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The Princeton union. [volume] (Princeton, Minn.) 1876-1976, December 05, 1901, Image 8

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83016758/1901-12-05/ed-1/seq-8/

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MESSAfi
What the President Says
on Important Subjects.
TRUSTS AND RECIPROCITY
How He Would Deal With
These Problems.
He Declares Publicity Is at Present
the Only Sure Remedy Against
Evils of Combinations-While Op
posing Any General Tariffi Change,
He Upholds the Principle o Reci
procity Advocates Reduction of
Duty on Cuban Imports Into This
Country Importance o Building
the Isthmian Canal and the Pacific
Cable UrgedThe Philippines and
Other Insular Questions.
Washington, Dec. 3.The president
in bis annual message to congress
says:
Tbe congress assembles tbis year un
der tbe shadow of a great calamity.
On tbe Gtb of September President Mc
Kinley was shot by an anarchist while
attending the Pan-American exposi
tion at Buffalo and died in that city
on the 14th of that month.
Of tbe last seven elected presidents
be is the third who has been murdered,
and the bare recital of this fact is
sufficient to justify grave alarm among
all loyal American citizens. Moreover,
the circumstances of this, the third as
sassination of an American president,
have a peculiarly sinister significance.
Both President Lincoln and President
Garfield were killed by assassins of
types unfortunately not uncommon in
history, President Lincoln falling a
victim to the terrible passions aroused
by four years of civil war and Presi
dent Garfield to the revengeful vanity
of a disappointed office seeker. Presi
dent McKinley was killed by an utter
ly depraved criminal belonging to that
body of criminals who object to allness
governments, good and bad alike, who
are against any form of popular lib
erty if it is guaranteed by even tbe
most just and liberal laws and who
are as hostile to the upright exponent
of a free people's sober will as to tbe
tyrannical and irresponsible despot.
Anarchy and Anarchists.
Tbe president continues with a
eulogy of Mr. McKinley, then turns to
the subject of anarchy, denouncing its
doctrines and preachers. He says:
I earnestly recommend to thecongress
that in tbe exercise of its wise discre
tion it should take into consideration
the coming to this country of anarch
ists or persons professing principles
hostile to all government and justify
ing the murder of those placed in au
thority. Such individuals as those who
not long ago gathered in open meeting
to glorify the murder of King Hum
bert of Italy perpqtrate a crime, and
tbe law should insure their rigorous
puu'bhment. Tbey and those like them
should be kept cut of tLis country, and
if found here tbey should be promptly
deported to the country whence they
came, and farreaching provision should
be made for the punishment of those
who stay. No matter calls more
urgently for tbe wisest thought of the
congress.
A Subject For Federal Courts.
The federal courts should be given
jurisdiction over any man who "kills
or attempts to kill the president or any
man who by the constitution or by
la^\ is in line of succession for the
presidency, while the punishment for
an unsuccessful attempt should be pro
portioned to the enormity of the of
fense against our institutions.
Anarchy is a crime against the whole
human race, and all mankind should
band against the anarchist. His crime
should be made an offense against the
law of nations, like piracy and that
form of man stealing known as the
slave trade.
The president next considers busi
ness conditions, which he finds highly
satisfactory. He continues:
Tbe tremendous and highly complex
iiuiu&tiul de\ elopnient which went on
with ever accelerated rapidity during
the latter halt of the nineteenth cen
tury brinrs us lace to face at the be
ginning of the twentieth with very
serious social problems. The old laws
and the old customs which had almost
the binding force of law were once
quite sufficient to regulate the
acof
cumulation and distribution of wealth.
Since the industrial changes which
ha\ so enormously increased the pro
ductive power of mankind they are no
longer sufficient.
Trade Combinations.
The growth of cities has gone on be
yond comparison faster than the
growth of the country, and the up
building of the great industrial centers
has meant a startling increase not
merely in the aggregate of wealth, but
in the number of very large individual
and especially of very large corporate
fortunes. Tbe creation of these great
corporate fortunes has not been due
to the tariff nor to any other govern
mental action, but to natural causes
in the business world, operating in oth
er countries as they operate in
ourwhich
own.
The process has aroused much an
tagonism, a great part of which is
wholly without warrant. It is not true
that as the rich have grown richer the
poor have grown poorer. On the con
trary, never before has the average
man, the wageworker, the farmer, the
small trader, been so well off as in this
country and at the present time. There
have been abuses connected with the
accumulation of wealth, yet it remains
true that a fortune accumulated in
J***i'kitiiMi%. '^U
legitimate business can be accumulat
ed by the person specially benefited
only on condition of conferring im
mense incidental benefits upon oth
ers. Successful enterprise of the type
which benefits all mankind can only
exist if the conditipns are such as to
offer great poizes as the rewards of
success.
