The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume], August 11, 1865, Image 8

About The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865

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6
THE NE6RO QUESTION.
_ I
Letter from Gen. Cox Eepubli
can Candidate for Gov
ernor of Ohio.
He Advocate* ,l « Peaceable Sep»ra« j
lion of the Race* on the Soil
where they now are »»
i
Suffrage to Negroes no Remedy j
for- Existing Evils. <
, (
1
Oberlin, July 24, 1865. 1
Gen, J. D. Cox: ,
Dkab Si is : Thefpeople of this place, with <
entire unanimity, sought your nomination for i
Governor of Ohio. With equal unanimity we ,
desire to promote your election. * * * (
We want to know directly from you your (
views on the following subjects: Ist. Are you <
in favor of modifying our Constitution so as
to give the elective franchise to colored men ? ,
2d In the reorganization of the : Southern (
States should the elective franchise be secured ,
to the colored people ? * * * * <
Very truly and sincerely yours, 1
y y e. h. Fairchild, »,
SAMUEL PLUMB. s
Committee. j
Gentlemen: Your letter of yesterday, in- J
Suiring what are my opinions upon some of .
le phases of the question of the reconstruct .•
tion of the Union, was received this morning. .
**** * * • J
I presume we shall agree in regard to four
general principles asserted in the Faneuil Hall 1
address, as these which should guide the de
termination of our relations with both whites J
and blacks in the rebel States. That there
may be no mistake in reference to this, I |
quote them: i
“First—The principle must be put beyond
all question, that the republic has a direct !
claim upon the allegiance of every citizen from
which no State can absolve him, and to his
obedience to the laws of the republic, anything ]
in the Constitution or laws of any State to the '
contrary notwithstanding.
Second—The public faith is pledged to every
person of color in the rebel States, to secure
to them and their posterity forever, a com
plete and vertlble freedom. Having* provided
them this freedom, secured their aid on the
faith of this promise, and by a successful war
and actual military occupation of the country,
having obtained the power to secure the result,
we are dishonored if we fail to .make It good
to them.
Third—Th system of slavery must be abol
ished and prohibited by paramount and irre
versible law. Throughout the rebel States
there must be, in the words of Webster, “ im
pressed upon the soil itself an inability to bear
up but free men.”
Fourth—The system oi the States must be
truly republlban.
The application nlade of the last principle in
the address I do not regard as sound, but I shall
perhaps agree mere fully with you than you do <
with the address, when I assert that in a re
publican community political privileges of any
kind can never be rightly or safely based upon
hereditary caste.
How then, it will naturally be asked, can
there be any practical difference between us
as to the mode of carrying out these princi
ples ? It is found hi the views we take of the
mutual relations of the two races in the South.
You, judging from this distance, say, “Deliver
the four millions oftfreed people into the hands
of their former oppressors, now embittered bv
their defeat, and they will make their condi
tion worse than before.” I, starting from the
same principles, and alter four years close aqd
thoughtful observation of the races where they
are, say I am unwillingly forced to the convic
tion that the effect of the war has not been sim
ply to “ embitter ” their relations, but to de
velop a rooted antagonism which makes their
permanent fusion in one political community
an absolute impossibility. The sole difference
between us then is in the degree of hostility we
find existing bet weenie races, and its proba
ble permanence. You assume that the exten
sion of the right of suffrage to the blacks, leav
ing them intermixed with the whites, will cure
all the trouble. I believe that it would rather
be like the decisions in that outer darkness of
which Milton speaks, where
“ Chaos empire sits,
And by decision more Embroils the fray.”
Yet as I believe, with you, that the right of
life and liberty are inalienable, and more than
admit the danger of leaving a laboring class at
the mercy of those who formerly owned them
as slaves, you will 6ay lam bound to furnish
some solution of the problem which shall not
deny the right or incur the peril. So I am,
and the only real solution which I can see is
the peaceful separation of the races. But, you
will reply, foreign colonization will break down
hopeleesly under the very vastness of the labor,
even if it were not tyrannical enongh to expel
theA unfortunate people from the land of their
birth. I grant the full weight of the objection,
and therefore say the solution is narrowed
down to a peaceable separation of the races on
tbe soil where they now are.
The essential point in the discussion thus ap
pears to be the actual relations of the two races
in tbe Southern States question of fact, and
the probable future consequences of those re
lations as a question of theory.
