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JTlag of tljc Union.
The Federal Union. Il muit be preserved-Jacksos. No man can suffer too much, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer, or if he fall, in defence of the Liberties and Constitution of his Country .-Webster. T. PALMER t EDWARD PICKETT, EDITORS. FRIDAY. NOVEJIBEK ISSO. THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. In our examination of this document, we pro pose to review it, as we would any other politi cal paper, upon its own merits, without the slightest disrespectful reference to its author, for whom we not only profess, but feel, the most entire respect. The Governor, in our estimation, is a candid and frank gentleman, and we doubt not, conscientious in his political opinions but we fear he has fallen into great error, in relation to some of his facts, and also in relation to many of his opinions ; and has been induced, therefore, to suggest, if not to recommend at once, measures which we believe to be unwise, impolitic, and if made practical by Southern conventions, will prove, in the end, disastrous to the interests, not only of the South, but to those of the American people. Upon the subject of admitting California as a State into the Union, the Governor, in the outset, makes, as we think, a great mistake in the following statement : ' It wa too grossly unjust, to be urged as a measure by itself. lis deformity was too appa rent. Even its principal sponsors, did not, in the commencement, venture to advocate the measure alone. To break the force of the blow, and to palliate its effects, they connected it with other measures, some of them objectionable, and others practically useless and immaterial." It cannot have escaped the memory of our readers, that this connection of the admission of California, with "other measures," did not occur till the report of the committtee of thir teen in the Senate, which was made in the first part of May. Now, what was the condition of the California question in Congress, before this report was made? Mr. Douglass, the head of the committee on territories, had reported a bill to the Senate, for the admission of California into the Union, as a separate and independent measure. Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, Mr. Cass, Mr. Douglass, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Benton, and others in the Senite, had taken gronnd in favor of this measure, as an independent ques tion. Subsequently, Clay, Cass, Douglass, and Dickinson, acquiesced in the appointment of the committee of thirteen, and the Union of all the compromise measures, as presented in their report to the Senate. Mr. Webster, Ben Ion, and others, never did sustain this connec tion of measures, and the committee of thirteen were appointed by a small vote in the Senate. None of us can certainly have forgotten Mr. Benton's "tacking" and "sarsaparilla" speech on this subject. Again, on 21st January, nearly four months before the committee of thirteen made their re port to the Senate, our delegates in Congress wrote a letter to the Governor, in which is to be found the following distinct declaration: "We, the Senators and representatives in Congress from Mississippi, feel it incumbent upon us to advise you, and through you, our common constituents, that we have a well de fined opinion, that California will be admitted as a State of this Union, during the present ses sion of Congress. The President earnestly re commended it, and we cannot be mistaken, in supposing that a majority of both Houses of Congress will be found to vote for it." The President did not recommend this ques tion to be united with others nor did its friends in Congress, up to the writing of this letter, but urged it, as a separate and independent measure. We all remember the castigation which Mr. Clay administered to the President, for witholding his sanction to the Compromise Bill, because the California question was united with other measures. With these facts of history before our eyes, we cannot well explain the mistake, which we think the Governor has made. So far, therefore, as to there being any ground for the inference, that the friends of California, in Congress, believed that the measure "was too grssly unjust to be urged" as a separate mea sure, we cannot perceive the slightest shadow to sustain it. On the Governor's views, of the effests, of admitting California into the Union, on the pe cuniary interests of the South, we have only one remark to make : As a political economist and statesman, he ought to show, before he re commends or suggests to Mississippi, as one of the aggrieved States, "prompt and peaceable secession" that the safety, value and productive ness of slave property, will be, at least equal, after secession, to what they are now. Until this is shown, prudent and wise men will long hesitate to adopt the alternative proposed by the Governor, however admissible his facts, or clear his expositions they will desire a future un clouded with darkness and peril. But the Governor contends, that all the pecu niary loss to the South, resulting from the ex clusion of her slaves from California, has been produced "by the interference of Congress" and says of the acts of California: "they are the acts of Congress" and the argument which he founds on this assumption is, "that as Con gress has no power to create States, or prohibit slavery either in the States or territories, the acts are unconstitutional and void, and as such, 6houlJ forever be resisted by the aggrieved States." This is pretty much a re-statement of a part of the Nashrilla Convention Address, with out any additional argument or illustration of the dogmas put forth by that convention. It has been often assumed that the Constitution of California was the act of Congress, but we do not remember, ever to have met with the demon etration. It may be very convenient and politic to adopt the assumption, and decline the proof, for the former may be used by all logicians alike and with equal effect, while the argument might often fail, for the want of skill on the part of the advocate. But another assumption has to precede this, to give it the show of va lidity and that is, the acts of California, in and of themselves are, and were, from the beginning void. The Governor, if we understand him correctly, attempts to prove