Reasons For Caution.
The president adds that there are
many reasons for caution in dealing
with corporations. He says:
The same business conditions which
have produced the great aggregations
of corporate and individual wealth
have made them very potent factors in
international commercial competition.
Moreover, it cannot too often be
pointed out that to strike with ignorant
violence at the interests of one set of
men almost inevitably endangers the
interests of all. The fundamental rule
in our national lifethe rule which un
derlies all othersis that, on the whole
and in the long run, we shall go up or
down together.
The mechanism of modern business
is so delicate that extreme care must
be taken not to interfere with it in
a spirit of rashness or ignorance. In
dealing with business interests, for
the government to undertake by crude
and ill considered legislation to
doipality
what may turn out to be bad, would
be to incur the risk of such farreach
ing national disaster that it would be
preferable to undertake nothing at all.
The men who demand the impossible
or the undesirable serve as the allies
of the forces with which they are nom
inally at war, for they hamper those
who would endeavor to find out in ra
tional fashion what the wrongs really
are and to what extent and in what
manner it is practicable to apply reme
dies.
How to Correct the Evils.
All this is true, and yet it is also
true that there are real and grave evils,
one of the chief being overcapitaliza
tion because of its many baleful con
sequences, and a resolute and practical
effort must be made to correct these
evils.
It is no limitation upon property
rights or freedom of contract to re
quire that when men receive from gov
ernment the privilege of doing busi
under corporate form, which frees
them from individual responsibility
and enables them to call into their en
terprises the capital of the public, they
shall do so upon absolutely truthful
representations as to the value of the
property in which the capital is to be
invested. Corporations engaged in in
terstate com*nerce should be regulated
if they are found to exercise a license
working to the public injury. It should
be as much the aim of those who seek
for social betterment to rid the busi
ness world of crimes of cunning as to
rid the entire body politic of crimes of
violence. Great corporations exist only
because they are cieated and safe
guarded by ohr institutions, and it is
therefore our right and our duty to
see that they work in harmony with
these institutions.
Publicity the First Essential.
The tirst essential in determining
how to deal with the great industrial
combinations is knowledge of the facts
publicity. In the interest of the pub
lic the government should have the
right to inspect and examine the work
ings of the great corporations engaged
in interstate business. Publicity is the
only sure remedy which we can now
invoke. What further remedies are
needed in the way of governmental
regulation or taxation can only be de
termined after publicity has been ob
tained by process of law and in the
course of administration. The first
requisite is knowledge, full and com
pleteknowledge which may be made
public to the world.
Artificial bodies, such as corporations
and joint stock or other associations,
depending upon any statutory law for
their existence or privileges should be
subject to proper governmental super
vision, and full and accurate informa
tion as to their operations should be
made public regularly at reasonable
intervals.
The large corporations, commonly
called trusts, though organized in one
state, always do business in many
states, often doing very little business
in the state where they are incorpo
rated. There is utter lack of uniform
ity in the state laws about them, and,
as no state has any exclusive interest
in or power over their acts, it has in
practice proved impossible to get ade
quate regulation through state action.
Therefore, in the interest of the whole
people, the nation should, without in
terfering with the power of the states
in the matter itself, also assume power
supervision and regulation over all
corporations doing an interstate busi
ness.
Amend Constitution if Necessary.
When the constitution was adopted,
at the end of the eighteenth century,
no human wisdom could foretell the
sweeping changes, alike in industrial
and political conditions, which were to
take place by the beginning of theof
twentieth century. At that time it
was accepted as a matter of course
that the several states were the proper
authorities to regulate, so far as was
then necessary, the comparatively in
significant and strictly localized cor
porate bodies of the day. The condi
tions are now wholly different, and
fwholly different action is called for.
I believe that a law can be framed
will enable the national govern
ment \o exercise control along the lines
above indicated, profiting by the expe
rience gained through the passage and
administration of the interstate com
merce act. If, however, the judgment
of the congress is that it lacks the con
stitutional power to pass such an act,
then a constitutional amendment
should be submitted to confer the
power.
There should be created a cabinet of
ficer^ to be known as secretary of
commerce and industries, as provided
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rHE PKENCETOK TJ]sriO]sf: THUKSDAY
in the bill introduced at the last ses
sion of the congress. It should be his
province to deal with commerce in its
broadest sense, including among many
other things whatever concerns labor
and all matters affecting the great
business corporations and our mer
chant marine.