Upon the question of fact I think I may with
all modesty claim that my antecedents and my
opportunities for observation entitle my testi
mony to have some weight, even with the
most radical anti slavery men in the North.
The antagonism of which I have sppken is
not entirely one-sided. On the part of the for
mer master it takes the form of an indomitable
!' n de, which utterly refuses to entertain the
idea oi political or social equality, mingled with
a hatred intensified by the circumstances and
the results ot the war. This feeling is not con
fined to the slave-owners alone, but the poor
whites share it fully, and often show It more
passionately.
. On the part oi the lreedmen, it is manitested
in an uuor distrust of the dominant race, and
an enmin which, although made by circum
stances more passive and less openly manifest
led, is as real and implacable as the other.
They have the mutual attraction of race among
themselves, and repulsion of the
other people developed to a degree which sur
prised me. It is not as individuals of “nation
common to us all that they speak of them
selves, but, to use the language ofoneoftbem
speaking to myself, they feel that thev ‘‘have
long been an oppressed and down-trodden
people."
The daily and hourly repetition of proofs of
this fact, many of them too subtle for descrin
tion, but none the less convincing to the < v
server, has fully convinced me that never be
tween Norman and Saxon, n6r between Gaul
and Frank, was there a more conscious hatred
or an antagonism more likely to prove invet
erate than between black and white on our
Sonthem soil. The negroes have no sense of
security nor faith in their former masters, even
if they offer them political rights; they will
fear them as JJanaos dona ferenks.
***++. t * * ,
What does history teach us in regard to the
permanence and durability of such prejudices
and enmities of the race ? Speaking on this
subject, Augustin Thierry says: “Whatever
degree of territorial unity the great moderfc
states of Europe may appear to have attained,
whatever may be community of manners, lan
guage and public feeling which the habit of
living under the same government and in the
6fln»o state of civilization has introduced
, the inhabitants of each of these states, there is
scarcely one of them which does not even now
present traces of the diversity of the rices of
men which in coarse of time have come to
gether in it. This variety shows itself under
different aspects, with features more or lees
marked. Sometimes it is a complete separa
tion of idioms, of local traditions, of political
sentiments, and a sort of instinctive enmity
distinguishing from the great national mass the
population of a few small districts; and some
times a mere difference of dialect or even of
accent, marks, though more feebly, the limit
of tbe settlements of races of men, once
thoroughly distinct and hostile to each other.”
If fifteen centuries of common government
and political anion have not been able to ob
literate the distintiona and even the “ instinc
tive enmity ” of races which were physically
similar, what encouragement have we that suc
cess will attend a forced political fusion of bit
terly hostile races from the antipodes of the
human family ?
The process by which even the comparative
nnity of the English people was achieved, is
described by the same philosophic historian
whom I have quoted, near the close of his
great work, as a “complete amalgamation” of
the Norman and Saxon idioms, and a “mixture
of the two races,” which it took four centuries
of sanguinary war to accomplish.
Just stepping as we are from the battle-field
on which the descendants of a common ances
3, so little removed from ns that we can Ute
ly reach bock oar hands to grasp those of
oar common dree, have waged the most terri
ble and tremendous of modem wars, it does
not become us to argue that peaceful discus
sions will quietly settle differences which in
former times were settled by the sword; bat
the memory of the almost present, as well ns
of the remote past, calls upon os to build our
polity upon principles which experience as
well as reason prove to be durable, and more
than ever to avoid deluding ourselves with
the cry of “peace, peace, when there is no
peace.
As, daring those weary years of war, I have
pondered this problem in the intervals of strife
or by the camp fire at night, I have been more
and more impelled to the belief that the only
basis of permanent nationality is to be found
in complete homogenity of people, of manners
and of laws. The rapid fusion of the races of
Western Europe, as they have met upon our
shores, has secured the former of these requi
sites, and tiie Yankee race (I adopt the epithet
as an honorable one) marked as It is with sali
ent characteristics, is so complete an amalga
mation of all families from the eastern bound
ary of Germany to the western coast of Ire
land, that there are few of us in whose veins
are cot mixed the blood of several. But this
unhappy race of which we are speaking does
not amalgamate with the rest It is entirely
immaterial to discuss why it is so; the fact no
one can deny; nor can it be denied that its sal
vation or its destruction will surely be worked
out in its family isolation.
