and swamp, and briar, Vermin, offal, and stench. Through that black ditch is crawling The drainings of a sink, Kippled with living corruption, And this we have to drink! Thirty thousand wretches People this region internal: Fathers, brothers, husbands. In misery seeming eternal! Twenty-five acres of white men — (Oh, happier those who fell!) Whenever .new-comers enter, They- whisper, “la this hell ? ” Naked, with nothing to shelter Against the hot sun’s ray; Hungering, wasting, starving, Dying a hundred a day. Horrors no tongue can utter, Horrors of which could boast No Black Hole of Calcutta, No pen on the African coast. Oh! you who have brought us to It, And left us in our despair, (No hope of exchange or succor,) As yon sit in your cushioned chair, Think what will be your portion In the future —not one of bliss! To morrow .T# cross the “dead line” And make an end of this. The Stockadk Prison,) Anderson vi 1.1. E, Gorgia.) The War Against Women and Chil dren. The Louisville Journal thus describes a visit to the female military prison in that city; On Saturday afternoon the military au thorities extended an invitation to us to visit the female military prison, on the cor ner of Thirteenth street and Broadway. At five o’clock we were halted at the gate opening into the enclosure by a sentry on duty at that post. Major Magruder, commandant of the barracks, soon appear ed, and furnished us safe conduct down the walk leading to the airy building used as a prison. As we ascended the steps the first object that greeted our eyes was a child full of robust health, engaged at play in the hall. Passing through the lower apartments, the doors standing wide open, we found, on an average, three dou ble beds in eacli room, and seated around and on the beds, engaged in sewing and other occupations common to ladies, were women—some with the bloom of eighteen years upon their cheeks, and others ad vanced in years beyond the hey-day of life. They greeted our entrance with marked politeness, addressing the Major, who vis its the prison daily, in a manner free from restraint, and often with a smile. The rooms were clean and airy. In every room, bare headed, rosy-cheeked, dirty faced children, full of innocent prattle of childhood, were playing upon the floor, kicking up their heels in the most aban doned manner. The apartments on the second floor are Eot different from those on the first. The windows were raised and the air, laden with the fragrance of fruit trees, swept softly through the case mates. A few of the prisoners were dressed with marked tidiness, and spoke in cheer ful tones. Their bearing was each as to impress the stranger that they were reared in the halls of refinement. A majority were very careless in regard to dress, and their toilet was not calculated to make a favorable impression. Some moved about the building in a sprightly manner, others with their robes gathered negligently about them, and with all the languor to be found In the invalid or in the person prone to yield to gloomy thoughts, and grow sad and morose. They spoke with that free dom which is a sure index that no restraint is placed upon their conversation. All had relatives or dear friends in the Confederate army. For an hour we sat and listened to their conversation, closely marking the accent and manner of expression ; and, to speak with all respect due the captives, it is our candid opinion that but very few of the inmates of the prison would be recognized by an F. F. V. as an equal in refinement and in social position. The prisoners, at least a majority of them, are not of the first families of the South. In two of the rooms in the hack part of the building, a sad sight was presented to view. On the beds were stretched feeble forms, some with faces pale and weary, others with brows flushed with burning fever. One lady in the prime of life, was convulsed with excrutiating pain, and her faint moan ing fell sadly upon the ear, telling how deeply she suffered. On a low cot was stretched a fair-haired boy, pale, very pale, feeble and convalescent. A faint smile wreathed his lips as we bent over him, and kindly inquired “ how he felt to day. ” He answered, “ better, mnoh bet ter.” Aside from these passages, the prison was as cheerful as the most sanguine could expect. The grounds surrounding the house are spacious, and shaded with fruit and ornamental trees. The prisoners are allowed the full freedom of the grounds. Army rations are furnished, yet prepared in such a manner as to render them palat able even to the delicate. The authorities have proffered to release all of the captives north of the Ohio river, but they say that, in acoepting the conditions, they would be thrown penniless and alone in a land of utter strangers, and it is better that they should remain where they are. They ask to be permitted to return to their friends and their homes in the Sooth. After studying the characters as well as it was possible to do in the brief time allotted to us, and regarding all the surroundings, it is our honest opinion that a large majority of the captives could not have seriously injured the Union cause if they had been left with their friends, and even no re straint placed upon their action and con versation. Colonel Fairleigh and Major Magruder take the best possible care of the prison ers under the circumstances, and allow them every privilege consistent with their ideas of duty. The quarters are airy, comfortable and healthy. PRESIDENTIAL INTRIGUINC FOR RE-ELECTION. Some Hitherto Unpublished Facts About Lincoln and Other*. I-'rora the Rochester (If. Y.) Union. The plotting and counter plotting of Abraham Lincoln during the last