Labor.
The president declares that he re
gards it necessary to re-enact the Chi
nese exclusion law. In regard to labor
he says that the government should
provide in its contracts that all work
should be done under "fair" conditions
and that all night work should be for
bidden for women and children as well
as excessive overtime. He continues:
Very gieat good has been and will be
accomplished by associations or unions
of wagoworkers when managed with
forethought and when they combine in
sistence upon their own rights with
law abiding respect for the rights of
others. The display of these qualities
in such bodies is a duty to the nation
no less than to the associations them
selves. Finally, there must also in
many cases be action by the govern
ment in order to safeguard the rights
and interests of all. Under our consti
tution there is much more scope for
such action by the state and the munic
than by the nation. But on
points such as those touched on above
the national government can act.
He asserts that the immigration laws
are unsatisfactory and that a law
should be enacted to keep out not only
anarchists, but persons of a low moral
tendency or of unsavory reputation
and those who are below a certain
standard of economic fitness to enter
our industrial field as competitors with
American labor.
The Tariff and Reciprocity.
The president declares that nothing
could be more unwise than to disturb
the business interests of the country by
any general tariff change at this time.
He adds:
Yet it is not only possible, but emi
nently desirable, to combine with the
stability of our economic system a sup
plementary system of reciprocal bene
fit and obligation with other nations.
Such reciprocity is an incident and re
sult of the firm establishment and
preservation of our present economic
policy. It was specially provided for
in the present tariff law.
Reciprocity must be treated as the
handmaiden of protection. Our first
duty is to see that the protection grant
ed by the tariff in every case where it
is needed is maintained, and that reci
procity be sought for so far as it can
safely be done without injury to our
home industries. Just how far this is
must be determined according to the
individual case, remembering always
that every application of our tariff pol
icy to meet our shifting national needs
must be conditioned upon the cardinal
fact that the duties must never be
reduced below the point that will cover
the difference between the labor cost
here and abroad. The well being of
the wageworker is a prime considera
tion of our entire policy of economic
legislation.
Need For Wider Markets.
Subject to this proviso of the proper
protection necessary to our industrial
well being at home, the principle of
reciprocity must command our hearty
support. The phenomenal growth of
our export trade emphasizes the ur
gency of the need for wider markets
and for a liberal policy in dealing with
foreign nations. Whatever is merely
petty and vexatious in the way of
trade restrictions should be avoided.
The customers to whom we dispose of
our surplus products in the long run,
directly or indirectly, purchase those
surplus products by giving us some
thing in return. Their ability to pur
chase our products should as far as
possible be secured by so arranging
our tariff as to enable us to take from
them those products which we can use
without harm to our own industries
and labor or the use of which will be
of marked benefit to us.
It is most important that we should
maintain the high level of our present
prosperity. We have now reached the
point in the development of our in
terests where we are not only able to
supply our own markets, but to pro
duce a constantly growing surplus for
which we must find markets abroad.
To secure these markets we can util
ize existing duties in any case where
they are no longer needed for the pur
pose of protection, or in/any case
where the article is not produced here
and the duty is no longer necessary
for revenue, as giving us something to
offer in exchange for what we ask.
The cordial relations with other na
tions which are so desif'n'e will nat
urally be promoted by tbe course thus
required by our own interests.
The natural line of development for a
policy of reciprocity will be in connec
tion with those of our productions
which no longer require all of the sup
port once needed to establish them
upon a sound basis and with those oth
ers where either because of natural or
economic causes we are beyond the
reach of successful competition.
I ask the attention of tbe senate to
the reciprocity treaties laid before it by
my predecessor.
The Merchant Marine.
The condition of the American mer
chant marine is such as to call for im
mediate remedial action by the con
gress. It is discreditable to us as a
natiou that our merchant marine
should be utterly insignificant in com
parison to that of other nations which
we overtop in other forms of business.
We should not longer submit to condi
tions under which only a trifling por
tion of our great commerce is carried
in our own ships. To remedy this state
of things would not merely serve to
build up our shipping interests, but it
would also result in benefit to all who
are interested in the permanent estab
lishment of a wider market for Amer
ican products and would provide an
auxiliary force for the navy. Ships
^gg.*..,.? i L^U.'......A.ii
DECEMBER'5,
work for their own countries Just as
railroads work for their terminal
points. Shipping lines, if established to
the principal countries with which we
have dealings, would be of political as
well as commercial benefit. From ev
ery standpoint it is unwise for thedesire
United States to continue to rely upon
the ships of competing nations for the
distribution of our goods. It should be
made advantageous to carry American
goods in American built ships.