the latter assumption in the following way : " The power granted to I Congress over the territory, or other property belonging to the United States, necessarily ex cludes the assumption that the right of empire or of sovereignty resides in the inhabitants of the territory while such, because the authority delegated to Congress, is utterly inconsistent with the existence of such sovereign power in the inhabitants." The clause of the constitution to which we suppose the Governor refers, is the following: "Congress shall have power, to dispose of and make all needful rules and regu lations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United Stales." This is the delegated power, vested in Congress by the constitution, which the Governor declares to be "utterly inconsistent" with the right of sove reignty, on the part of the inhabitants of the territory. With all deference, we beg to inquire, ! if this power of Congress, to dispose of her ter ! ritory and other property and to make all need ; ful rules and regulations respecting them, be ! utterly inconsistent with the right of sovereignty, in the inhabitants of California, would it not ba ' equally inconsiste.it with the sovereignty of I Mississippi? for the United Slates own both ! territory and other property within her limits. ! Or would this incompatibility exist, between I the power of Congress, and the sovereignty of ; California, after the inhabitants of this new ' State or territory shall have been "invested" with sovereignty, by special act ot Congress, ! according to the peculiar notions of the Gover- nor? lie further says: i " The assumption of the right of Congress j to admit new States without limitation, and without reference to other provisions of the con j stitution, would imply the power in Congress, i in the case of California, to give validity to an act, which by the constitution is not only irre i gular, but absolutely void. This involves a ; palpable absurdity. The assumption implies ; the ability on the part of Congress, to adopt as ' their own, an act void and forbidden by the in i strument, from which they derive their whole ' power over the subject." Here is the assumption, in bold, confident and unqualified language, that the act of California is not only irregular but absolutely void, and that Congress has no power to give validity to it and not only this, but further, that the act it for bidden, by the instrument (the constitution)roi. which they (Congress) derive their whole power over the subject. On this subject, we are pre pared to take issue with Governor Quitman, and in advance, we deny totally and absolutely, any man's ability to show any such restriction in the Constitution of the United States. This, in our estimation, is one of the Governor's strange po litical blunders, and knowing him as we do, we are utterly unable to account for it. It may be true, that the inhabitants of a terri tory, as a political community, are not sove reign, but we think the Governor's argument has not proved it and if not sovereign, it does not follow, in the absence of any constitutional restriction on Congress, that this body, cannot, without a violation of the constitutio.i, admit such territory into the Union, upon a constitu tion formed without the special action and con sent of Congress. The truth is, we believe, that no statesman in or out of Congress, whose opinions are entitled to any weight, has ever contended that the terri tories were sovereign nor has the admission of California been contended for on that ground. The fact that California called a convention, and formed a constitution, preparatory to admission into the Union, without any act of Congress authorizing her to do so, is not contested. And this i3 the ''irregularity'" in the California pro ceedings, which every body admits. The ques tion arises, when California presented herself to Congress for admission, with this irregularity attached to her proceedings, have Congress, competent auth rity to admit her? In answer to this question, we refer to the first paragraph of sec. 3, art. 1, of the constitution : " New States may be admitted by the Con gress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress." It will, at once, be perceived, that unless Cali fornia was, at the time her convention was call de, within the limits of odo or more States, the assent of Congress was not made neccessary, as the incipient step to the formation of her State government. So thought Congress, and so think, perhaps, nine-tenths of the legal men and statesmen of our country, and suoh was the opinion of two administrations the one recom mending, the other approving the admission of California, as a separate measure. The Consti tution of California was voidable but not void, Congress could in their discretion, have rejected her application, and granted her a territorial gov ernment, and thus, hive rendered her constitu tion a nullity or Congress could admit her, as was done, and recognize her constitution as valid, without becoming responsible for any of its provisions, upon a subject, over which they had no control. How then, can any statesman, or any class of politicians, doclare, in the face of these truths, that the South is excluded from California, by act of Congress ? It is a stereo typed assumption, and has been so, since the ad journment of the Nashville Convention, and should never be dignified as an argument it is wholly unworthy of the name. The South has been excluded from California, by her people in convention, and by no other earthly power. Before dismissing this topic, we desire a word on the Governor's position that Congress pos sesses the power to invest the inhabitants of the territory with sovereignty and that the power to do so, is included in the grant to Congress to admit new States. We have already quoted the whole of the pa ragraph from the constitution, touching the sub ject, of the right of Congress to admit new States, and excepting this paragraph, on this point, the constitution is wholly silent. We only wish to present the Governor's assumption, that the power to invest the inhabitants with sove reignty is included in the grant to admit new States, and then the grant itself, in the language of the constitution, that all candid and fair-minded men, may see, how inadmissible and absurd the assumption is. Further we desire