Because there could be no real unity of peo
ple between the southern white and the south
ern blacks, it seems manifest to me that there
could be no political nnity, bat rather a strife
for the mastery, in which the one or the other
would go to the wall
The struggle for supremacy would be direct
and immediate, and I see no hope whatever
that the weaker race should not be raced to
hopeless subjection, or utterly d«nd.
There is no reason to suppose that Sfaßri
border ruffianism could never be repeated on
new fields, and the strife once inaugurated the
merciless war would continue as long as the
obnoxious race had an existence. You have
expressed your anticipation of such a result in
one state of the case, how is it that you do not
see that a direct straggle for power at the bal
lot-boWwould make the contest more deadly ?
I hold that there is great philosophic truth
in the words of Guizot, in summing up the
eight centuries of bloodshed out of which the
French emerged into nationality from the pet
ty races and tribes. He 6ays: “In the Kfe of
nations, that union which is exterior and visi
ble, the unity of name and of government, ab
though important, is by no means the first in
importance, the most real, or that which
makes indeed one nation. There is a unity
which is deeper and more powerful: -it is that
which results not merely from identity of gov
ernment and of destiny, but from the homoge
nity of social elements, from the likeness of
institutions, of manners, of ideas, of tastes, of
tongues; the unity which resided in the men
themselves when society assembles, and not in
the foims of their associations ; in short, that
moral unity (f unite morale ) which is far more
important than political unity, and which is
the only solid foundation for the latter.”
I have watched with deep interest the edu
cational effect of the war upon our own army,
and I assure you that whilst our white soldiers
have uniformly and quickly learned to appre
ciate the fact that the existence of our free
government could only be preserved by the
destruction of the system of slavery, and so
became radically and thoroughly anti-slavery,
the tendency of battling for the old fl tg was
almost equally uniform in increasing and deep
ening their pride of race. The fact is one
which cannot safely be overlooked in any cal
eolation involving their action upon the polit
ical problems before tbe country, and it is one
in regard to which I th’nk I can hardly be mis
taken.
The details of any system of separation
could only be determined by careful study and
a wide comparison of viqws. Suppose, how
ever, that without breaking up the organiza
tion of any State, you take contiguous territo
ry in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and
Florida, and there, under the sovereignty of
the United States, and with all the facilities
which the power and wealth of the govern
ment can give, we organize the freed men in a
dependency of the Union analagous to the
western territories. Give them schools, laws
facilitating the acquirement of homesteads, to
be paid for by their Qwn labor, full and exclu
sive political privileges, aided at the start,
should it seem necessary, by wise selections
from the largest brains and most philanthropic
hearts among anti-slavery men, to join them,
a judiciary or executive which would command
their confidence in the first essays of political
existence.
There need be no eoereive collection of the
colored race in the designated region; the ma
jority are there now, and the reward of politi
cal power would draw thither the remainder
quite as rapidly as their place could be sup.
plied by white immigration into other States.
The forts and seaport cities could remain un
der the direct control of the Federal Govern
ment as the basis for that common trade and
intercourse with the oth«r parts ol the country
and the world which would be necessary. The
fullest opportunity to develop the highest civ
ilization they are capable of would then be
given. Colored men of talent and intelligence
would not then make vain struggles for the
empty name of being lawyers without briefs,
or merchants Without trade, but would have
what a leading journal of the east has fre
quently demanded for them, tbe opportunity,
as well as the right, to rank according to their
real character and ability,
i That there are difficulties in the realization
- of such a plan I shall be tbe first to admit, but
i there are difficulties in all plans. It is natural
to man to straggle to avoid responsibly, and
' • to drift upon the current, trusting to fate, bat
, drifting also leads to difficulties, as we who
I into a war, which has cost half a million
of lives and untold millions of money should
, to be told; and I agree with yon that
, drifting win probably decide this matter
- against the black race, and involve his destruc
! i ,u° n i. w *\d e b y leaving the labor of the South in
- 1 hand s of a degraded caste it entails upon
■ me country the worst material effects of slavery
and prevents homogenity of institutions and
1 Sooth, which I have said
f LSS p£5 lhe onl - v Bure foundation of per-
I SasSS BB £
r few colored mra bnUSSSm 2y
THE WEEKLY- PIONEER* AND DEMOCRAT.
be regarded as the walfr and strays of the mat
body whfch is a nation in numbers, and m its
isolation by mental and physical characteris
tics It is as a unit that we must deal with
them, and no paltering with the edges of the
difficulty which will avert the doom which all
history teaches us will follow a wrong solu
tion. i
I have approached the subject of ou anti
slavery man. I nave thought as deeply as I
was capable of, and have carefully revised mv
opinions and tested them by all the fundamen
tal principles of right and justice. If others
do not agree with me, and it part me from any
whose principles and motives are the same as
my own, my deep regret that it should be so
cannot change mv convictions.
