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I - V TLAG OF THE UNION. published by Tiunias Palmer, Proprietor. J-Jjrmj: Three dollars a year, always in advance. uvfbtising. One dollar a square :'or first inaer t ou .niti tittv crnn a square lor each continuance. Ten'h'iies ,,r 'ess c'-"lstltute 3 s4"are. Ex'ract from I hi ' net of Congress of 3d March, 1SI3, section 18. iU le it fnrih r emiclcd. That il shall be the a, 'lot i he lViMaef General, in all luture let- CJ,V .... .... ,,. r.o.-..M..li.,n ..I I l. nnes Mail. (ll ..-I'llll 'I I ' HHT . (OH'f'l'MllllVH I 11V to lei ihe same, in everv case, to the lowest buiJtr enaeitu -umso.... ,,....0...-........... !-frturmar.ce, without oilier reference !o the mode Vju'cli i rau-c orianon than may be necessary 10 rtu'vide Ui ihe due celerity, certainty, and security -ui ti i r .1 nsvr lai mi. ; nor snail any new ton- tractor luteal. er be required lo purchase uui, or i -tf at a valuation, the stock or vehicles of any j previous Contractor lor ihe same route." ry Bidders will be careful to read the forms ; an2"""uin uctiniis appended to this advertisement.) 1 t-v are tequeste.i to state, in their proposals, the I r- Vc bv which ihey intend to convey ihe mail, j ere he size and weight ot ihe mails, or the ' oi-fd trailed for in the schedules shall require it, re Ci t-1'"'1' e "iade 'or Coach, Steamboat, ; vi ;i '.id conveyance, as the case may be; and, i en iv. such mines will be lei to bids propos- j -u'Ue ol c. nveyance. In all other cases, I i be assii.cd to bids proposing the i ' transportation. ' carrying the mails of the j 1 ihe 1-t of January, 1 S3 1 , , me Spates of Alabama j and in ihe inannei I a. the Contract in the cny of Novem- mber, o.t. Wj-i it i - virr;. t Ft i-l.iv i Bv Cave tSprir.t,, G..p, A .ibama, Uua. GiirSu'.s Cte- A-tiville, Mount Niles, Truss and Rockvi.le; To Ftton ty 5 p in next da liil.es; And bic, between Sam, Sunday, Wednesday and Ftiday, and 10 a in ; next days. i.. 'ji6 F'otti Tuscaloosa, 6 pm, tri-weekly, Tuesday, Thursday an. i Saturday; B v Ti ion. Ale Math's and Jonesboio', To Eiyion, by 0am next days, 50 j miles; And bdcl;, between 6 pm, Tuesday, Thurday and s-aiurday, and 7am: next days. j Nj. Cv7 From Tu-ealoos.-t, at 8 a m, tri-weekly, Monday. Wednesday and Friday; 1 By Fos e.' . Buck Creek, Knoxviile, Springfield and Eutaw C II; To Ciir.ton, by 6 p m same days, 44 ; iniies; ' j Ar.d b.u k. between 7 am, Tuesday, ; Thnisv'.dy and Saturday, and 5 p in j same days. 1 T o. 5560 From I uscaloosa, at 6a m, tri-weekly, ' Monday, Wednesday and Fi iday ; Bv Nonhport, Sip-ev Turnpike, lior- do, Ketoiui, Aiitiocn, I'roviuence, ; a na Car ly le ; j To Co.uinbus, Misissippi by 1 1 p in s,,me d.i vs, til miles ; j And bjcn, between 2 a m, Tuesday,! Tt.ura.y and Saturday, and 5 p in I saiae viav. i Nj 55l'7 Fiom Uic-ensb ,ro'. at 5 a m, tri-week- ly, Monu.iy, Wednesuay anil Friday; Bv H iilow Square, Euuw, Clinton, ; Ficasiit Rutge, Hope, PickeiisvUie ! and Lacv llill ; 1 To Columbus, Mississippi, by 5 a m ! next days, ;),-, miles And bactf, beiweenia in, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, and 2 a m next days. Nj. From Clinton, at 7 p m, iri weekly, Monday. Wednesday and Friday; By Mount Hebt on. Gainesville, Scoober, Mississippi, DcKilh and Big Crerk; To Heiberr, by 10 a m, next days, 54 miles ; And back between 4 p in Monday, Wed nesday, and 6 a m next uays. Proposals ;o ex-eiid 4 miles to Mucka l'jsiiy, wi'h 1 hour more tune forme trip-, are invited. No. 5604 Ftuin Gi tensboro', ai 3 a m in-weekly, Monday, Wednesday and Frid-iV: tsv .Macon Demopolis, Belmont and I i Bll.tl, (it! ; To Li vinjjsion, by 3 p rn same days, 4'J j ini.es; i And back, b tween 10 a m, Tuesday, j Thuisday and atuiday. and 10 o m ; same d-.vs 'torn Biandon, Mississippi, at 9 p m, ! 'i-weekly, Tuesday, Thursday and! siiudav; j y G eetibush, Htll-boio'.Cottn'y Line i '!..! L'ntiin ; i o Her ben by 3 p tn next days, 76 miles; : rd back, between 11 a in, Tue.-day, : loir day and Sal ui day, and 6 a m 1 -X( days. j po-als to end at Mucka'usky, with ' :.e hour less time for the trips, are ! .vi ed. .otn Herbert, at 4 pm, iri-weekly, i loiidav, Wedne-day and Friday; Tala-lia. Okiibbehah, Daleville, j jtt j, Lauderdale Springsand Penol i, i labauia ; I ! Livm-ton, by D a m next days, 57 j .it b.ick between 4 p m, Monday, Wed- ! e-iay andFiiday, and 10 a m next j v-.' ; id-- to commence at Mucka'usky, 3 j niics further, without additional ruD- j .tic. tine, are invited. NOTES. J lacr. prornsal should be accompanied by a guar- j 3' -;-r,ei; by one or more responsible persons, t i-:U.wing manner, viz : t "Tne undersigned guaranty that ,ifj "'s,: t .r carring the mail Irom to I 8 3 .'e'ed by the Po-t master General, sha II enter j an obligation prior io the fir. si day o! January ""'. rli g .od and suructeul suieaes, to perform ! --'tvice proposed." I T.".is sii,.uia b accompanied by the certificate of i ! r,L-;tn is r, or other equivalent testimony, mat' - 2u,i ,,ntors are men of property, and able to ; -' g ol their guarantee. I t.e pt -p ,.,sal should be sent to the department 1 1Ci i !, 't.it.ir-ed ' Pioposals lor route No. , "and addie-sedto the Fi rst Assistant r Tmstei Geijcral. t r the ;'. .itM'iou of bids resulting from com- ! ine terrns and condittonsoa which the ; " -t t, ;,j be made, see the I st annual adver- en: N. K. HALL, 11- Po-imaster General. -XO W OVE N I N G T F-M-V C.OOI) Such a Hch Pans C:i.shmres anil Fig'd De Laines ; t' t ti ;p I. ones and French Mennt.s, all colors; A ''i stuiovs ,-trnt Poplins, and Bocadc Silks; t't'tzi, Che n;i. Hrid Pou De Soie do B :ck A itered and satin-striped) " do tt'ii and plain) do v.itored anil plain) do p.iik, wh.te, hliicU and green Florence; B ti.. s ie ai:d white Lace Veils and Scarfs; " ' Capes and Collars; f M'lslm ( apes, ernhroidered ; ''I Cutis, sn'itics, Hdkf's, and Neck Ribbons ; ! '"I cp r.r.d Uonnet do r-f.n Lustrings and Satin do J in,i Kancy isites and Sacks; V,' , . .Mus. in, anil Linen Laces and Edgings; Crimson and lilue Crane Shawls: il f-isiimerc and Merino do., '"" r vtoicty of Trimnnngs and other articles .' ' too inmirrous to mention, for sale low, - ' "'' Sept. 27, ISoO. By K. M. AVKRV. i() f AUPKNTEHS AND PLANTERS. H E have jit received, and are offering at low pfices, the following articles: Planes. .re ifK. an,' . 