to show how widely the great Southern expounder of the constitution differed from Gov. Quitman. In his last great speech, read in the Senate on the 4th of March, '50, by his friend, Mr. Mason, of j Virginia, Mr. Calhoun says: " The act giving j permission, (referring to the act of Congress i giving permission to the people of the territory j J to form a constitution and government,) neces-j ! sarily withdraws the sovereignty of the United States, and leaves the inhabitants of the incipient ; State as free to form their constitution and gov- ; ernment, as were the original States of the ' j Union, after they had declared their independ- ' ence." And further, he says: "And all this 1 is perfectly consistent with the sovereignty of j the United States, with the powers of Congress, j and with the right of a people to self-government." t Mr. Calhoun had a clear perception and a just appreciation of the "self evident truths," that j "all political power is inherent in the people," j and that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," so that when the sovereignty of the United States wes with drawn from a territory, he saw and admitted how this inherent right of a people to govern them selves, would, and ought to manifest itself, in the formation of "their constitution and govern ment. But Governor Quitman, it seems, has a theory of his own ; and according to this, the inhabitants of a territory cannot institute a gov ernment for themselves, without the possession of sovereignty, and this they must obtain from the common stock of the old thirteen States, through Congress, who seems to be the conduit by which this important element and basis of j self-government is to be transfused into the peo ple of the territory ! For the present, we must pass over that por tion of the message relating to the Texas bound ary bill, to the territorial bills, and that abolish ing the slave trade in the District of Columbia, as we wish to take a brief notice of the Gover nor's recommendation of the measures to be adopted. And first. If 30 30' be not granted the South, together with such alterations of the federal constitution as will effectually secure, for ,the future, the rights of the slaveholding States from aggression, he recommends "prompt and peaceable secession." This, we are glad to find, is so definite and explicit, as to be sub ject to no misconstruction. The message next avows the principle, that secession is an "un questionable" right, and proceeds in the follow ing strain : "The probability of the ultimate necessity of a resort to this effective and unquestionable right of sovereign States, should be kept in view, whatever measures may be adopted by this State, either alone or in concert with her sister States, to remedy existing evils. In the mean time, and as early a practicable, it is of the highest importance that some common cen tre of opinion and action should be authoritive ly established. This may be effected by the Conventions of the several assenting States pro viding for the organization, and subsequent fre quent periodical appointment or election of a com mittee of safety for each State, to consist of a number equal to their Senators and representa tives in Congress. These committees, whose duty it should be, periodically to assemble at some central point for the transaction of busi ness, should be invested with adequate powers, absolute or contingent, to act for their respec tive States, upon all questions connected with the preservation and protection of their domes tic institutions, and their equal rights as sover eign States. Such a body of men, even if cloth ed with the authority of but two or three States, would command respect, and secure quiet and peaceable results to their determinations." We were a little surprised to see the fearless and frank Executive cf our gallant State attempt ing to conceal, as we suppose, a recommenda tion to institute a Southern Congress, under the phrase "Committee of Safety," or "common centre of opinion and action." This, taken in connection with the recommendation of the late session of the Nashville convention, to the Southern States, to elect delegates with plenary powers to a Southern Congress, cannot, we imagine, mean anything else than the establish ment of a "common centre of opinion and ac tion," in a Southern Congress. If then, we are not mistaken in this view, the message has taken ground in favor of the building up of a Southern Confederacy, and the entire and final secession, from the present Union, of those States who may choose tonnite in this Southern republic. That this is clearly and unquestiona- ! bly the Governor's plan, we think no candid man can now deny, and we trust, in future, that none who adhere to him, and to his political views, will object to the message, as giving a full and faithful exposition of their political creed. The issue is now fairly made, Union or Disunion "Choose ye this day," which you will follow. i The Correspondence.: The importance of other matters has prevented us from noticing the correspondence between Messrs. Nabors, Ames, Hemmingway, and others, with our Senators and Representatives in Congress, in relation to disunion or resistance to the late compromise laws of Congress. We are requested to say, that although three of the signatures to the ques tions asked, were from Mr. Featherston's dis trict, that gentleman has declined to furnish any reply. We suppose, that like other distinguish ed gentlemen, he will reter to his general course, and to his public speeches, for the answer to the interrogatories. RESOLUTIONS OF CENSURE. Resolved, by the Legislature of the State if Missis sippi, That the course of the Hon. Jeff. Davis as Senator, and the Hons. A. G. Brown, Wm.McWille, W. S. Fea'herston, and Jacob Thompson, as Repre sentatives in Congress from this State, on the ques tion of the admission of California, is approved, as representing the interest and will of the people of Mississippi ; that tne course ot tne Hon. neury . Foote on this qnpstion is not approved, being in the judgment of the Legislature opposed to the interest and will of the people of Mississippi. Be it further resolved, That the course of the Hon. Jeff. Davis as Senator, and Hons. A. G. Brown, Wm. McVVillie, W. S. Featherston, and Jacob Thompson, as Representatives in Congress from this State, in their firm