* * * * * *
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. D. COX.
Messrs. E. H. Fairchild, Samuel Plumb, com
mittee, &c., Oberlin, Ohio.
V
SCANDAL AT DETROIT.
How a Fast Man Negleoted to
Close the Blinds.
Mai’s Perfidy aid Woman’s Trust.
From the Detroit Tribune, July Si.
When we look back upon the many
scan. mag. eases that have been brought
to light in this city daring several months
past, we find that Saginaw has had a full
share. Notwithstanding this, however,
we find that the land of salt is apparently
not oontent, and now famishes another
still more scandalous than may similar
transaction, the particulars of which will
be found below, as obtained from an appa
rently reliable source.
Several days ago George Carter left his
wife and family at Saginaw and came to
this city with a woman of bad character.
They pnt up at the Garrison House, where
they registered themselves as man and
wife, and enjoyed themselves seeing the
sights, visiting plaoes of amusement, etc.
On Saturday, Mrs. Carter—a lady of cul
tivation and refinement—arrived here in
pursuit of her liege lord, and made the
matter known to the police. Carter was
easily found, hut it was thought best to
make a sure thing of his crime before
making the arrest An officer was de
tailed to watob, and Carter was followed
from the circus to the hotel above named.
The guilty pair oconpied a front room, and
as they did not take the precaution to
close the blinds when they retired, their
movements were easily discernible from
tbe street * . •
After the pair had been snugly ensconced
in bed about an hour, a fearless baud of
policemen ascended the stairs, and noise
lessly placing a table in front of the bed
room door, a view was had of the interior
of the apartment, into which a lurid glare
was thrown from a lantern. The reflec
tions of the light upon Carter’s face awoke
him, and about tbe time he commenced to
make inquiries relative to the intrusion, he
and the woman were in custody. A trip
on foot to tbe lock-up was made, and Car
ter and his paramour furnished with sepa
rate apartments for the night.
On Sunday morning Carter had an in
terview with Lis wife, and promised faith
, folly that be would reform, go home, and
behave himself properly in future. Un
der the circumstances Mrs. 0 agreed to
let him off, and* he was discharged with
the expectation that he would leave for
Saginaw to-day. Instead of doing so,
however, it has been ascertained that this
morning he had paid his bill at the Garri
son House and left the city with the
woman he came here with, going no ope
knows where.
Seduction and Robbery.
Fr ra tbe Cincimatl C'.mmercial, August 1.
A wholesale grocery merchant of Saint
Louis arrived here last Friday, and called
at the Barnet House, where he made anx
ious inquiry of Mr. Wilkinson as to wheth
er the name of George W. Ashcraft “ and
lady ” had been registered there. Being
informed in the negative, he left, the 6ame
day, for New York, in quest of the parties.
Upon this case hangs a tale. It appears
that the George W. Ashcraft referred to
had been in the employ, as book-keeper,
of the gentleman who is now making such
a vigo oue search for him. His employer
has a ‘laughter of eighteen, a beautiful
girl, who had become enaqiored of the said
book-keeper, who is said to be a young
man oi fascinating address, remarkably
good lookir.g, and evidently unscrupulous
character. Discovering bis advantage,
Ashcraft immediately followed it up, to
the shame of the unfortunate girl, who
readily yielded herself to his wishes.
While their peculiar intimacy was yet a
secret, known only to themselves, Ash
craft, fearful of the consequences, pro
posed to her father for her hiand in mar
riage. The father refused his consent,
which would certainly have been granted
had he known the real state of affairs; but
neither of the guilty parties had the cour
age to inform the parents, and the result
was, that the weak, yielding girl, fearful
of their anger, and dreading the shame
she would have to encounter upon expo
sure, and still dinging with all the fervor
of the love of her passionate nature, to her
guilty companion, consented to leave the
city with him. Upon the night of their
departure, she penned and directed to her
mother a short note, vaguely hinting at
. the facts of her misfortune, while the
1 book-keeper appropriated to himself the
sum of $1,500, which he had placed in his
blank-book, as if for a deposit, As soon
as he could ascertain the direction in
i which the fugitives had started, the grief
i stricken father left his home in pursuit ol
| them, with the determination ol overtak
ing them.