At present American shipping is un
der certain great disadvantages when
put in competition with the shipping
of foreign countries. Many of the fast
foreign steamships, at a speed of four
teen knots or above, are subsidized,
and all our ships, sailing vessels and
steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow
speed and mail carriers of high speed,
havfe to meet the fact that the original
cost of building American ships is
greater than is the case abroad that the
wages paid American officers and sea
men are very much higher than those
paid the officers and seamen of foreign
competing countries, and that the
standard of living on our ships is far
superior to the standard of living on
the ships of our commercial rivals. Our
government should take such action as
will remedy these inequalities. The
American merchant marine should be
restored to the ocean.
Financial.
The passage of the act establishing
gold as the standard money has, it is
declared, been shown to be timely and
judicious. The president adds:
In many respects the national bank
ing law furnishes sufficient liberty for
the proper exercise of the banking
function, but there seems to be need
of better safeguards against the de
ranging influence of commercial crises
and financial panics. Moreover, the
currency of the country should be
made responsive to the demands of our
domestic trade and commerce.
Economy iu expenditures is urged.
Amendment of the interstate commerce
act is advised to insure the cardinal
provisions of that act. The work car
ried on by the department of agricul
ture is next considered and praised
highly. The president then turns to
forest preservation and irrigation of
arid lands, saying that both are highly
necessary. He would put all the work
in connection with the forest reserves
in charge of the bureau of forestry.
Irrigation.
The president continues by tracing
the connection between the forest re
serves and the water supply. He says:
The forests are natural reservoirs.
By restraining the streams in flood
and replenishing them in drought they
make possible the use of waters other
wise wasted. They prevent the soil
from washing and so protect the stor
age reservoirs trom filling up with
silt. Forest conservation is, therefore,
an essential condition of water conser
vation.
The forests alone cannot, however,
fully regulate and conserve the waters
of the arid region. Great storage works
are necessary to equalize the flow of
streams and to save the flood waters.
Their construction has been conclu
sively shown to be an undertaking
too vast for private effort. Nor can it
be best accomplished by the individual
states acting alone. The government
should construct and maintain these
reservoirs as it does other public works.
Where their purpose is to regulate the
flow of streams, the water should be
turned freely into the channels in the
dry season to take the same course
under the same laws as the natural
flow.
The reclamation of the unsettled arid
public lands presents a different prob
lem. Here it is not enough to regulate
the flow of streams. The object of the
government is to dispose of the land
to settlers who will build homes upon
it. To accomplish this object water
must be brought within their reach.
The pioneer settlers on the arid pub
lic domain chose their homes along
streams from which they could them
selves divert the water to reclaim their
holdings. Such opportunities are prac
tically gone. There remain, however,
vast areas of public land which can be
made available for homestead settle
ment, but only by reservoirs and main
line canals impracticable for private
enterprise. These irrigation works
should be built by the national govern
ment. The lands reclaimed by them
should be reserved by the government
for actual settlers, and the cost of con
struction should, so far as possible, be
repaid by the land reclaimed? The dis
tribution of the water, the division of
the streams among irrigators, should
be left to the settlers themselves in
conformity with state laws and with
out interference with those laws or
with vested rights.
The declaration is made that in the
arid states the only right to water
which should be recognized is that of
use. The president says that the doc
trine of private ownership of water
apart from land cannot prevail without
causing wrong.
Insular Problems.
Insular questions are next treated.
In Hawaii our aim must be to develop
the territory on the traditional Amer
ican lines. Porto Rico is declared to be
thriving as never before. The atten
tion of congress is called to the need of
legislation concerning the island's pub
lic lands. In Cuba it is stated that
much progress has been made toward
putting the independent government of
the island upon a firm footing, and it is
declared that independence will be an
accomplished fact. The president
adds:
Elsewhere I have discussed the ques
tion of reciprocity. In the case of Cu
ba, however, there are weighty reasons
of morality and of national interest
why the policy should be held to have
a peculiar application, and I most ear
nestly ask your attention to the wis
dom, indeed to the vital need, of pro
viding for a substantial reduction in
1901.
the tariff duties on Cuban imports into
the United States.