and consistent support and able advocacy of the rights and honor of Mississippi and 'he South, on all the questions before Congress at its late ses sion, involved in the slavery controversy, is approved ; that the course of the Hon. Henry S. Foote on all these questions is not approved, and this Legislature does not consider the interests of the State of Mis sissippi, committed to his charge, safe in hi keeping. The question being taken, the vote stood thus: Yeas Mr. Speaker, Messrs. Anderson, Barton, Brown, Buford, Bynum, Byrn Bell, Barry, Barden, Blythe, Brooks, Beene, Cassedy, Clement, Calhoun, Dampier, Durr, Echols, Ellis, Guy, Gatlin, Hinds, Harrison, Jenkins, Kelley, Kirkland, Lynch, Lewis, Malone, Mott, Magce, Martin, Matthews, Metcaif, Nelson, Noble, Neill, Rozell, Rawls, Suratt, Stewart of Marion, Seal, Thomas of Marshall, Thomas of Yazoo, Thames, Trusseil, Thurmond, VVeathersby, and Webb, 50. Nays Messrs. Adams, Armstrong, Arthur, Ashe, Aldridge, Bakerof Hinds, Baker of Pontotoc, Collins, Caterings, Crusoe, Ford, Foote, Farrar, Griffin, Hemmingway, Huie, Henrv, Johnson, Kimball, Marble, Myers, Mclnnis, McNabb, Nabors, Powell, Regan of Claiborne, Regan of Yazoo, Rogers, Stuart of Wilkinson, Starke, Smedes, Talbert, Tison, Wil cox, Welsh, West, and Young, 37, MEETING ON MONDAV EVENING. On Monday evening, the friends of the Union held a meeting in the Hall of the House of Re presentatives, for the purpose ojf forming a Cen tral Union Association. The organization was made by the adoption of the jconstitution and by-laws, which will be found! in our columns. The meeting was large, and attended by man' of the ladies, who, we trust, wiJl not fail to give their presence and influence upon all suitable occasions, to the cause of our federal Union, and to the perpetuation of that government which has, up to the present moment,' and which will, as we hope, in all future time continue, to give us all, such entire and perfect jsecurity, in the possession of our civil and religious liberties. The meeting was addressed by Gen. Davis, of Lafayette, and Hon. B. D. Nabors, of Tippah. The former gentleman confined his speech, ri gidly, to a review of the bills of adjustment, and the constitutional authority of Congress to pass them. It was an argument, and one mora forcible, clear and conclusive, we have not heard from any quarter. His address abounded in patriotic sentiments, of the most enlightened and matured cast, happily, glowingly and elo quently expressed. When General D. closed, Mr. Nabors was loudly called far, and of course, he was there, being a "minute man," and al ways ready fo- action. Wre never had the plea sure of hearing this gentleman before, but on this occasion, he made us his friend forever. He delivered one of his "miscellaneous" speeches and a miscellany it was, but one strewed with diamonds and daggers from begin ning to the end. He gave us, with spirit and humor, in illustration of the fight which had been going on in the House for a few days past, the story of the " Lincoln rehearsal" from the "Georgia Scenes," in which a youthful 'bruiser' retired alone, to practise in a sham fight by him self, merely "to see how he could a fout" if any one had been there. In immediate juxta position, with exhibi tions of humor like this, he would place in the most earnest and imposing manner, such state ment of facts, as that the efforts of the disunion ists or secessionists, however they might declare in favor of the Union, were made, in all their speeches, resolutions, and arguments, to weaken the respect of the people for the Union to de preciate it, and try to render it a; matter of either indifference or contempt in the public mind and that no man scarcely, could differ in opinion with them, without being denounced as a sub missionist, a surrenderer of Southern rights, a traitor to the South, &c. WTe advise our friends all to go and hear Mr. Nabors, when he again makes a political speech. He will not only give you ample ma terial for the exercise of your understanding, but he will also afford you some bright and graphic sketches of what is witty and ludi crous, for your delight and amusement. We are happy to learn from Mr. Nabors, that the people of Tippah, and of the adjacent coun ties, are in opinion, sound to the core, on the subject of Union. for the Flag of the Union. Brandon, Nov. 27, 1850. Messrs. Editors You will be highly gratified, I know, to learn that we have been prompt in responding to the suggestion of the Union Meet ing held in Jackson on the 18th. A "Union Association" for Rankin county has already been formed ; and the ball so gloriously set in motion in your city, has rolled through our county, and by the impetus it has received here is now rolling onward and onward over the hills and hollows of East Mississippi. To Rankin county belongs the honor of having first unfurled the standard of "the Union" in the "mighty East," and her noble example will be soon followed by her sister counties until plots and plotters, factions and factionists go down before the will of the people. Monday being the first day of the court, it was determined to select that occasion for the purpose of forming a "Union Associa tion" here. Accordingly, at short notice, the people in great numbers assembled at the Court House at two o'clock, when a meeting was or ganized, and suitable resolutions adopted t j set on foot a properly constitutdd association. Of ficers were selected, without distinction of party, consisting of the most influential citizens of the county; so that you see we are now ready to co-operate with you and your "Central Associa tion," in using all fair, earnest and open means to defeat the objects of the other party, and to preserve intact and inviolate the glorious consti tution and Union of our fathers. In short, you may tell your folks that the old "Free State" is all right; five, yes, ten to one for law, order, peace and patriotism. (I like the alliteration, hence my use of the last word.) But the crown ing glory of that meeting, next to its spirit and perlect unanimity, was the speeches delivered on the occasion. Mr. Harper, of our town, first addressed the meeting in a sp ech replete with good sense, argument and fervor.; He explained the objects of the meeting, spoke feelingly of the necessity for its being called, and of the great crisis in the