2nJ Smoothing, Single C. Steel Irons ; do Double ' 44 41 Step Nosing, 1J inch, Coves, Dadoes, Beads, Marking Guagcs, Bench Screws. FKARN & PUTNAM. ! inch, ci and front, - ' tiat.tr J'f -S Ko-.v, "'- an.: Round, -.... L, ' V!! ' I'l'TX A ji keep constantly on hand j M--- '' iC ck of Queenswire, Wood wire, and lpZTl ETT3 F fT M 11 II r h 0 trk IT VOL. I. LETTER FROM HON. JOHN D. FREEMAN, Ex-Attorney General ot the State, to the committee inviting him to participate In the Union .Meeting at Canton, ou .Monday, the 1 fth November. Jackson-, Nov. 6,MS:0. Oentleynen: Your letter of Nov. 1st, statin;; that the Iriends of the Constitu ion and the Union will give a Batbecue at Canton, on Mond.iv the 11th instant, and also inviting me, in behalf of the peo ple ol Madison county, irrespective of party, to be present and addiess the people on that occasion, and lo aid you in your ollorls to preseive and per petuate ihe institutions of our connti y has been received and read wi h no ordinary emotion. I sincerely regret that your meeting is tube held upon a day when mv previous professional eiinafje niems imperatively call ine eKclieie, not that my humble opinions Would lend any interest whatever to your deliberations, bul that 1 myself might enjoy the ' feast of reason and flow ol soul" that will pei vade the assembly of your patriotic and enlightened peop'e. " The Constitution and ihe Union" is a motto well worthy of the occasion a sentiment dearer n a.l ot nets to evety ti tieSoutnern man a theme s most exalted and soul-stirring character. Tgniueeni mirror, it reflects, at a single glories of our past, and the hopes ol hrouuh it we look back upon a cen mderful achievements that have history i f a nation through succession of stiil more Mtii-n of personal and Ke oi Id in its coi I. need by some, tnnt i. protecio. 'leni lor the "hi lo be amended. . '.pttd, i he i e were t w e. e. This great prepo.. slave Siates to obtain . in addition lo their w,. fifths ol ail their slaves, ii. or sex; and also lo leq lit e i hat lu, be deli vered up on c la i in ol the pai . ,er ices were due, any law of any Su trary, notw iihst.mding. These are inipi. visions for the slaveholding States, and atToi the protection that was desired by any body urn. very receTit period. The consiitution was made by the slaveholding States, ar.d was specially imended i protect their great and predominant interest. It wa-, in fact, a Southern Confcdeiacy. It a constitution fiamed under such auspices will not piotect our rights, what have we to expect from a convention lobe as sembled from a majority of free Slates'? There are two modes of amending ihe constitu tion. Congress, whenever t wo-t h i i ds of both houses shall deem it necessaiy, may propose amendments or on the application of the Legislatures of tiro Ih.irds of the seveial Staies, Cot.gtess may call a Convention for proposing amendments; which, in either case, shall be valid to ai I interns and purposes, when ratified by t'lree-fourhs ol t he several Slates, or by convention in three-fourths thereof. Suppose! tint the htieen slaveholding St. lies should nroDose to the sixteen free States to hold a conven- ij(m i(l amend the constitution, and the proposition .hould be accepted anil the convention held, is it not cle ir to any observer that the tree Slates would have the majoiiiy in the convention, and thai in stead of proposing tun her protec ion to the slave States, they would immediately propo-e to strike from the constitution its present provisions in our favor; and itiUs we should only e-cape de-trud ion bv the ieiti-.il of three-fourths i I ihe States to ratify the proposed aineiiilments. The pr position, there lot, to amend the constitution in this rtspect, if at all desirable, is wholly unattainable. Oor present ti oubies a i e io.; t i.c i e. u'.t of dtfc in Ihe consiiiution; bur have arisen chiefly out of rheg'ea! preponderance ol population in ihe free States and ihe natural prejudice- existing between slave and tree l..b r. Coriupt politicians have taken advantage of this state of things and brought us to the verge of ruin. The great dithculiv we have heretofore labored under has been a want of unanimity and concert ol actum between all S-outhern men. While we have been discussing party politics, the North has taUen rlie ov-ter. and left ihe Southern W'higsand Democrats with each an einptyshell iu their hands. In consequence of this division we have been liar rassed and tortured in Cotigtess and out of il lot many vears. I a'dently hope that the people of Mississippi, in common wrili al the slaveholding States, wili be able to uniie as a band of br it hers upon a basis of self detence that will prevent all luriher encroach ments upon our rights. In mv judgment ihe basis agreed upon bv the Mis-i ippi State Convention of October, B4'J, i best calculated to effect this obj ct. It was there unanimously '" liesulred. Thai Congress has no power to pass any law abolishing slaveiv in Ihe Disi i ici of Columbia, or to prohibit t he sla ve it ade betw een 'he Stales, or to piohibit the introduction ot slavery inro the ten iloi ies ol the United States." "That we would regard the pa-s.ige by Congre-s of the 'Wilmot Proviso' as an unjust and insulting discrimination lo which the slaveholding States cannot, without political degradation, submit : and to which this convention, representing the feelings and opinions of ,ne people of Mississippi, solemnly d'.cbne ihey will vol submit." " That ihe passage of ihe Wilmot Fioviso or any law aboli-htug slave ry in ihe District of Columbia by the Congress of the United States, woi.ld, of "itself, be such a breach ol the federal compact, as, in that event, will make it the duty, as it is the right, of the slave holding States, io lake care oj Ih-ir own safely and lo neat the non-Blaveholding States as enemies to ihe slaveholding States and their domestic insti tutions." From this it will be seen, that the admission of California as a S ate has not been made a cause of resistance our Representatives weie requested to vote again-t it nothing mi re. This basis was agreed upon bv the whigs and democrats, in equal number-, in solemn con"ention a-senibled Iroin all quarters of the Slate; and the succeeding legislature, following in the wake ol the people, re-adopted the satne resolutions. These resolutions were passed by; both Houses ot the Le gislature and approved by the Governor. They constitute. theretote, alliwe ingredients ol a sot- emn hue of the land, which the Governor and al! the public officers are bound lo support. They may therefore be regarded as-tr.etrue tnaex or popu- lar sentiment in this Slate, and should be firmly ad- I hered to. i Thf-se resolutions, and others of a similar colore, j were presented and read in the U. S. Senate and j House of Representatives the discussion thereon I was I ng, ardent, exasperated, and terrible even i threatening disruption of the Government but ; finally resulted in a triumphant defence of the i Mississippi Platform. Well may we, in common with the whole South, be proud ot Ihe gallant bal I tie against tearful odds totighi bv our Senators ! and Representatives in that deadly struggle. It is i true they differed s,. mew hat in their modes of war j fare, but they all parried the blows of the enemy and ihru-t him manfully in return. ! Congress passed no law abolishing sla very in the District of Columbia no law prohibiting the slave j trade between the States no law prohibiting the I introduction of slavery in the territories of the U ; niied State. no Wilmot proviso and, consequent- ly, none ot the contingencies have arisen wiierein ! we had resolved to lal.e care of our own safety, and ' treat the non-slaveholding Stales as enemies to the slaveholding States, and theii domestic institutions. It is thought, however, by some ot out citizens that Congress has passed other measures equally i ofl'ensive to the Souih, and that the people ol Mis j sissippi ought to meet them with open lesistance. ' Tnese offensive measure- are ! 