The Battle of Waterloo.
The London limes recently published
the following:
At Waterloo the disturber of the world’s
I peace was punished, but that is all. Tbe ideas
which he represented survived; the dynasty
which he founded rose again, and the rains on
! which his throne had been raised it was found
beyond our power to reconstruct Under such
j circumstances, we think the celebration ot
I Waterloo might as well be discontinued.
INTE NTI O N ALT) uPLI CATE EXPOSURE
MOBBY, THE PIRTIBIN LEADER.
HIS PERBONAL ADVENTURES
—X ——
HOW HE BADGERED BURNSIDE.
RUrnond Correspondence Philadelphia Inquirer
The famous guerilla chief was visible on
the streets of Richmond yesterday. Some
body has described Mosby as a handsome
man in personal appearanoe, but he is no
thing of the sort Of erdinary height,
his build is good enough, bat his face is
very oommonplaoe, and his light brown
hair, worn nnkempt, adds nothing to its
attractiveness. Mosby’s features and ex
pression would impress you as those of a
man reselute and canning, not captiously
honest nor viciously cruel, and I suspect
that in tbe stories of his cruelty he has
been somewhat belied.
His business in Richmond is to regain
possession of some tobacco he claims, and
I was sorry to hear him remark that it is
all that he has in the world, for I know he
will not geffty, and he owes the Inquirer
for a horse aid divers other articles, taken
from me by Arne of his band last summer,
and I imagine our chance for restitution to
be small. In another sense it was pleasant
to hear him admit his poverty, for if he
told the troth, it shows that he was griev
ously swindled at the final divirion of tbe
spoils on the breaking up of his command,
and further, it oontroverte the uncomfort
able axiom concerning honor among
thieves.
. When the life of John Singleton Moehy
comes to be written, it will show a suc
cession of startling personal adventure un
surpassed by those of any partisan chief
on record. That Mosby was always hang
ing on the outskirts of our armies, cutting
off our trains, capturing our stragglers,
and harraseing us in every possible way,
the people generally know; hot they do
not know that he went in and out of our
camps at pleasure, and was never once de
tected. . It is said (and an Joubtedly truly)
that while Burnside lay opposite Freder
icksburg, in the winter of 1862, Mosby
dined with him in the character of a Union
farmer from across the river, and gathered
with his shrewd canning from the general
table-talk, mnoh valuable information,with
which he regained the rebel lines without
molestation.
One of the best things told of him oc
curred that same winter and in the same
neighborhood. Barnside that winter was
literally badgered by Mosby. He seemed
übiquitous, and at last it became danger
ous to go from camp at all, as the least
ramble was sure to result in capture by
Mosby. At last Burnside became wearied
oat, and determined to capture the parti
san, and to this end sent detachments of
cavalry to scour the country thoroughly,
and bring him in dead or alive. One day,
one of these detachments, led by a lieu
tenant colonel, was going up the Dumfries
road, when, from a house in sight of the
Federal lines, a man emerged dressed in
the uniform of a Federal captain, and at
tended by one orderly dressed in our cav
alry blue. At the gate were two horses
marked U. S., and furnished with our reg
ulation saddle and bridle, and mounting,
the captain rode up and accosted the colo
nel, who was still marching up the road.
The colonel informed his new companion
that he was in search of this Mosby,
and asked if he had heard anything of
him.
The'Captain had heard and knew to a
certainty that an hour before Mosby had
been at Jones’, four miles up the road.
isions of promotion and newspaper para
graphs dancing before him, the Colonel
ordered “trot march,” while the Captain
with his orderly dashed across a field to a
farm house to get some milk, he said,
before returning to camp. Arrived at
Jones’, the Colonel found that Mosby had
indeed been there, bat also found that he
had departed in the direction ot Burnside’s
camps. . Back the Colonel beat in baste,
making inquiries everywhere, but finding
no trace.. Arrived again at the house
from which the communicative Captain
bad appeared, the woman aocosted him,
and this colloquy ensued :
Woman—“Kornel, who was that ere
Yank Capting met ye hear as ye was gwine
tother way ?”
Colonel—“I don’t know his name, but
he belonged to a Massachusetts regiment.”
Woman—“ Yeas, well, kneow aint you
sold ? that air was John Mosby. ”
Colonel—“ H—l! ”
And he rode back to camp and said
nothing whatever about his morning’s
work, except to report that he had -not
captured him. Some of his men did,
however, and that story floated about the
army during the rest of the war.