In dealing with the Philippine peo
ple we must show both patience and
strength, forbearance and steadfast res
olution. Our aim is
laigh. We do not
to do for the islanders merely
what has elsewhere been done for trop
ic peoples by even the best foreign
governments. We hope to do for them
what has never before been done for
any people of the tropicsto make
them fit for self government after the
fashion of the really free natipns.
The only fear is lest in our overanx
iety we give them a degree of inde
pendence for which they are unfit,
thereby inviting reaction and disaster.
As fast as there is any reasonable hope
that a given district the people can
govern themselves self government
has been given in that district. There
is not a locality fitted for self govern
ment which has not received it. But it
may well be that in certain cases it
will have to be withdrawn because the
inhabitants show themselves unfit to
exercise it such instances have already
occurred. In other words, there is not
the slightest chance of our failing to
show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit.
The danger comes in the opposite direc
tion.
Troubles Ahead "Vet,
There are still troubles ahead in the
islands. The insurrection has become
an affair of local banditti and maraud
ers, who deserve no higher regard
than the brigands of portions of the
old world. Encouragement, direct or
indirect, to these insurrectos stands on
the same footing as encouragement to
hostile Indians in the days when we
still had Indian wars.
The president declares that the time
has come for additional legislation fdr
the Philippines. He says:
It is necessary that the congress
should pass laws by which the re
sources of the islands can be developed,
so that franchises (for limited terms of
years) can be granted to companies do
ing business in them and every encour
agement be given to the incoming of
business men of every kind. It is ur
gently necessary to enact suitable laws
dealing with general ti-ansportation,
mining, banking, currency, homesteads
and the use and ownership of the lands
and timber. These laws will give free
play to industrial enterprise, and the
commercial development which will
surely follow will afford to the people
of the inlands the best proofs of the
sincerity of our desire to aid them.
The Cable and the Canal.
I call your attention most earnestly
to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii
and the Philippines, to be continued
from the Philippines to points in Asia.
We should not defer a day longer than
necessary the construction of such a
cable. It is demanded not merely for
commercial but for political and mili
tary considerations. Either the con
gress should immediately provide for
the construction of a government ca
ble or else an arrangement should be
made by which like advantages to
those accruing from a government ca
ble may be secured to the government
by contract with a private cable com
pany.
No single great material work which
remains to be undertaken on this con
tinent is of such consequence to the
American people as the building of a
canal across the isthmus connecting
North and South America. ^Its impor
tance to the nation is by no means lim
ited merely to its material effects upon
our business prosperity, and yet with a
view to these effects alone it would be
to the last degree important for us im
mediately to begin it. While its bene
ficial effects would perhaps be most
marked upon the Pacific coast and the
gulf and South Atlantic states, it would
also greatly benefit other sections. It
is emphatically a work which it is for
the interest of the entire country to be
gin and complete as soon as possible.
I am glad to be able to announce to
you that our negotiations on this sub
ject with Great Britain, conducted on
both sides in a spirit of friendliness and
mutual good will, have resulted in
my being able to lay before the sen
ate a treaty which, if ratified, will en
able us to begin preparations for an
isthmian canal at any time and which
guarantees to this nation every right
that it has ever asked in connection
with the canal. It specifically pro
vides that the United States alone shall
do the work of building and assume
the responsibility of safeguarding the
canal and shall regulate its neutral use
by all nations on terms of equality
without the guarantee or interference
of any outside nation from any quarter.
The Monroe Doctrine.
The Monroe doctrine should be the
cardinal feature of the foreign policy
of all the nations of the two Americas,
as it is of the United States. The Mon
roe doctrine is a declaration that there
must be no territorial aggrandizement
by any non-American power at the ex
pense of any American power on Amer
ican soil. It is in nowise intended as
hostile to any nation in the old world.
Still less is it intended to give cover to
any aggression by one new world power
at the expense of any other. It is sim
ply a step, and along step, toward as
suring the universal peace of the world
by securing the possibility of perma
nent peace on this hemisphere.
During the past century other influ
ences have established the permanence
and independence of the smaller states
of Europe. Through the Monroe doc
trine we hope to be able to safeguard
like independence and secure like per
manence for the lesser among the new
world nations.
This doctrine has nothing to do with
the commercial relations of any Amer
ican power save that it in truth allows
each of them to form such as it desires.
In other words, it is really a guarantee
of the commercial independence of the
Americas. We do not ask under this
doctrine for any exclusive commercial
dealings with any other American
state. We do not guarantee any state
a.'wvflJk'&rlijr Js* '''fe-V^i,1,^.
uX*\J^&^ As.v
1 i
YT-
against punishment if it misconducts
itself, provided that punishment does
not take the form of the acquisition of
territory by any non-American power.
Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient
guarantee of our own good faith. We
have not the slightest desire to secure
any territory at tbe expense of any of
our neighbors.
The Navy.
The president devotes considerable
space to the navy, the upbuilding of
which, he says, should be steadily con
tinued. The navy offers us, it is declar
ed, the only means of insisting on the
Monroe doctrine, and a strong navy is
the best guarantee against war. He
recommends that provision be made
not only for more ships, but for more
men. Four thousand additional sea
men and 1,000 additional marines
should be provided, as well as an in
crease in officers. After indorsing the
naval militia forces tne president says
But in addition we should at once
provide for a national naval reserve,
organized and trained under the direc
tion of the navy department and sub
ject to the call of the chief executive
whenever v\ar becomes imminent. It
should be a real auxiliary to the naval
seagoing peace establishment and offer
material to be drawn on at once for
manning our ships in time of war.
The Army.
It is not necessary to increase our
army beyond its present size at this
time, but it is necessary to keep it at
the highest point of efficiency. The in
dividual units who as officers and en
listed men compose this army are, we
have good reason to believe, at least as
efficient as those of any other army in
the entire world. It is our duty to see
that their training is of a kind to in
sure the highest possible expression of
power to these units when acting in
combination.
A general staff should be created.
Promotions should be made solely
with regard to the good of the service.
Congress ought to provide, the presi
dent adds, for field exercises. He con
tinues:
Action should be taken in reference
to the militia and to the raising of vol
unteer forces. Our militia law is ob
solete and worthless. The organization
and armament of the national guard of
the several states, which are treated
as militia in the appropriations by the
congress, should be made identical with
those provided for the regular forces.
The obligations and duties of the guard
in time of war should be carefully de
fined and a system established by law
under which the method of procedure
of raising \olunteer forces should be
prescribed in advance.
The Merit System.
The president indorses the merit sys
tem of making appointments and says:
I recommend the passage of a law
which will extend the classified serv
ice to the District of Columbia or will
at least enable the president thus to ex
tend it. In my judgment all laws pro
viding for the temporary employment
of clerks should hereafter contain a
provision that they be selected under
the civil service law.
It is important to have this system
obtain at home, but it is e\ en more im
portant to have it applied rigidly in our
insular possessions. The importance
of improving the consular service by
the pas&age of new laws is emphasized.
The president then turns to the In
dian question. He says:
Wc should now break up the tribal
funds, doing for them what allot
ment does for the tribal lauds that
is, they should be divided into individ
ual holdings. There will be a transi
tion period during which the funds
will in many cases have to be held in
trust. This is the case also with the
lands. A stop should be put upon -the
indiscriminate permission to Indians to
lease their allotments. The effort
should be steadily to make the Indian
work like any other man on his own
ground. The marriage laws of the In
dians should be made the same as those
of the whites. In the schools the edu
cation should be elementary and large
ly industrial.
Cordial support from congress and
people is asked for the St. Louis expo
sition. The Charleston exposition is
commended to the good will of the
people. The work of the Pan-American
exposition is praised.
It is recommended that the census
office as now constituted should be
made a permanent government bureau.
The Postal Service.
A tribute is paid to the postal service,
and the extension of free rural delivery
is commended. The postoffice depart
ment should be sustained, the president
says, in its efforts to remove the abuses
in connection with second class mail
matter.-
Much attention is paid to the situa
tion in China, and the progress toward
the establishment of peace there is re
capitulated. Stress is laid on the im
portance of our continuing to advocate
moderation in the deabngs with China.
The president concludes his message as
follows:
The death of Queen Victoria caused
the people of the United States deep
and heartfelt sorrow, to which the gov
ernment gave full expression. When
President McKinley died, our nation in
turn received from every quarter of the
British empire expressions of grief and
sympathy no less sincere. The death
of the Empress Dowager Frederick of.
Germany also aroused the genuine sym
pathy of the American people, and this
sympathy was cordially reciprocated
by Germany when the president was
assassinated. Indeed, from every quar
ter of the civilized world we received
at the time of the president'^ death as
surances of such grief and^i-pg to
touch the hearts of our peoph the
midst of our affliction nc i* ee" 'y
thank the Almighty that ve arc at
peace with the nations of mankind,
and we firmly intend that our policy
shall be such as to continue unbroken
these international relations of mutual
respect and good will.
i
i i'4-^^siX- A- i

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