1st. A law to prevent the introduction of slaves ' into the District of Columbia for saie as merchao ! dize. ! 2,1. The admissicn of California as a State. i 3d. The territorial laws lor Uah and New i Mexico. I 4th. The proposition made to Texas to pur I chase a portion of the Territory for ten millions of I dollars. j It will be perceived at once that neither ot these ! laws can have any direct bearing uponhe State of 1 Vlis-iss.nni nor upon anv Southern State except Texas. How we ate to oiler any practical resist ance to these laws within our own borders, the re sistance men do not inform ufj but they very mod- CITY esily tell us, that "the mode and measure of resis tance is leu to the people, and where Mississippi uirikes her mark, therl they will be." They seem to have forgotten ih,.t Iissisinni : has all eady "ma.ie her mark" ihal by her Stale convention and succeeding iegislature.'she has de ; clared her ul'imate points of resistance, and that ! Coiuies.s has nj disturbed a single plank of her I platform. Our constitui ional land mat k- have been ' avoided with a care that is highly complimentary : to the intelligence and chivalry of our people. A I t short review ot the offered measures will show j : this io be true. i i Bv the consiiiution of the United States, Con-j gress has power to exercise exclusive legislation ! in all cases whatsoever over the Dist i ict ol Oolum- bia, subordinate, of coiiise, to the constitution. In ! : the exercise of this power ihey have passed a law i prohtbiiing slaves Irom beina brought into that Dis- j '. ti ict for ale as merchandize, rut: nut otherwise in- ' lettering with ihe insti uiion. It i-- not disputed ; ' that Congress had the power lo pass this law, and if ! ! Ihe people of the District desired iis passage, it aas j ; their duty to pass it. Ii is the duty of Comzress to j I consult the wishes ot the people of that District, 1 and protect thetn in the same manner that the State ' Governments legislate for the people of Ine States. I ' Many ol the slaveholding Stales ha ve similar la ws with regard io slaves. The constitution of Mis- ! I sissippi contains this clause : "The introduction of ! slaves into this State as mcrckandize or fur sale shall j j be prohibited from and alter ihe first day of May, j ! eighteen hundred and thirty-three." This provision was amended in 1844-46, and slaves are now permitted to be introduced. There i ; is, therefore, no cau-e of offence lo the South in j ! this measure ; and even if there were, ii could only ; i be resisted by an armed force to be sent to the Dis'- i I trict of Columbia for that purpose. Will Missis- j sippi send such a force 7 - j I he admission of California as a State, under all ihe circumstances of the case, was, no doubt, a j great grievance to the Sou h; but the wrong lies i rthcr bick. The teliisal of Congress to pass a j iiorial law for Calilornia, without the Wilmot at its previous session, was a shameful ; of duty. Had this been done, Southern j ''ave had a fair opportunity lo go to their slaves, and possess them- ! ' thai golden region. In con- ect, ihe people of Calilornia jreat law of necessity, to form ttiemsetves. it bouihern men i. iornia. in sufficient number, ihey ; mig .ned a State Con.-tiiutn.n, and thus ; taken . .ge of the bad faith of Congress. They did . ( do so, and the free soilers pietlotnin i ated they made a Republican Consiiiution, and ! presented themselves for admission into the Union, i The constitution provides that "new Stales may be ! admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new Staresshall be formed or erected within theju- ri-diclion of any othei State; nor any Slate be form i ed by the j unction of t wo or mote States, or parts of , Sttiies, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of Congress." i California was not within ihe jurisdiction of any ; other State, nor was it formed by the junction of i two or mote Siates or parts of Slides; it was en- tirely within the tertiiory of the United Slates, i and, therefore, does not come within either of ihe t above exceptions. Congtess, therefore, had full ; power to admit her as a State. In was in the dis , cretion of Congress to admit or refuse admission, i She has been admitted, and from that act there is notappeal. Congies- cannot repeal the law. Cali ! fornia stands now on an equal loot ing with all ihe j other States of the Union. If California could be ' repealed out of ihe Union, so could every State: i and as ihe free States have the majoiiiy. in Cunt ! gre-s, it this doctrine were adinitied, they could repeal all the Southern States out of the Union by 'an enactment of ten lines; and thus Congress WMiM t.ntf 'he iowr in dissolve the Union at its j pleasure. If, theretoie, ' he law be Constitutional j and cannot be repealed, how i- Mississippi io resist j its execution? ' can only be done by a sufficient armed force .set to California to make a conquest j of that country against ihe combined force ol the ; Californians and the United Slates. Will Mis ' sissippi send such a force? j The ten itotial biils lor Uiah and New Mexico I provide thai those tei i ilot ies may finally be admitted into the Union as Mates wi'h or without slavery, as t ihe people thereof respectively may deire. It is wonhv of remark, thai both ol these ierriories ex tei d North to 'he forty second degree of North lati tude. The Ma-hville convention was willing to compromise at "36,30." Under these biils the ter ; ritoiial legislatures may pass laws, fot the pi; tec : lion of sla ve property , and if Si tit het ti men po sess ihemselves oi the counti v, ihey w ill passsucii laws. ; Our Sta e convention, and our legislature, solemn i ly " Resolved, I hat is the duty ol the Congress of I the Uni ed Slates to provide territorial organiza ; tion and government lor all tut territories ac qui red I by the common b ood and treasure ol the cnizen I of the S ates, to provide the means of enforcing, in ! said tei rirortes, the guaranties of the constitution . of the United S ates, in reference to the property i of citizens of any ot the States removing to any of ! said territories with ihe same, without distinction or limitation." ', Congress has executed this resolution lo the let ; ter. It has passed a general law under which all tpersons and property may De pro'n ted witiout j I distinction or limitation." Cong i ess might, with ! propriety, have gone a Utile farther and made a l j special provision lor the protection of -lave proper- i I ty ; bul this was not requued by our fiate conven , tion, and has not been done. How, then, can we i complain.' Will M is-i-sippi send ar armed force to Uiah and .tw Mexico io resisi he very laws which she has required Congress lo issl The proposition to settle ihe boundary question ; between Texas and New Mexico, ha not yet been I accented bv Texas. If Texas relus. s ihe offer, it pis the offer, the United ! does not become a law it Texas acc lit then btcomes a contract, between I States and Texas. The power of the Federal d make such Government to settle the boundary atj ' purchase is not disputed. The pure! liase of Lou ISltfim, l IUI IUtl,OIIU ..s. . . V . s . -, Will Mississippi .