month and a half to make himself sure of his re election, furnish a most disgraceful and humiliating chapter in American politics, and at the same time forcibly illustrate the disastrous effect of the President’s violation of his own maxim, “ not to swap horses while crossing a stream.” We have been furnished, from sources of the high est character, fads —that cannot be de nied—with reference to the intriguing of that period, the relation of one or two of which may serve to open the eyes of any, if any there be, who still have faith in the much vaunted “ honesty of Abraham Lin coln.” It will be borne in mind that the very moment Horace Greeley left New York empowered by the President to go to Ni agara Falls and give Messrs. Clay, Hol combe & Co. safe conduct to Washington, F. P. Blair, Senior, the father of the Post master General, reached the metropolis from Washington. The missions of Messrs. Greeley and Blair had far closer relations to each other than the former named gen tleman ever dreamed of in philosophy. The fads: Mr. Blair first called upon Gen. Dix and laid before him his business. It was to secure a written pledge from Gen. McClellan that he would decline the nominatfon of the Chicago Convention. Gen. Dix suggested that if Gen McClel lan gave any such pledge it would be only upon the exaction of a high command or such condition as the administration would not be likely to yield to. Mr. Blair replied that Mr. Lincoln him self had always believed in McClellan, that had it not been for the “ pressure ” of the radicals he would never have removed him; that he detested the radicals and their representative in the Cabinet, Stan ton, who was the leading and actual cause of all bis troubles and the country’s mili tary disasters; that be was now ready to cut entirely loose from the malignants, dismiss Stanton, put McClellan in his place, or give him any command be might ask, change his war policy to agree with the several memoranda of Gen. McClellan in the early part of the war, and give tlie Southern people, distinguished from their leaders, such assurances as would speedi ly divert their support from Jeff. Davis. Mr. Biair expressed liis confidence that if such an arrangement could be brought about the democracy and the whole con servative power of the country would be secured for Mr Lincoln’s re-election, and it would be thus insured. Gen. Dix was entirely reticent in the matter of opinion, but Mr. Blair proceeded to his task, for the performance and failure of which were noticed at the time. No sooner was the failure of Mr. Blair’s effort to make terms with Gen. McClellan, in the hope of thus securing the Demo cratic and conservative vote, made known to Lincoln, than lie took immediate steps to arrest the peace maneuvreing between Greeley and the Rebel Commissioners then going on at the Falls. The application of Mr. Greeley for further instructions came just in the nick of time to give plausible excuse for interference. The conservative card had failed, and now the only hope of Mr. Lincoln was to throw himself wholly into the arms of the radioals—to set his fate on the head of the negro and stand the hazard of that issue. Stanton, who had been kept in entire ignorance of all these Niagara Falls and New York pro ceedings, was, as Mr. Greeley has tartly stated, then- called in, and the result was the “To whom it may concern ” ultima tum. The effect has disappointed Mr. Lincoln —it has driven and is driving from his support thousands of his former friends who were willing to go his emancipation proclamation declaring the slaves of rebels free, but who are not willing to insist up on the abandonment of the institution of slavery. WATCHWORDS FOR PATRIOTS. JRottoe* for the Campaign. Selected from Gen. OTcClellan’s Writings. The true issue for which we are fighting is the preservation of the Union and upholding the laws of the general government.—lnstruc tions to Gen. Burnside , Jan. 7, 1862. We are fighting solely for the integrity of the Union, to uphold the power of oar nation al government, and to restore to the nation the blessing of peace and good order. In structions to Gen. Uaileck, Nov. 11, 1861. Yon will please constantly to bear in mind the precise issue for which we are fighting ; that issue is the preservation of the Union aud the restoration of the full authority of the gen eral government over all portions of our terri tory—lnstructions to Gen. Buell, Nov. 7,*1861. We shall most readily suppress this rebellion and restore the authority of the government by religiously respecting the constitutional rights of all. —lnstructions to Gen. Buell, Nov. 7, 1861. Be careful so to treat the unarmed Inhabi tants as to contract, not widen, the breach ex isting between us and the rebels.— lnstructions to Gen. Buell , Nov. 12, 1861. I have always found that it is the tendency of subordinates to rnairt. vexation arrests on mere suspicion.— Instructions to Gen. Buell, Nov. 12, 1861. Say as little as possible about politics or the negro.— lnstruction to Gen. Burnside, Jan. 2, 1862. The unity of the nation, the preservation of our institutions, are so dear to me that I have willingly sacrificed my private happiness with the single object of doing my duty to my coun try.—letter to Secretary Cameron, Ocl., 1861. Whatever the determination of the Govern ment may be, I will do the best I can with the Army of the Potomac, and will share its fate, whatever may be the task imposed upon me.—* IMterto Secretary Cameron, Oct., 1861. Neither confiscation of property, political execution of persons, territorial organization of States, nor forcible abolition of slavery should lie contemplated for a moment.