affairs of the nation, which demanded of every man who loved his country and its institutions to ally himself with the "Union party" who he conceived were the true friends of the South and of the whole country. After Mr. Harper sat down, there were loud calls for D. W. Adams, esq., of Jackson, who was here in attendance upon the court. You people in Jackson know his style; but to us it was a novel and rich treat. He spoke with judgment, wit and eloquence. He painted some scenes now transpiring at the capitol, with a master hand. He warned the people to disre gard the siren song of office holders and politi cians, but lo consult their sober reason ; and see whether in exchange disunion could or would offer anything, but a miserable "mess of pot tage." His speech was listened to with pro found interest, and often interrupted by loud and long continued applause. Chas. Scott, esq., of your place was next called upon. I hardly know how to describe the effort itself, or the effects it produced. One of the best tests of its power, was that frequent ly at the close of some beautiful burst, I saw tears coursing down many a rough and manly cheek eyes that are "all unused to the melting mood," tilled with tears, and : cheeks that the suns of the South, and hard, but honest toil had swarted and tanned, Hushed with excitement at the dark picture which the speaker drew of the horrors and consequences of disunion. Mr. Scott has left a mark upon the hearts of those who heard him, that no power! or influence can ever eradicate. Thus you see, that while the members of the legislature are at the capitol concocting schemes for disunion, the people are at home, and in a quiet way to be sure, taking matters into their own hands and preparing not to send them back. You had better hint some thing of this kind through your valuable paper. It might reach the understanding of many of our grave legislators, and be of infinite benefit to one who represents a county not over a hun dred miles from this. We all congratulate you upon "the Flag of the Union. It will have a large circulation in Kankin, to judge from pres ent appearances. Long may it wave, &c. In haste, yours, ! RANKIN. P. S. The names of the officers of the Associa tion here, will be sent you in due time, together with an official account of the meeting, &c. THE RIGHT OF SECESSION. The right of a State to secede or withdraw from the Confederacy, is a question involved in delicacy and doubt. Many of oureminent states men deny it; others assert it. Our present move- ment is evidently tending to that point, and there are some obstacles in the way that seem to have been entirely overlooke 1; which may very - .... .1 f smn. and .o thP nmh.hU rnnsen uences of ' such a movement. The territory which now nnititiitfR Mississinni anil Alabama, was once a part of Georgia. It was ceded to the United States for a sum of money on certain express, conditions, one of which was that the land thus! ceded should constitute a common fund for the United States, Georgia included, which should be faithfully disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use. In the fulfillment of this trea ty stipulation, it was required by the act of Con gress which authorized the people.of this terri tory to form a constitution, that the convention should, by an irrevocable ordinance, disclaim all right and title to the public domain within our limits. That ordinance was passed by the convention in 1817, and constitutes an obligation on our part. There is yet a great amount of pub lic land within the limits of the State which of course does not belong to us, but to the United States; it is the common property of all. We desire to know, if we peaceably secede, whether the United States will still own this land, or will it be peaceably surrendered to us; or shall we have it to pay for. The United States are bound to carry out the conditions of cession. It will place us in an awkward condition to be out of the Union, and still have the United States of ficers within our limits disposing of the public domain. And our condition will be rather worse if we have it to pay for; we cannot repudiate ; our cotton will be seized in payment. But we are also under obligation not to tax that land, and we should thus present the anomaly of an independent nation without the power of taxing property within its limits. The same act of Congress made it incumbent upon us to provid e by the same irrevocable ordinance, that the Mississippi River should remain free to all the citizens of the United States, and we did so stipulate, Will this right be surrendered? In view of these, in aldition to the other difficul ties that lie in the way, is it not folly to talk about or think of peaceable secession. It is not worth while to talk about the abstract right, when we know we cannot exert it without force. We were admitted into the Union on an equal ,ootingwun .no omer Elates, wii.cn means, nothing more nor less than political equality; j but whilst we may be equal in this respect in the Union, it does not follow that we can go out . of it as other States might. These are mere hints, and we should be glad to see an answer to them. The legislative Convention 1111. The Governor and his friends in the Legisla ture are determined to command the people, by Legislative enactment, to hold a convention to consider of the Governor's doctrines of seces sion from the Union. The Legislature have no power to paes such a law. The Declaration of Rights, in our State Constitution, expressly re serves to the people themselves the exercise of such a sovereign right. We quote its language: DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. "That the general, great and essential princi- i r r :u-7.. c i pies j jluucii iiiu ucc uvcimiirni iijdjf utj j- cognized and established, we declare Sec. 2. That all political power is inherent in lh PmP ,K. anil nil frAP nnvprnmonli. nr. -,...'