-end an army to Tt? ies this point. xas to resist the execution of this contrac in thf event of its ! Kccepiance by Texas? t These questions are easily answe i sippi will commit no such act ol ti t siiioi knows ihal the constitution, arn ed. Ily. I the Missis Missis, laws of ; trie United State- passed in pursuance thereof, aie the supreme law of the In nil ; and that the Judges : in evety estate, tas well as ine people bound thereby ; anything in the ci laws of any Slate to Ihe contrary notwithstanding; ' she will never be found in a slate ol rebellion i against laws of this character. Mi Union loving, law abiding State. S -sissippi is a le claims the constitution as an ancestral legacy atjove all pi ice ami when thai holv charter is trodd n under fool hv anv norlion of the confederacy lie will boldly denounce item as disunionists and 'traitors, and trm ihem accordingly. It is tiue that Mississippi was opposed to the ad mission of California, and probabiy Ki ' the propost- tion made io Texas. She was a so opposed to ihe incorporation of the Uni'ed State: Ban k lo the rtial Improve- hi-'h Protective Tai iff, and lo Internal Improve ments by the Federal Government as unconst na tional measures. Bul she confined I er opposition to ber intellectual efforts until the odt.ius measuies were repealed. She never raised ihe standard of rebellion, nor took shelter under the miserable Ul laey ol "peaceable secession." Those valuable patent remedies are now the exclusive property of ihe St wardites in New York and Ajlassachuseti, ; who ate attempting lo resist the itigiti ll ihe k-deral consiiunioii has he violated by Congress as to call for lance, how does il happen thai this ! has never yel reached the ear ol "O; i In Febiua'ry, ISl'J, the legisfotuie . passed the following resolution: ; "R solved. That in the event of t ; the Wilmot proviso, or of anv law a ve slave I n so gte ily Hilhern Rests ten ific news d Virginia !" ol Virginia he passage of polishing sla ! very in ihe TJi-trict of Columbia, or in any man holders ! bet e en the Slates, : ner inter lei ir.g with the rights of slav i in. or abolishing the slave uade betwti : Virginia will be prepared to unite with her sister ' slaveholding otaies, in convention or Ihe adoption of any measures that ma . rv to oiovide for iheir mutual defence or io secute : J ' r if I , their common saieiy. In October ot ihe same year, Missi : ed in her wake. Their positions we -ssippi lot low ire identically liho-ame. There siands irginia ih full view of j the Federal Capitol, and with hereadof Dionysius opcD to the very whisperings oi me halls of if gis- sib &mAM w ikm fMn0Sali I OF JACKS L)N, NOVEMBER lation, fresh from ihe lips of ihe alledged conspir atois. Yet Virginia stands mute, unmoved, tma larmed. unagitated "snuffs no pollution in the tainted breeze." Has Virginia gone over tut the Iree .-oilers iniofled her pioud cre-t to the "craven -submis-ionists " There, iisi, i Maryland, hourly pumping : the Capiiol wiih her telegraphic wires 7 Her iears are not oftenced her eves are not t pened with amazement .-r.esees no lent in the consijiuiiun she sound- no larm to her s.ster Slates. Delaware, Kentucky, Tennessee, Vijs-ouri, Ar kansas. Louisiana, Texas, Fin 'da and North Car olina. are all binied in Egyptian darkness with re caid to the supposed treason committed at Wash ington. Have they all on ned traitors to the con stitution and coveted themselves with Ihe pall ol ' craven submission ? Alabama, although dittsat-i-fled, proclaims no forcible resistance; w hile a tavoierl lew in South Carolina, Georgia and Mis-sis-ippit claim to have a full intelligence ol the violation of Cse-ar's wife and at e i u-lung headlong to the rescue. When they re. jrn from their vic torious battle-fields, covered with the laurel of knight errantry, they will probably inform us ol the historical iact ihat C.T.ar's wife was "above suspicion." ' ; The lugi'ive slave hi; complaint at tiie South; is not made a subject ol on the contrary it is. re ceived with great satisfaction. On thi measure, nowever. ine nyura-ueau ot resis.ance is appearing in New York and Massach jsett; . The hbolition ists, fugitives, and free negroes, hare declared war against it. This was to be expected. "N.i villain feels .he halter draw, With good opinion of the law." The mass of the peopie of ihose Slates have not yet been heard on the subject. It i- to be hoped they "ill show more affection for the constitution and laws- (,f their country than they do for runa way negroes; but if" they do not. the Executive power of the Federal Government will crus)siiem into subtr issjon. It matters not v. ho occupietjhe Presidential chair the President is compelled. Itar nisoaiu oi omce, ,iuu oy me voice ol ine commun it V, 'o execute ihe constitntion and lawsi at the peiil of impeachment. The la w, i here, will be en forced, those w ho dare resi-t, w i I meet ihe doom of traitois. At this eniigiiiene day, w hen ihe whole world ha: yielded to the enforcement ot civil government, it is impossible that anv great portion of the propie of this Union will rebel ag.iinst the constitution and laws. Il, however, the law sh. uld he repealed and that important provision of our constitution rendtfreu nugatory bv Northern resistance, ail ihe lovers ot the constitution w ill ur.itf as one man, and expel the Traitors from the Confeds rat y. I: we ifiust fight the abolitionists, let us do it under the banner ot the consiiiution let us raise th-? same old flag that was carried by Washington ib rough the Rev olutionary war the same tlag that put down the Hartford Con vent ion the same ths that triumph ed in our second War of Independence with Great Britain the same flag thai General Jackson car ried in triumph at the Battle of New Orleans 'he same flag that so recently triumphed over a! our brilliant feats of arms in the late war with Mexico. Let us go forth lo battle iti our National character and with the Army and Navy at our command, and we cannot fail to drive Ihe abolition ists and tree negroes into Canada, where they properly belong. Disunion is no remedy fori the Southern States. If we cannot sustain our pecu liar institutions under a consiiiution made express ly for that purpose, and with Ihe army and navy of this great Na'ion at our command, there is little to be hoped from a Southern Confederacy, greatly interior in capacity and surrounti-d cn everv sidjeby active and powerful enemies" f . : Disunion should have nei her home nor heritage in the South. Its domicil, if anywhere, is inline State of Massachusetts. The Hartford Conven tion was the place of its binh, but ihe Union titen of the Revolution strangled ti.e monster in its cra dle. Massachusetts b 'asts mat she has always re fused, to del ver up fugitive slaves in violation of the Constitution. When Texas was annexeid to ihe Union, Massachusetts declared that the Union was dissolved. When war was declared again-t Mexico, Massachusetts made similar resolves; and she now declares through many of her prom ineul citizens, that she will nullify ihe recent lugi live slave law continue lo harbor our -l ives and in vi fc them to her arms; -till Massachusetts: re rr.a i rK in the Union, and sends Daniel Web-ter to Wa ingion. tier disunion threats "pa.