Many such things as this are told of
Mosby. and his power for mischief was so
sensibly felt in the Valley last summer and
autumn, that Phil. Sheridan used to 6wear
at him in his most hearty style. Mosby
now is a citizen of the United States, no
better and no worse than the thousands
of other Virginians who hive laid down
their arms
The Third Regiment.
A letter from our correspondent a Little
Sock, dated July 24tb, says:
Lieut. House starts for home the latter part
of this week or first of next, with about eighty
or a hundred men of the Third Regiment, mus
tered out by reason of expiration of term of
service.
We have been living high on vegetables and
fruit for some time. Berries of all kinds, ap
ples, peaches, <fcc., »fcc., in large quantities are
beginning to come into market, but the late
wet spell has injured the crops very much,
though the cotton is not so much damaged as
com. wheat, &c.
The Commissioner ot Pensions has de
cided that, in accordance with the act of
Congress, Claim Agents are prohibited,
under severe penalty, from receiving more
than ten dollars in all for their services in
prosecuting any pension claim, or from re
ceiving any part of such fee in advance, or
any percentage of any claim, or of any
portion thereof, for pension or bounty.
Assignment of General Officers
Who are to be Retained and Who
mastered Oak
A general order has been issned by the
War Department, assigning the following
genet al offioers as indicated below:
To report for duty to General Hooker, com
manding deportment of the east: Major Gens.
D. E. Sickles, J. G. Parke, and Chas. Griffin,
and Brigadier Generals Robert B. Potter, J. E.
Robinson, Eli Long, and H. O. Barnaul.
To report to General Hancock, commanding
the middle department: Major General O. A
Humphreys, and Brigadier Generals G. W.
Getty, R. R. Ayres, W. H. Emory, A Baird,
R. O. Tyler, and J. D. Fessenden.
To report to General Augur, commanding
the department of Washington: Brig. Gens.
G. Mott, James Haskin, F. J. Dent, and Fran
cis Fessenden.
To report to General Ord, commanding the
department of the Ohio: Major Generals John
A Logan, and J. D. Cox, and Brigadier Gens.
M. Leggett, O. B. Wilcox, B. Mclntosh, and
Thomas G. Fitcher.
To report to General Stonetnan, command
ing the department of Tennessee: Maj. Gen.
W. B. Hazen. and Brigadier Generals. J. M.
Brennan, J. E. Smith, A. C. Gellem, and Ed
ward Hatch.
To report to General Parmer, commanding
the department of Kentucky: Major General
Gordon Granger, and Brigadier Generals J. C.
Davis, J. F. Harteauft, J. 8. Brisbin, and J. F.
Wade.
To report to General Pope, commanding the
department of the Missouri; Major Generals
G. M. Dodge and F. P. Blair, jr., and Brigs,
dier Generals F. Wheaton, J. M. Corse, Geo.
Chapman, T. C. H. Smith, P. E. Connor, Ellis
ton A. Bculiy, Charles Walcott, and W. B. El
liott.
To report to General Terry, commanding
tbe department of Virginia; Major General
John Gibbon, and Brigadier Generals J. B.
Ricketts. W. N. Miles, A T. A Torbet, N. M.
Curtis, J. W. Taruell, and H. S. Carroll.
To report to General Schofield, commanding
the department of North Carolina; Najor Gen
erals George Crook and J. Kilpatrick, and
Brigadier Generals T. IL Huger, and M. D.
Haralng.
To report to General Gillmore, commanding
the Department of South Carolina; Brigadier
Generals A. Ames, J. T. Croxton and Charles
Devens.
To report to General Steadman, commanding
the department of Georgia; Major General J.
H. Wilson, and Brigadier Generals H. King and
J. D. Stevenson.
To report to General Foster, commanding
the department of Iowa: Brigadier Generals
J. Newton and B. Alford.
To report to General Slocum, commanding
the department of Mississippi: Major General
P. J. Osterhans, and Brigadier Generals M. F.
Forse, Charles E. Wing and J. W. Davison.
To report to General Wood, commanding
the department of Alabama: Brigadier Gen
erals B. H. Grierson, H. E. Davis and G. A
Deßnssy.
To report to General Can by, commanding
the department of Louisiana: Brigadier Gen
erals Doolittle and T. W. Incoman.