..,...,.. ..jb....u:... i - shed for people) idefeasw rf .. ot gov- their benefit i and they, therefore, (the have at all times an unalienable and ind ble right to alter or abolish their form eminent in such a manner as thru may deem expedient." "To guard against transgressions nf tha hifrH r. rv vje e r a tnrtiin 1 el orrr lod Wp r, c clare that every thing in this article is excepted out of the general powers of government, and shall forever remain inviolate, and that all laws contrary thereto, or to the following provisions are void." , , . . , . , . These provisions expressly exclude the Legis- lature from intermeddling in any manner, either hv the call of a convention nr olhorvvieu. iviih the organic government of the State. Thev are not authorised to direct the people to hold a con vention for any purpose. We call the attention of the people to this contemplated outrage on their reserved rights, and we advise the Governor and his supporters in the Legislature to "flee Irom the wrath to come." But, although we are utterly opposed to a call of a convention by the Legislature for we be- ,. . . . heve it possesses no sucn power-yet it is be- fore the people that we wish to discuss this sub- iect. The neonla arc to he thn iudcrps. and thfir ' ' presence the arena where we desire th contpst greatly increase the hindrances in tne way ol a , several Guiles of Ihe c.r, led.-raey. Their o tier peaceable secession. If it cannot be peaceable ship ol the soil, riht of eminent domain, and suv we had better pause and look to the amount of 0' United States confers force that will be necessary to effect a violent niin p(,,iotps ihe riL'lr to admit into the Union should be made, and Ihe final decision an- ' grant the right of secession to the new State ; for nounced. j that is claimed to be an incident to the sover- If the Executive and Legislature will agree eignty granted. It must also include nullifica to refer the question of convention or no conven- tion, and the Lord knows not what other "gor lion, to the people, we will most willingly sus- j gons and chimeras dire." Think of it, dear tain the reference. But when they order the reader, we get the right to secede, to nullify, people to elect members to a convention, by the and all that sort of thing, by direct grant from enactment of a law, which in our opinion, they j Congress! have no authority to pass, and direct that this j Verily, yea, that phrase "admit" includes the election may be made by county majorities, which may give a result against the majority of the ; expansion," and sundry other particulars : and P"ll,9, latir g.nth inan s spiel,, e .u a. . u . , ii c .u . what all must admit to have been a teai votes of the State, we beg permission to embody , henceforth, it cannot enter into the heart of rational, and unexceptionable add res, r- our entire opposition to their unjustifiable be- man, or lexicographer, loconceive or know w hat with sober reason and combining in tli" ! hests. ! that word "admit" does not mean. It is the rroportiofi solicitude for the Union ami It c; en. Foote at Natchez. j salmagundi of our Southern vocabulary; an ! 'Vr'lf?.1 i'"' i ! ,i, . t .. , . ' I 1-pnn the conclusion of Mr. Moielv's rcr I he following paragraph from the pen of a , omnibus of a word, capable to carry ihe inventor j Mr. Morrison was called for by mai.'v f ' distinguished citizen of Natchez will show how j down to remote posterity . i sembly, but as thero were other e..iU f the people of that city appreciate the services of I resolutions, and much confusion an-o Senator Foote ' I-OOK AT Tills IMCTlllK. , M. declined taking the stand. Tim to " . i , were then moved, being the same puhii", "Gen. I oote arrived here cn Friday evening. Our honorable opponents would have us be- ar paper two weeks ago, and an an.-a" lnVrZCettZflH,u rti0na' 8dUle o Can-'lieve that they are the bravest, most patriotic 1 " ,.hern ;red to tl.e eilet that a d,r- non as the guest of the Lnion men. On yes- ,, 1 , . . ' ,, ' L L mon or disunion should be put. Tl i ' terday he addressed an immense and enthusias- and chivalric men not only in the South but in opposed by the secessionists, a ne t " tic meeting, including many ladies, which you ; the whole world. They denounce the Union made to lay the amendment on ihe tab'' know, is rare here. He spoke three hours to a ' men as tam. submissionists, while they are the ayes anl noes being called, there were t highly attentive audience. He spoke again by I hIue,he real Simon Purcs of the South I "infusion, and both parties claiming th' v. special request at night; and a Union Associa- j l"e b'ue th6 ".' ft,m" 1 lh outh. The . .. tion was formed. He goes to W oodville this ! Oh, they are glorious fellows, ail fitted for the : after much confusion and various mot morning, November 24th." j plume and epaulette ; too brave and scientific I adjournment, , on the part of the &f ecs-i We are happy to learn that the people of ! to carry th e knapsark or shoulder the muiket. ' was I'ad, and the Union men retired lo ' Adams are all the firm friends of th Union, i Thev would mak fine nrTirerrrnr,i J the court rom, the secessionist to th- without distinction of party. Il is said that in Greenville, Mississippi, ihere is nui a person over eighteen years of ace that does not belong lo a tempi ranee society, and lhat ihere is not a grog-shop in the lown. Sat. Intelligencer. There must be some mistake about a Temper ance Society being in Greenville; for we remem ber to have printed, in pamphlet, a Constitoiion and By-Laws for a Division in (hat place, the bill for which bas been repudiated. T. P. How Ills Excellency put the "Strict Coii HtructiouUts"' in a Uumidarj. The late message of the Governor sontains what he calls an argument to show that the ad- mission of California, as a State into the Union, jg n! anj void; and here is the pith of it: "The ri2lit of suveiettrntv over the territory, rmt resiiiii in ihe inhabrani under ihe cuiisiilu i i (lie people 'f t"t HUH. llllll Ili'lU. H HIV ' Male,' luA territories, ami as they are lo be admitted on an equ.il living with the unvriii.il they must be vtcetsarilu at the time of their admission political communities, possessing all the rights aud atlnbutcsuf sococisnl u. As tlv inhutn- tanls of the ternones d not possess sovereign po,c- er, there must be some art, on the purl ol the Stales u-ho do possess it, ajuunb nt to a grant, bu which that power before resuli ,n the States, hecom-s vested in the inhabitants of the ter r toni. I Ins act must be performed bu Congress, thccoi.Miiu'ed asent of Ihe S:aie, and the paver to do it n included in the delegation of authority to 'admit new States.'"' Now, what are the propositions here asserted? , They are, first, that the sovereignty o er the ter ritories rests, not in the