-s m bv as trie die wind- which we regird noi." It' ihe Pies sells, dent dent I iil-to execute this law in M.issadhu he Soii he ti S ates will furnish the Pite-i- ith a vose hat will p. it down the rebellion. effect 1 1 V , and save the Union Irom dismeiiibei Thce are lawful remedies which all the men t worl wiil recognize, at which no State can enm- plain nd which we have the ii;htand the power to enfl rce. Uni dissolve the Union, and we have no suit law no such right no such powei-i-no Presi en' no navy no armv at our command All i free States will 'hen become to us pes'ticr oiis n bors to which our siaves will flee wiih inl punity and if the free States reluse to treat with us on its sunjeci, as ttiev certainly will, we shall have n remedy and not even a lawful cau-e; of wa r. Whajt, then, has Mississippi to gain by di-solu non ort : ecession! Instead of acquiring additipn- al territory, we shall lose hat we n w ousse-s and be confined to our S'ate limits. California, Uiah nd New Mexico willstand unaffected , by our ma pness Texas, witti her ten millions ot dol lar in her treasury, will laugh at out folly Cn- ere-s Colu ill continue lo legislate for the District ot mltia anil the balance of the Union, and the Pre -id tut wiil continue to execute the laws of (he United Slates, as formerly, over the Teiritorytof M issis4ippi, unless iotcibiy resisted by our arms. He will continue to survey and sell the public land- wiihin mr State limits. The United Slates Counts will ci atinue u. hold iheir sittings at Jackson arid Ponloo c, with power u try all offenders against the lai s of ihe Union. The United States mails wili ci titintie io traverse our country and herald thetne s of our political suicide. A E ecl.iration of Independence and Secession by Mi- -issippi, w ill r.ot repeal the cons itution and lawsol the United States. 'The Ptfsidtnt, having no opti jn, will be compelled to enforce them both ; and on ess we make forcible and successful resist ance, v e shall be in tae Union bm nolo" it. Hav ing ab. ndoned our position as a State, and w ith diaw n iur repiesentati n ftuwi Cong-fv-s, w e shall be redt ced to a Territory and governed as such, j It reouires no prophet to foretell thai Mississippi will en no such disgraceful figure in ihe history of ihe t ation. She w.ll not mis ake a proper te sentme it ot political wrongs for a war to be made by her-elf upon her ow n constitution. The South holds in her own hands the power cvf a just and proper retaliation against the unwise, onprii ipled, and instilling conduct of portions of the Ni rthern people. The cotton crops of the South ( oiitrol i he commerce of the nation. The great c tmmercial cities of New York, Philadel phia ar d Boston, the co'ton manulaiories ot Neiv Englan j and ihe fleetsof hips that cover theOreah with c the pre patron and re mmerce, mav a;; De made subservient tin luction ol Cotton. We can wi.hdraw our ge from the Northern cities and theories, jse to export ano itapott in Nonhtrn shlts we ilan establisii direct communication with ihe foreign markets of ihe world c-xpe.r; our own crop n our own snips ami impori our ow n gooqs and mtlnev in return establish Southern mantv falori encotitage Soothetn mechanics, anil merchants, ajd Sotiiliern interests 01 Souihelrn every i Navy Make it with e-cripiion, and n ake u-e of the Army anj.! f the Lnion to p.oiect a.ttitnei n enterprise. hi.- i roclamat ion lo me North and execu ie an energy and determination worthy of so ere at a cause, and wesnui revuiirionize tneOow- eriimeilt and conquor ot:P Noithern enemies with out sheading a dr..p of internal Mood. I In conclusion. I give you (he sentiment of An drew Jhck'on : "The Union it mist and shaiX BE PBEpERVEO ' ! I am. witn gfeat respec, Your friend and oh"t serv't, I J0E1N D. FREEMAN, j 'SnT C. Tupper, C. C. bhackleiord, N. Callahan, ll. A. il. Lawson, W. McBrtde. . . i HvAropatht. Tiie following- hit at the wai ter cure was made by Charles Lamb, and nb one but himself could have had so quaint aeons- ceit: 'lit is," 6aid he, neither new nor wonderful for it is as old as the deluge, which in my opinion. killed Ynnre than it cured.' 22, 1850. From the Louisville Journal. CAN A STATE COXSTITI TIONALLY SECDEE FROM Til E t.Mtl.Vt The stability of the Union lias been thought I to be in imminent danger at various periods j since we have been an independent nation. i The whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania I was the first outbreak of discontent in opnosi- j tion to the Federal authority, and it is the only j one which has been pushed so far as to require an organized military force to suppress it. j The opposition to the embargo in the New ; England Slates assumed a threatening form, but tlo; parties concerned, as orderly citizens, actpui- esccd in the decision of the Suprctiie Court ol the United States. The Hartford convention, whose aims and ob- jects were so much controverted and were so signally condemned by the rreat majority of the l itluii, was not attended with anv violation of Federal authority, unless its agents may have induced the refusal of Massachusetts, durino; the last war with Great Britain, to allow her militia to march beyond the State boundary. The opposition of a portion of the South, and particularly of South Carolina, to the tariff laws, gave rise to a most alarm ing" opposition to Fed eral power, under the name of nullification, and that danrrer passed without violent e; and the pretension on which it was based has been con demned by a vast majority of the people and the States, and could not now receive ihe sup port, as is believed, of the State of South Caro lina herself. At any rate, she must be heartily ashamed of it. The threat of Texas to take forcible posses sion of that portion of New Mexico east of the Iiio Grande, has, it is believed, wasted itself in a few messages of her Governor, and it is hoped that the matter is settled bv Congress in a man ner which will be acceptable and satisfactory. ome public men, hiirh in the public conlt- dence, are now claiming and insisting- that, according- to the frame of our Government, a State has the right to secede from the U nion for causes which to her may appe. r to be satisfactory. It is best to reflect, and dispassionately examine and adjudjre every question which looks to the dissolution of this Union, .at its very outset. Political questions are very apt to be mixed up with feelings, influences, and passions which may miscrmde the judgment and lead to false conclusions. It may be that the entire body of slave States might be so alarmed for ihe safety of slave proppriv as to be unfitted to examine with calmness and justice the true principles of the Constitution; and it is but too evident that a larfje number of the Northern States have al lowed