To report to General Wright, commanding
the department of Texas: Major Generals A.
J. Smith, F. Steele, David L. Stanley, J. A.
Mower, Wesley Merritt and G. A Custer and
Brigadier Generals G. A Smith and A. Gibbs.
To report to General Reynolds, commanding
the department of Arkansas aod Indian Terri
tory : Major General T. J. Wood and Brigadier
Generals S. Williams, H. G. Hunt, E. O’Con
nor and C. W Morgan.
To report by letter for duty to General Mc-
Dowell, commanding the department of Cali
fornia ; Brigadier and Brevet Major General E.
M. McCook.
All of the officers now on duty in the milita
ry division of the Pacific will remain on duty
until relieved by proper orders. All other gen
eral officers not named in this order, except
those commanding colored troops, those on
staff duty, and those specially detailed in or
ders from the War Department, will be reliev
ed without delay, and their names reported to
the adjutant general of the army. Officers
herein assigned, who are ou duty under special
assignment of the War Department, will re
port by letter to the department commanders,
and also to the adjutant general, stating the
nature of their present service, the number
and date of the order. Thirty day’s leave of
absence is granted to all general officers re
lieved by this order, by order of Lieutenant
Genera; Grant.
The military ou the Subject of the
Hecent Election* In Richmond.
There was an election held in Richmond
(Va.) the other day, which resulted in the
choice of the inhabitants of that city to
th municipal offices. The term of office
of these recently elected incumbents
proved unexpectedly briefj Major General
Turner, by what authority does not yet
fully appear, having issued the following
order respecting the aforesaid election :
Headquarters District ok Henrico.)
Richmond, Va, Julv 28, 1865. f
Special Order No. 72.]
[extract.]
Whereas, As satisfactory evidence has been
furnished at these headquarters that, at the
election held in the city of Richmond, on the
25th instant, for municipal officers, voters
were excluded on account of having lost their
residence by reason of their absence as soldiers
in the United States army during the rebellion,
when no 6uch ground was taken as against sol
diers absent in the rebel army; and
Whereas, With but few exceptions, all of
the officers elected at said municipal election
have been prominent and conspicuous in ori
ginating and sustaining the rebellion; and
Whereas, The issue was distinctly made,
and openly avowed, at said election, as between
these men who bad aided end abetted in the
war against tlie United States authority, and
those who had with their lives defended our
country;
There fort, Justice to the thousands who
have fallen on the battle field or by disease, in
their efforts to put down this rebeliiou, and to
those who are now returning to their homes in
this district, after four years of suffering, toil,
privation, and dangers incurred in fighting
treason, demands that those persons who were
so lately contributing all their efforts to sustain
treason and overthrow this government, should
not be installed into office, and intrusted with
power; hence.
It is hereby declared, That the United States
military authorities of this city will regard said
municipal elections, held in this city on the
25th instant, as null and void, excepting onlv
the election of clerk of the Hasting Court • and
each and every person e ected to office, except
fo£,f^ d , clerk of the Hustings Court, is pro
hibited from exercising the duties appertain
ing thereto.
By command of Brevet Mnj. Gen. Terry,
, E. LEWIS, A. A G.
Goob Advice. — Win. Cullen Bryant
gave the following excellent advice to a
young man who offered him an article for
the Evening Post :
My young friend, I observe that you have
used several French expressions in your article.
I think if you will study tbe English language,
that you will find it capable of expressing all
the ideas you mav have. I have always found
it so, and in all that 1 have written, I do not
recall an iastance when I was tempted to use a
foreign word, but tbat on searching I found a
better one in my own language*
Hutfor* n>r _
and her daughter EIU ™“ er »
chopped to death fa hkj .i,^.°if
the'lK)dießp re sented e T® r^ime » “d
-aft
S4OO in money whfoJ 'T-
drawer with the knife 5? /T d m
alarm and the
own and his mother twu on , f re »
betdfadfate^^
Gen. Grant
S *TdK orrM,< * d * ~Ce Mql > «the New York
«?J^» eVe ? Dg(Wed, “^ y) “hop
night, a large crowd assembled in the
hop room ’expecting to see “Gen. Grant
dance.” Abont 9 o’clock the general and
family entered tbe room, and the h*nd
immediately struck np “Hail to the
Chief,” thereby giving everybody present
a chance to reoognize in tbe modest offioer
wbo now entered the room the gallant and
victorious leader of our armies daring tbe
late contest in tbe field.