Federal Government, nor in the people of the territories, but the States : or the people of the States; second, that ov r eignty must be conferred on the people of the territory, by the Stales, before it can become a State; third, that Congress can confer such sov ereignty, and the power to do it is included in the delegation of authority to"admit new States!" Did man ever hear the like before the power to ''admit'" a sovereign is a power to create a sov- . ereign ? We should like to hear of a more lati tudinarian construction of the constitution ever given, even by old John Adams himself. Just consider the absurdity of the thing. Sev ; eral new States have been formed out of the ter ! ritories of the United Slates, and yet there has ; never been an act of Congress, or of any of tho , States, conferring sovereignly upon any such new State or upon the people within its limits. I All that Congress has done has been to asicut j that the people of certain territories might form j State governments; it has never pretended to grant sovereignly to them. In some instances, ; new States have been formed, without even such ! previous assent: 6uch was the case with Michi : gan and Arkansas. Congress never passed an ; act permitting or authorising then, to assume the powers of sovereignty ; much less did it eon i fer soverei rnty upon them Aud if his Excel- I lency be right, neither of them is yet a sovereign I State. Notwithstanding which, if we recollect j right, his Excellency vt led for Gen. Cais as a citizen of the State of Michigan, and was quite j happy to think, at a certr.iu period, that he would receive the votes of those Stales for the Vice j Presidency We knQW that Mississipni waa once a mere territory . and his Kxceleni.y a(j8ert9 that the soverrignty over it was then vested, jointly, ,. t, s . . , of the f i States. No grant of sovereignty can bu shown from any State to the people of the old Missis sippi territory ; and we ask, how has sovcreign- j ty got into M ississippl ! Congress has not power to grant it, for no strict constructionist can sav that any such rower is conferred iinon congress; nor can mere oe snown any sucti , grant on tho part of Congress. And yet tho' Ultras, here, talk of sovereignty and the inde- feasible right of secession; never thinking, in- V nocent souls, that his Excellency would ever re- quire us to show a patent for it, from Uncle J;am ! , . . .... 1 May we be permitted to suggest to his Ex- f, -L I .1 j Ce"enty T " 106 8're'Snly ' iss.s .pp. 13 a Brunt, bv natent. from tho Unitnd Ninths, it i II. . .1 'f .1 - ' , becomes us to inquiro upon what terms aad ; conditions the grant was made. The very , rurl osu ol me Krdnl was, soiciy, mat ,iissis- i 6'PP '"'gilt become one of the United States 1 no other object or purpose induced the grant. k- , . ,, . ,, . V Now his Excellency is too well versed in the : PUTose 01 the grant was, solely, that Missis- t, ... . . .. law not to know that, in all cases, where the nurnose of the rrrant fails, the irriml ilelf ho.' comes null ; and the thing granted reverts to the nlo ! , ....... , , j lf' (herefre Mississippi should secede, the j very purpose of the grant would be defeat- ! i .1 . i i ... i ... , j ed; the grant would (ail ; our good State, and : glorious Governor, sink into non-entities ; and 1 the old Mississinni territory would revive Htrnin. I I D IS ' j tn'3 be not law, we say it is better law than that of his Excellency it is not half as bad as to convert a mere authority to "admit," i into a power to create new Slates. ! We feel curious to know what thU power to ' admit does not, in the view of his Excellency, include. Does it embrace to power of conquest? ! It w ould seem so : and that Congress, by force , 0 'ls power "to admit new States," had author- l conquer the necessary soil, and then grant ! u L-. . , . sovereignty to its inhabitants ; as both territory ! anu sovereignty are necessary prerequisites to ! the admission of States. And then a fain, this . " ' I power must confer on Congress tho authority to whole doctrine of the great "national riirht of i J 6w..w., J.Kt- nels, majors, and captains; and being all com manders, they would face any foe. These are the Spartan heroes of the South, who are in a . , . , , , . , , terrible rage about the iate aggressions of the o so "'" ji me leuciai guveriiiueui ana me great neanng mea sures passed by Congress. Now, what do these gentlemen propose doing 1 What is their remedy ? How are they to better themselves or the country 1 They tell us that they are mon- strous courageous that tUcy 'f aggressions that they will. maintain their rights "at all haz last extremity." But what is lln?, Secession, peaceable secession ' Ah, tln-y arc so brave alter all. They don't want to li-jit. more than the suhmissionists do. Ami il i are really sincere in the remedy they ' j alleged grievances, they arc far wurw x.hs. sionists thin we are. They tell u that en. wrong has been done by Congnsb to drive i: from the Union: they are resolved to le.ive confederacy : they w ill surrender all their rib and privileges, and do what! Why, p". , .Soy cede. No struggle no fight. Tin y am r.-;; .: . evervthini' oivo up the cimiuus I i, j fnrm..,riv ,, ,, American stitution, that pl .'lid id temple wim-ti c.sv j blood and treasure than Caiifon I give up the name of American Citr.en liie . ... 0f tie .,as( the baltle-lields of the ie tion the graves of our fathers the trejvi the nation the army and navy the dueU, and arsenals the star spangled banner, every circumstance of our greatness. thetie lion-hearted men; these melt who call themselves the y; n-at eiiibml nil lit i f S, ern chivalry, are tor pe act ally vvv:, giving to the North the gloiioun 1 g-iey w f. our good and brave fathers left to us. In . heciuse they think that they have n. t : Ih.