their opposition to slavery to betray them into an officious intermeddling with the social and internal relations of their sister States, and an unauthorized opposition to the acts of Con gress for the reclamation of fugitive slaves. It is the wisest course to consider and settle with promptness all disturbing questions as to the power of the Federal Government, and, if pos sible, to arrest them before they assume the ar ray of party and draw around them sinister and alien influences and alliances. It will be recollected with what portentous concern thigood and wise loked itoon the nulli fication contest, until I'resiaent Jackson planted himself and his devoted friends in decided op- position to it. I he V hig party were to a man opposed to nullification, but it was in a minority ti to numbers, nod infer'ur as to party vigor. Nearly every public man who maintained nulli fication was a Jackson man, and all the affinities of that leader of iron wiil arid nerve were with the South. His tremendous personal influence and popularity, if they unluckily had been cast on the side of nullification, would, for a time at least, if not permanently, have established a most pernicious system. The proclamation of President Jackson against the nullifying: pro ceedings of South Carolina saved the Constitu tion from a most mischievous misconstruction and the Union from a most imminent peril. Secession is but an offspring of the same po liiical heresy, ami it is the duty of all the true friends of the country to look it full in tiie face and admonish its friends that it cannot be toler ated. We proceed to examine, and, as we hope, to refute it. The doctrine and argument of secession is this: that the Federal Constitution is a compact or league between the States, by which each State, in its sovereign capacity, has agreed with the other States to delegate certain powers to the Federal Government; that, il being a compact between sovereign States, there is, according to the law of nations, no arbiter to settle differ ences as to political powers; and that, when ever in the opinion of any State, the Federal Government has transcended its powers by the passage of a law which such State shall believe to be a palpable violation of the Constitution, she has the right to withdraw from the Union. It is maintained that ibis doctrine is the true and proper construction of our Constitution, and that Ihe Federal Government would beading in vio lation of its provisions if it should attempt to prevent by force this alleged right of secession. It is also maintained by the advocates of seces sion, that our Government is not a Government of force, that a sovereign State cannot be coerced by Federal power, and th.it decrees and judg ments of the Federal courts are powerless on political questions, and are limited to cases of law and equity in the courts. A leading and fundamental error of secession is the theory, that each State of the U nion is a sovereign authority , or, in other words, possesses supreme, absolute, ' uncontrollable power. If each State has the same powers as an independent and sovereign nation, then the doctrine of secession would be . sustained by the law of nations. But is it a , truth that the States of this Union possess ! supreme or uncontrollable or sovereign power . under our Government? No Stale can make i war or peace or raise armies or make treaties, t and these are the highest attributes of sovereign I power, a oi.ue oi mis union is loroiuuen io ing tit is expulsion and seizure would be otfend fotm any treaty of alliance with another Stato j ers against the laws of thu United States, if we or w ith a foreign nation, and yet by her mere j are right in the proposition that secession is not volition she may, we are told, secede from all t warranted bv the ('onsiitution. and wnobl ho constitutional obligations, and at once array her self in all the attributes of an independent na tion ! The States of this Union have never, since the first settlement of this continent, in any le gal sense, been independent and sovereign com munities. The colonies, before the war of in dependence, were settled by and subjected to the British crown. All their authority was de- rived Irom the British crown, and their powers ; furnish the smallest support to such a pr-jten-were limited by their respective charters. In : sion? We defy t e friends of f ecession or nul 1776, the colonies by revolution broke the Brit- lifieation to find a line of the Constitution w hich ish authority, and erected an independent gov ernment. They framed a written Federal Gov ernment, in which the first words of their com pact are these : ".Irticles f etmftderaliun rind perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, &c.' By the articles of couf, der ation and perpetual union, each Stile retained its sovereignly, freedom, independence, and every right and power not delegated to the U. States in Congress assembled, and they dele gated to Congress the powers ot war and peace. and treaties, and indeed most of the great attri- ouies oi a ou.tricin inu inuepenaeni nauon. t ot ine evn, cc; ana the Kentucky resolutions The old confederation was, in practice, found j assert that "a nullification by thosfl sovereign defective, and the present Constitution was ; ties, 'the States,' of all unauthorized acts don adopted, the first lines of which are in these ; under color of that instrument is the rightful words: " We, the people of the United States, ; remedy." Mr. Madison, who was one of the in order to form a more perfect union," &., "do j most able and dispassionate expounders of our ordain and establish this CenstitnlioD for th ' Constitution, by a Utter writteD with the por- NO. 1. United States of America." The articles of confederation were a written compact by the colonies of "confederation arid perpetual union," and the present Constitution was framed so as to form a more perfect union." liotli the articles of confederation and the pre sent Constitution conferred on the Federal Gov ernment certain great powers, and denied to the colones and States the exercise of those powers. It is most evident that the Federal Govern ment is, under our system, supreme and sove reign in all matters delegated to it, and the States are supreme and sovereign in matters no' dele gated, and which are not prohibited. The State i sovereignty claimed by sect ders under the liw of nations, applicable to independent nations. ! has no application to lir- modified authority of i the States, which is confined ami limited to" the j residuum of pou er not delegated to the Federal heac We ask the advocate of secessinn to put his finger on a line of the Constitution which au thorizes a State to break up this Union. There is not a sentence to he found in the instrument, which, by the most fore d implication, can be construed in his behalf, lie reiterates that this Union is a h ajriie of sovereign Slates, who have no superior, and, heintr without any umpire to settle differences, each State may, for what she deems good cause, dissolve the Union. Another most radical error of the seceders is, that there is no power lodged in the Federal Government to enforce obedience to its mandates, as against a State, and that our 'onsiitution has provided no umpire to settle differences as lo the powers of the Federal Government, or to co erce by force arty State acting against the Ftde- r.il ho-.iil I t,., 'o, r .u.. t:.i i... ,wiiiiiuiiuii oi nil. niLru .