Everybody knows, or should be aware
of bis ability to lead armies, and use np
armies, when they are not composed of
men to. suit bis ideas of things; bat every
body did not know that the general could
dance. Well, now, sober-sides, don’t get
shocked at what I am about to disclose—
be can dance, and did dance on tbe eve
ning of the 26th day of July, at West
Point. It was amasing to see the general
manenvre in the intricate movements of a
cotillon; but he accomplished it manfully,
and it most have been particularly delight
ful for the young ladies to be handled in
the dance by the gallant hero.
Minnesota Politic*.
We make the following extracts from
a letter of our New York correspondent
oonoerning the issues of the ensuing can
vass in this State :
I sec by the papers that the Minnesota Dem
ocratic Convention is to come off on the 16th
of next month. I trust that the convention
will evince wisdom and true patriotism in the
selection of its men. Remember nothing can
defeat the Democratic party but Democrats
themselves.
The soldier’s vote at home will be verv differ
ent from what it was in the field. They have
returned weary and warworn, utterly sick of
the negro, and they will not consent that the
great interests which they so nobly fought
and bled for should be put in jeopardy by a
miserable faction, who taint the public air by
keeping the corpse of slavery over ground, and
rattle its bones in order to make political capi
ta] for themselves.
But I am most anxious to see what course
the conservative Republicans of Minnesota,—
such men as the Hon. James Smith, of St.
Paul, and others.—will take now. Will they
go in for Wendell Phillips, Chief Justice Chase
(de should be called “ Chase Justice ’), and for
enfranchising the negro ?—not in Minnesota,
for that is of very little moment, but in the
Southern States, against thq wish of their citi
zens? If you do this, gentlemen,'you will
strike at the keystone of the arch that'supports
the whole structure of your republican form of
government.
Our correspondent will not get much
satisfaction from the action of the conserv
ative Republicans of this State. They are
completely under the thumbs of the radi
cals, and dare not wag their tongues, save
in private, against any fanatical measures
that are proposed.
Coat of Message* by the Atlantic
fable.
Some idea oi the expense of European dis
patches by the Atlantic Cable may be formed
from the following extract from a communi
cation to the editors and publishers of Western
newspapers:
At the rate of tariff established by tbe Atlan
tic Telegraph Cable Company, forty words
from London to New York will cost about S3OO.
Tbe Executive Committee of the Associated
Press have ordered me to arrange for two daily
reports of not less than twenty words each, and
so many more as the importance of the news
may justify. These reports will be prepared
at London and Liverpool, respectively, at about
3 o’clock p. m. and 3 o’clock a. m., or about 10
o’clock a. m. and 10 o’clock p. m.. New York
time, so that the London report of 3 o’clock p.
m. will probably arrive in good season for pub
lication in the regular editions of the after
noon journals, and the London report of three
o’clock a. m. will doubtless arrive ia New
York in good season for the publication of the
morning journals.
Two reports in every twenty-four hours for
six days, anq one on Sunday, will cost $1,950
per week or $102,000 per year. Add for de
tails of important news via Cape Race, Halifax,
etc., for agencies, and incidental* in Europe,
$15,000, tnje total cost per annum will be $117,-
000. Deduct the present European news ex
penses per annum. SIO,OOO, there will be a de
ficiency of $77,000.
Forty words a day seems like rather a small
allowance, and vet a hundred thousand dollars
a year is no mean figure to pay out for it.
Rev. L. B. Allen, D. D. f for many
years connected with the college at Bur
lington, has accepted the pastoral charge
of the First Baptist Chnrch at Minneapolis,
Minnesota. He goes at once to his new
field of labor.
Francis Allston Channing, a young Amer
ican, and son of Rev. Wm. Henry Channing,
has this year won an honor second to none at
Oxford University in England. He gained the
“Chancellor’s Prize” for the best English
essay. This prize is open for competition to
all the the students in the University, and, as a
test of talent and scholarly acquirements, the
winning of it places the successful candidate
in the first rank of students.
Pausing kor Observations.— Tbe Auburn
Advertiser, the home organ of Mr. Seward,
calls for a halt on the negro suffrage issue:
“ Let ns pause a moment to take observations.
The soldiers have returned from the war.
They are a power in tbe land. Let us consult
them. Unless they are in favor of negro suf
frage their votes will defeat the party, and tbe
candidates for office who favor it.”
Saratoga c<
Tribune.