-v wanted, tliev are lesidvi il to have i; : , they will give all u;i and peac il.lv r. t -. llie'l.artnersliip, and leave all the t!" "Is i.; ney to the HUrvlVoris. .'leu ij n- peaceable secession if ftieli a thing cail place, which wo will show herealter t.. utter impossibility. OICE OF 1 HE l'KOI'l.i:. On labt Moiid ty, one of the I ir-t meetings that we have evi r Keen in t!.i ( Carroilton.) assembled at the (Vint II This was a mass mkktimi in whieh ew :i in tho county and out of it was invii. I . tieipate, and it bring the first il.i y ol thr I Court, every part of the country ,is li,,!i resented. The Court 1 1 ou-,e w as en rni. questions growing out of the action -t it, session of Congress, were ili-ros, ,1 considerable li-njMli by General Waul. fctronglv opposed to tin plan of adi i-' Judge Rogers replied to Gen. aul in a of about twenty minutes. Tim vote u ... taki'ii, and the result shows that lh.it I ho i of Carroll are more unanimous m l iv.i, taii.it!" the peace measure., than tin v Sir. been on any controverted political mi!h has been belore them. It is our s,.ti..., candid opinion that hur-li 1 1 lis i't oar pi..; in favor of sustaining those nie-isnn . never before witnessed so much inii plaved in a political meeting. (ni i f.t.. that upon division, the friends ot i.e !i , a majority of six to one. The d.vi-. made hy the friends of the adjii-tim n' the right, and thus.; opposed g.-lng to (... this move soon vacated ihe s.-a'n out',' which had until then been crowded to oviv' ing. Union Flag. U Foil i lit ii.Ad ol i li i: t m Jackson County, Miss., .Xnv. Is, 1 Messrs. Editors Our Jepi. seMauv this county goes to the called wi-imi ! Legislature instructed In Hiistain Gov. ,i commend Davis, condemn l'not', u I ultra measures generall y. The meet ' t'", county was om of a senes ol , .....,.W......V. ...... , p. :,n 'ii'h .1 i , , pf paco that an enterprising ma,. e,,uU been at all of them. The nsoluti i i plained, remoddled r modified, would m one ot' ,h,? '"T"!! "'i-'""' "' ' t',B views ol the Nashville onveno. 'IP nu,(ting h, Id in this county u a . u succtssful in passing all their r . 1 u 1 1 . -n committing the whole count to lln ir s. without consulting more of its ritieti wpr .,.. rKf,,ll1,s. Mini . .. ... ne.ghbors (.neh.d.ng mysei. living , distant Uw private n'shli'iin- in ss i i 1 i i I u""VnZ was privately In ol .il l I " 3,?!!? I I n 'i pblin, Il O W f 0 T, a A Vt e Colli. I not I I lo passing the n solutions, ami il tin v li.nl h here as they did in Hilori a lew days ,il n, kn'.i' IT'"""" '"v'' inUmated that - Weil conceived trhrmc ol getting UP in-' ;",,r the n piesenlaliveK of miuiIii rn au l ' i.assin.r the resolutions, and if th.-v I .orltien counties would havo failed. I do not in,. - that the resolutions said to hive been !"-- , , ' ' "M"n:"" 8 "ol,s" "" ' '" "'" 'K ""' ' ; 'h'' " ! much les,, of the county. Indeed d .. t any man in tho county (evept the , , i ' mention, d In the proceedings bel, re a! who will endorse? idem. It was v. rv ' i,ln;r,mgo , ,,,,'eiing v., . pcf'plei.f the county id Jack son. II . versed with a larger number of the in day in the name neighborhood who an i y lo the aforesaid resolutions than were ,e the passage of then i. ( ' I ) 1 , 1 1 From the Itiplei Adrerti.fr , ,V..i ' THE MEETING ON s.TI'H I) V. This affair came oil' as expected. It n some days been announced that Col. a ! Gov. Matthew's would attend lor Hie p i. rn- rovolutioni7.ii. ir refr aotorv Tiiinah an i I t. 1 her to the disunion car I he latter i,t i ,Jid "t appear, heiu.j prevented as ue formed, by indisposition. Col. Word, ho-, t()ok , ,; 3hUw 'wit( siln( ()fa u spoke for the space of an hour and a h t I cannot conceive ultraisin more ultra tin i v...a. : .n i.i .. " """ y 1 y Wlll do I i til the to say that ho avowed idem with as tine n ity and ingenuity as so rotten a eau permit. It is need ess and would lo te.h give anything like a full aeeount ol a. I Word said sulhce it that he went immediate secession as a remedy for pm v. ances, regardless of the hedious train -'l 1 that would certainly issue, civil war, desolation, and abolition. When Mr. Word concluded, Mr. M was called for and look the stand; an'l, '-! pared as he stated to enter upon alis-- with Mr. Word, ol all the details are! I" On the division to the best of our p there were at least fo'ir Union tnrtii'1 ' cessionist. The house being in nine a c sion and a good dal of excitement pre", me meeting nroKe up w iriout a ui .u . .V u .. the main question; though the vo the meeting broke up without a direct vr' I) on .' the amendment on the table was we bela u all sides regarded as a fair test. The result of this meeting may he rC' as ve.y favorable to the disunionists; t '' ' , . ... , .I.. , being as we verily believe, in ail broad i 1 one secessionist to tn Union me n. Tho lotion 1 Ihn II I r N.l! House Mil ti'.ed a i . i . . . . , Contir .nun. ft t i ve iuvx g f.Jei-' . ..e.H I fueUIVl poh'g i w - .f they v I f frike n lueii. v. f.jutb d & f m v - .hull i , tendetn" 4 I v 1 do t Bilild th So (Jen. their c Bo'inher Ji.'IOIlS niii ho' .1 ... I - H verv - nj inl -'ll n r.r-on. j.-sire u t- I a nil i Hut m lnrh It L L.-r ires, in ho'ti ! I do net C .'II Will I H II Hi IV ) eens h ive bee l lllist. lU.'l.i, lib Can we . m i ill. " I . ve -ive ! U. HI h 1 " . . i . . ' 7 It. Imsliii i W ! no"' : . . I . I . . n- c n' IP on- i.m at an I i i I ft) i' sMoll ' :.: i: ; m. Ilea S i ti'f lilies f i the In a I .f li. Silhi r th,i it, I te.ri I r us fi.l a ;., f I ion i v The hi 'lie lino k "I. io it. U i' pi 1 . a Ol Jailer oiier sii li 0!m rs fer f! -t, reav t).iMi mak i ' 'I lo H- I nl our n;i! I i II Mil I,..' l.ae fo. Ilea,! i i I in 'a ; j lid 'ap ii' nun r s i ! J, tins I (Mural lov I r hack t I In taet i. r look t till the ( I n d lo t I monies i II Meed ill t tins i inn "I h t d i y ' d i ihe eene 1 1 ! polite- . . i i f.i.ni i t r, ' i h snel, I i ) 1 1 full, " I 'I gov. tt th. ui ,,j I I on in ii t ' '.eh. ' r-.. , , . . " ., lie II ' ' th, 111-. I I I ml, ss ; t If l.llent-, a . r . . . , . i en ' o . ( ! .. t, j II I sen! lot t- : , I i -'v all I ! I i'l.'h I j 1 II fc ,. .... . l t- I, id the k v ,1 ... I i i j mii i ft f : f 1 m i , e I o i , I eh, 1 1 1 I I e 1 1 1 1 r V . I i to Ah , "st,,!, v,l , It the V ! 'nine, ,1 . e s of l! 4rth. I,, 1 ' on r a J i . . t "i , in I . t i k now t ! 1 er here ') " se i, IS Willi r a we m (! II we K f I .!,..,.. .. , , , . , , e I n, ure tin I'll' den t nal i I" t i, ' 1 lint .tine 1 111 S ; hh or . n the d, ooth, t 'lie.. s in ' t ,.IVe stiletiof, ' ' he hi.,,f, il l,,... .i . ' " ' ' i s " "I no,, " '', of ,, lttu.u in i "tl"li ,. I'd that . T1" ' '' 'jUl'Ht!,, 1 It 1 fc, t 11 f ,1 .... .. ' " ''PpOMl ' a'lthfiin - M Ihr q 0. -on. a ' r"IIV,IHS h"pri,ni,r. i ' I I I 1 v"le itov 'Ir,,... t "pie t, " "n th ' U ' r i, ... "W .',-, 1 a, of in 1 '"".nal d V -ho St,, '.""O'I'J.;,