-inie iimAr.-, the Federal court the supreme judge of all( cases in law and equity arising under the Con-!; stitution. But how do the seceders escape from tliis. plain provision'1 They say that a State, acting ! in its sovereign capacity, cannot be reached by j; the Federal courts, and that the Federal tribu nals have no power to touch political questions, ii It is most true that the courts of the General j Government can act only on persons and pro- J perty, but they have full power to adjudge n 1 1 1 1 cases in law and equity arising under the Con stitution. The subject may be clearly illus trated by citing the exact case under which the doctrine of secession first arose. Congress, under the power granted by the ; Constitution to lay and collect taxes, dutic imposts, and excises, enacted a tariff law; a convention was held in South Carolina, which enacted an ordinance declaring the taritl law un constitutional, prohibiting any officer of the U. States or of the State from collecting the ditties in South Carolina under the pain of punishment, and providing an armed force to carry into effect their ordinance. The State of South Carolina was throughout its limits like a camp of soldiers arming and training to resist the execution of an act of Con gress. South Carolina maintained that this was a political question, with which the Federal court bad no concern, and you could not make a case of law or equity out of it that it Wi.s the ordi nance of a sovereign State, and, according to the law of nations, there is no umpire to settle a matter of difference with a sovereign, and, there fore, nullification was the rightful Constitutional remedy. President Jackson cut up this quibble by the roots. He very lainly proclaimed to South Carolina, that, if she offered force, ;n re sisting the execution of the tariff laws, he would mee' her by force, and it was understood that he would have some of the leading political generals hyng for treason if they persevered. I he process of making a case of law tinder the j Consiiiution is most obvious. Tho President sends a collector lo Charleston to collect the duties of thiit port of entry, under the provisions I of the tariff law. The oflicer is obstructed in j ihe exercise of bis functions by a nullification 1 military or civil officer, acting under the Stale ordinance. The latter is arrested for a violation of lite laws of the Union. He pleads bis State . ordinance in justification of bis conduct, and j the Federal court adjudges as to the suff.ciencj ; of bis plea. If the tariff law is held valid, the ; marshal calls out the posse cummiiutu to enforce , the judgment if necessary, and, if this is re ; sisted by an armed force, it is treason by any i parly offending. There is no escape from a cast: ! of law by the subterfuge that the resistance is a political resistance. I low supremely ridiculous would it he if the entire code of laws made by ; Congress under the authority of the Constilu j tion be nullified in any Slate by the enactment ' hf a State law forbidding their exercise within ' its limits ! j How futile would it be to enact law if the ' Government had not tlse power to use force in ! tiieir execution. ! The Constitution is a solemn compact by the : States or the people of the States we rare not i which the seceder9 will have il by which they delegate certain powers to Congress, and. iii cases of law and equity, the courts of the United ' States are to be the judges of all cases of law : and equity arising under the Constitution. The j seceders would have it, that, in the face of this j provision, a State may arrest the courts in exe- cuting the laws of Congress, and all ibis, toe, i under and by virtue of the Constitution, j The immediate matter of discontent for which secession is proposed as a remedy is ihe sup- posed unconstitutional conduct of the North and the Federal Government touching the territories acquired by the treaty of Gaudaloupo Hidaloo and the admission of California as a Stat... The first step in the process of secession would be to drive off the Federal officers, judges, clerks, marshals, and officers of tho customs, and then to expel our military and naval forces, if any. and to take possession of the fortifications, lirht- houses, and other Federal property and esub- Itshments within the boundary of the secedimr State. The citizens or Stale officers perpetrau prosecuted and resisted by the authority and power of the Union, acting by the instrumental ity of the courts. The justification of the Siaie functionaries would present at oncu a case of law arising under the Constitution. By what necromancy can a violation of the I '.ws of the Union be converted into a lawful act by the mere countenance or warrant of a Slate Legislature? is mere anyining in me Constitution which will sustain their theory, and they are almost desti tuto of the authority of reputable statesmen to buck them. Mr. Hayne and Mr. Calhoun of South Ca'roiini were unable to cite any author ity for their construction of our Constitution except the resolutions of the Virginia and Ken- tucky Legislatures I79S-93 on the subiect of i i i: i ...l..: ... . J i me rtiieii uii-a qtuiuuh laws. The Virginia resolutions affirm that, in case of a palpable violation of the Constitution, the Mates wno are parties thereto have the ricrht and ; are bound to interpose for arresting the progress pose of protesting against the nse of his rtamn and hi Virginia resolutions and report in sup port of nullification, lias stafpil that the true meaning of his doctrine, an set down in those H.emorable State, papers, wa3 that the Constitu tional number of States, according to the fifth article of the Constitution, was the action of "the States" ittcttnt and referred lo by those documents. With the exception of some dis tinguished names in the South, nullification has j a lean and meagre; authority. In the North or j West, it lias never received any degree- of popu I larity. Tho entire Whig party over the Union i has denounced it as revolutionary; and, sinco General Jackson, with the great body of Dcrn j ocratie supporters, repudiated and denounced it, i it Ins been considered as one of the mischievous j heresies of the day, hich an ir l. lligent people j have i:'.!i rlv disavowed. Tim lucid, able, and j unanswerable positions of .Mr. Webster, in tho i celebrated m hat. 