—Letter to President Lincoln, July 7,1862. In prosecuting this war, all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly pro tected, subject to the necessity of military op erations.—Letter to the President, July 7, 1862. Military arrests should not be tolerated, ex cept in places where active hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments consti tutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received.—Letter to President, July 7, 1862. A declaration of radical views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies.—Letter to the President, July 7, 1862. If it is not deemed best to intrust me with the command even of my own army, I simply »3k to be permitted to share their fate on the held of liattle.— Dispatch to (Jen. Ifaileck, Auy 30,1862. In the arrangement and conduct of cam paigns the direction should be left to profes sional soldiers.— (Jen. McClellan's Report. By pursuing, the political course I have al ways advised, it is. posable to bring about a permanent restoration of the Union a reunion by which the rights of both sections shall be preserved, and by which both parties shall pre serve their self-respect, while they respect each Other.—Gen. McClellan's llejxot. I am devoutly grateful to God that my last campaign was crowned with a victory which saved the nation from the greatest peril it had then undergone.—Gen. McClellan's Report. At such a time as this and in such a struggle, political partisanship shonld be merged in a true and brave patriotism, which thinKS only of the good of the whole country.— Gen. Mc- Clellan's West Point Oration. The Reason of the Cruelly to Oar Captive Soldier*. Even Administration papers are begin ning to open their eyes to the downright duplicity of the War Department in the matter of the exchange of prisoners. The Springfield Republican gives the fol lowing summary and judgment of the case: Early in the prescut year Maj. Mulford pro posed bn our part to exchange man for man and officer for officer. The controversy about negro prisoners was afterwards renewed by General Butler, and the rebels made no reply to this oiler til! the 10th of last month, when Commissioner Ould signified the acceptance of our offer. Maj. Mulford sent hia dispatch to Washington, aud on the last day of the montli informed Mr. Ould that lie had received no re ply from Washington. Thereupon Mr. Ould printed tlie whole correspondence in the Rich mond papers, to show that the Confederate government was not responsible for the failure to renew exchanges. The letter of General Butler to Mr. Ould is dated, ‘' in the field, August ” (no day,) and the purport of it is that the government will not exchange according to its own offer till the confederates agree to exchange black as well as white soldiers. There the matter sticks. Gen. Butler argues forcibly that the government is under obligation to protect all its soldiers, without regard to color, and that the rebels cannot hold their recaptured slaves as prop erty since we have freed them and they are no longer property. Hut the fact remain. * that u-e might recover all our white soldiers in rebel hands by t/te proposed exchange, and yet hold a large balance as hostages for the. colored soldiers while their status is in controversy. Gen eral Butler wholly fails to malce out imy necessity for leaving our white soldiers to suffer and die in southern prisons; it does not help the case of the negroes one iota, and we cannot find in his let ter a shadow of reason why we should not ex change man for man till we recover every one of our white soldiers from the enemy. The honor of the government would not at ail be compromised by it. on General Butler’s show ing, and we adjure the President to interpose, and not allow this important matter to be so cruelly mismanaged any longer. It will thus be seen that even this wretched negro business offers no excuse for the heartless conduct of the adminis tration toward our unfortunate soldiers in the hands of the rebels. It is clear that they do not want an exchange of prison ers, for when their own offer was accepted they backed out of it. There can be only one motive, and that a most villainous one, for this outrageous cruelty to our captured soldiers. The ad ministration wants to keep them in South ern prisons so as to be able to spread sto ries of their sufferings about election time, and thus help them in the canvass. They condemn our brothers and sons to a cruel captivity to make political capital out of their torments, and to keep up the enmity between the North and South. We defy any one to give any other tenable expla nation of their conduct. —ln New Brunswick, N. J., the work ingmen have had, since 1860, five building associations, each of which has been suc cessful in providing its members with homes. The general plan is, for each member to pay in one dollar a month, for each share of stock he subscribes. Eaoh share of stock is entitled, after a oertain time, to one loan of S2OO. The loans are offered at each monthly meeting, and awarded to the members entitled thereto who offers the highest premium. These societies have enabled a great many work ingmen in New Jersey to bnild themselvee houses and pay for them in a few years, who, otherwise might never have been able to build. A vote was taken among the soldiers stationed at Cairo on the receipt of the announcement of McClellan’s nomination. There were 728 men at the poet and the vote stood: McClellan Lincoln 55 McClellan’s majority 688 This vote of the Western soldiers is sig nificant. It shows that in the West as in the East—throughout the entire army, McClellan is the choioe of the men who fight our battles. A V