'rial discussion of l-oti, on what is railed Foot's resolutions, have been deemed and held the trite exposition of tim powers ol" the Federal Government. Wc wiil not lire our readers with citations of the opin ions of the Supreme Court to the same purport. We have spoken of the true i'li.l proper eon stucit .ti of the Constitution f.s driver! from it hi-ti ry and literal interpretation and ront-true-ttoti, but, if wc -n,k to tho reason and good sense of th.it instrument, and the inonnvenii nee and absurdiiies of a contrary exposition, it ap pears to us that no dispassionate mind can doubt on the subject. The members of Congress, sw.orn lo support the Constitution, piss a law, and the President of lite United St ;tes, elected by the people, under a like oath, approves it, and yet a single Slate may declare that law un constitutional and void, and may secede from the Union ! The very statement of such a Slate claim would put ii down, stripped, as it i-. of a word of warrant in the Constii iii.in. Can it be believed that the Cramers c f our Coi slituti at, the wisest and best of men of ancient or mo dern times, eottl i have intended or did actually form a constitutional union, by which the littla Slate of Maryland, with her harbors arid bays, in the heart of lie old thirteen Stales, or the State of New York, with her metropolitan com mercial city, could separate from the Union, could declare its ports free ports, its State inde pendent, placing itself in the position to form any foreign alliance or annexation, and opening a Ijtnliiig and entry of a f.ireian tnemy into the very vitals of ot.r country ? We will cite an illustration which will strike I every Sense of reason or int rest in that tremen . - dous and in ignilicent valley of the father of waters, a vs ildi-rness at the adoption of the Con stitution, and tiie outlet of all its com iin-rcp, then in possession of a foreig-n nation, and will startle even the gr".itest zealot of secession. Suppose that Lou tst.i oi should tike it it to her head that she would he bettered by setting up for herself, or for uinir an alien alliance that, with a free poll at New Orleans and ihe power of levying duties on the transit ol tna great valley of Ihe Mississippi, with these ad vantages she might find her lott rest in a foreign arinexation- -we put it to the people t'nd the statesmen of this U'don if Ihey w uild allow Louisiana lo secede ! Would the great West listen to such a project? Did ihe statesmen who made our Constitution, frame compact of perpetual union which would countenance such a monstrous absurdity The territory of this Union is the property of the Union. It is to the people and Government of the U. States ai the lines and corners of our lands and farms. The Territories and Stales of this Union, with their lands, their rivers, their bays, their har bors, their abutlaU w hether by sea or land, the people within Iheir borders, and all they have, belong to and are the rightful properly and pos session of the Governtiierit of the United State for all the purposes and to the full extent of the powers conferred by the Consiiiution. The Federal Government has. the right and the power to look to the jenple of the State lo furnish, arini.s and navies, and to draw on their persons and property to defray the national expenses, and no State has a right to escape from her share of the public burdens. When this Government has fortified ber sea coast or land frontier, no Slate has a right by dccchsioii t.; c,.cn or.o of th gales of our citadel, or admit a foreign foe. Wo purchased Louisiana mainly to free our com merce from foreign imposts, and cut off tho ac cess of a foreign enemy into the bean of the j West, We purchased Florida partly for the ! same reasons. The annexation of Texas wa ' recommended as a military d--l'encerif our Union, i is it a truth, and can il be a tact, that our U nion i is powerless Io maintain the integrity of its ter- rilorial limits? Our Government allows indivi ; dual expatr ation, but Slate expatriation litis no 1 warrant of reason, propriety, or justice. We do not advocate the doctrine of passive I obedience or s'avisb submission to iusuppoita ' bio oppression and tho despotism of majorities, t The right of a people, or a State, or a number ot States, to resist iiiiautboiised violations of their rights wiil never find an advocate to us. We say lo the authors of secession, if you have wrongs inflicted, first appeal to the reason and justice of a free and intelligent people to relievo you from an unconstitutional law. If this fails, appeal to an enlightened and Itn partial judiciary. If this too fails, compare carefully the conse quences of submission or of secession, and, ii you are convinced that y ourinteresls, your liber ties, and your honor demand that you sho tld throw oil the y oke, raise the standard of revolu tion. This is the assertion of the inalienable rights of itniii, ol" which no government h..s a right to deprive you. Hut rio not e ill this a legal and constitutional process of redress. You can find for no warrant or color of right in the Constitution, and, if you could, such a con stitution would not d"serve the support of an in telligent people. A Constitution is but a name for tho highest law, next to the divine law, with which it is ever supposed to be in the unison, and how vain and foolish is any law without a sanction. You may assert and maintain seces sion over and above the Constitution, by rebel lion or revolution, but we should bo glad to be Informed of the forms of proceeding in our acts of Congress, our Consti ulton, or even the law of nations, which could make it a peaceful, orderly, or lawful proceeding. We think with you that the North is in the wrong in intermeddling with slave property, and in the etlo.'t to appropriate to the free States tho territories of tho United States. We are par ticularly pained at the opposition in the North to some of the healing acts of last Congress. nut we say to the South, your jetuedy of seces- sirm cannot be supported by any fair constitu- tional construction. It is, a remedy which eve ry dictate of policy requires should be met with the sternest rebuke, and, if presistcd in, by the most exemplary resistance. If indeed it is a remedy which our own frame of government legalizes, thj day of our constitutional Union will be numbered and the compact of Union will be but a rope of sand. Ludicrous. A young itinerant preacher, in the constant habit of declaiming a great deal about the Creation, inid especially about the first getting up of m in, whenever he wished to dis play bis native elo-jnenee lo i;ood advantage, was ono day holding; forth to a mixed congre gation in a country school-house. Becoming warm anil enthusiastic as he proceeded, it was not long before he reachd hid favorite theme, and started off in something like following: style: "And when the worl 1 was created, and tho beasts of tho field, an 1 fowls of ihe air, and pronounced very good, God said, 'Let us make man.' And he for ned mm tt his own like ness, and declared him I ho noblest of all lli work of bis hinds. And he mad woman also, and fashioned her in the exact irruge of mao, with a liltie variation " "Thank tie Lord for tiie variation!" shouted an old sinner, who sat over in tho amen corner of the room, at this interesting juncture, of the discourse. The effect was perfectly ludicrous and irre sistible. The preacher dropped the subject where he was interrupted, and was never heird to allude to it during a subsoqaent ministry of forty yMrs.