St. Paul recorder. [volume], February 12, 1954, Image 2

About St. Paul recorder. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1934-2000

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Tbn RECORDER beUev— no man should be denied tile right to
—•tribute his brat to humanity As long as that right Is denied any
man. no man’s rights are safe
Abraham Lincoln; Man For The Ages
Americans have a better appreciation of the greatness of
Abraham Lincoln as the yearn go by. Certainly this can be laid
to be true of the descendantß of American Negro slaves- who
89 years after the Great Emancipator’s death—are able to ace
more objectively, the man and his work.
In the period after Lincoln’s assassination up until the
1900’s Lincoln was revered more by American Negroes than any
other figure in history with the powible exception of Jesus
Christ. During that period the freed Negroes made some rapid
gains only to lose moat of them when during the period follow
ing 1876 when northern business interests backing Republican
Rutherford Hayes of Ohio made Hayes president by a deni with
the South. In repayment Hayes removed IL 8. troops and the
KKK took over terrorizing Negroes mid northern whites in the
south, the legislatures enacted Grandfather Clause laws and the
Negro was headed, ninny southerners thought, back to slavery.
Negroes voting the straight Republican ticket in memory of
Lincoln voted in Hayes nnd out went their growing freedom.
The Southern Negro, robbed of citizenship and with no man
of Lincoln’s stature to stand up for him nevertheless fought
back anil through the tortuous work of white believers in Lin
coln’s philosophy, and the Negroes themselves, 89 years after
Lincoln’s death the American Negro has reached a point very
close to first class citizenship.
It was fashionable among the growing number of American
Negroes in the early IfHMt’s to be critical of Lincoln Many of
them had begun to acquire education, especially in the north,
and could perceive that the real basis for the war between the
States was largely economic. Negroes who settled in the north,
especially, were critical of Lincoln’s record, chiefly because the
Republican party shamelessly exploited to the hilt the fact
that Republican Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves. Negro
opinion was admittedly grateful that the nation had produced a
Lincoln but resented the fact that politicians continually tried
to sell them the idea that the Republican Party (of Abraham
Lincoln) went to war solely to free four million Negro slaves.
This, plus the ungrateful exploitation of the Negro voters by
the Republicans from the Sixties on up into the early 3t)’a dim
med the luster of Lincoln for many of the country’s Negroes
Whenever a politician mentioned Lincoln's name during a
campaign, Negroes became suspicious.
Strange to say but true, Abraham Lincoln is more widely
appreciated now among Negroes that he was early in the cen
tury and that appreciation grew during the 21) years in which
Democrats were in the White House.
It was Grover Cleveland, n Democrat, who showed more in
terest in the problems of the Negro than the Republican Presi
dents of bis era. It was during the administration of FDR
that circumstances made Negroes more vibrantly American
than they hail ever felt before. Franklin D. Roosevelt had this
in common with Lincoln: Doth were the most sincerely hated
and most widely beloved Presidents the nation ever had.
It was during Truman’s administration when a committee
of distinguished Americans called the President’s Committee on
Civil Rights made a study nnd issued a report by wh’ieh much of
the improvement in American living for Negroes is being
guided. All through that report if one studied it closely—could
be seen the spirit of Abraham Lincoln who early declared. ”no
nation can exist, half slave ami half free.’’
It is a happy circumstance to find today that Lincoln is no
longer in the public mind the property of one political party or
of a certain section of the nation. Today his work, his sacrifices,
his great humanitarian), his foresight, his courage are fully rec
ognized and he belongs to the people and the Ages America
can be proud that it is still a frontier, which has in it the power
to give tl.c world other Lincolns.
I Lfiil
* 4
Poor Loyalty Probe Techniques
During the Truman administration this paper criticized
the loyalty probes because of inherent circumstances it con
sidered unfair to Negro federal employees There was then and
there still is n disposition of whites in all levels of society to
quickly adjudge any Negro who does not fii certain stereotype
ideas of theirs a radical. Since most of the investigative
staff of the period in question were white Americans and cm
ployees were being accused anonymously, we felt that there
was a real danger of injustice to Negro workers.
Our fears came true for in two local instances Negro fed
eral employees were investigated as “security risks" on anony
mous tips. Investigation cleared each of the employees but the
embarrassment and strain which two loyal men had to with
•tand was unfair.
hl
It transpired that the informers were prejudiced or unin
teligent whites who felt that the two individuals were radical,
and of course Communists because neither of them hesitated to
critize race discrimination wherever they saw it. This in the
minds of too many Caucasians is a sign of political radicalism
One informer said he knew an employee was a Communist
because he had so many white friends and lived in a "white’’
neighborhood Another said he knew the fellow was active in
the NAACP and that organisation, he was sure, was s Commit
nist outfit.
In the current, very necessary security checks going on
all over the nation, the FBI should do its beet to employ some
Negro agents who can make interpretations of Negro conduct
which doesn’t meet the stereotype A Negro agent would itnmmi
ST. PAUL RECORDER
"An Independent Newspaper"
B*U.t>ll— Aar—« IS. !•»«. by C—if B. Mawman
News Sorvlcos: Associated Nssro Prose Contlnsnfl Featuroo and
Newaproaa Photoe
M.anb.ri Natl.sal K4l< lai A—
Ma— b— i Minn—a EMl.rial A—tall—
Monahan Nalteul Nowa—r Pa bl taker. A—’
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13. 1»M
SjmgwEjßTT I WgTDPX
I I I* * * MT* rV.
Continents! FMtur—|f
Edltor-Publlonar
Contrtbutlnr Editor
Adv.rtl.lnr
Bal—
Adv.rtl.lns
. .Social A P.r—nal N.w.
Bookk—pin*
Production ‘4up.rlnt.nd.nt
lately perceive that a militant Negro who doesn’t want to be
pushed around because of his race is not necessarily a radical
in the political sense. Negro agents would know the difference
between the loyal and patriotic organizations that seek first
class citizenship for Negroes within the framework of our
American Constitution and those various fronts which the Com
munists have flooded the country for years.
Typical of the provincial thinking of some of the FBI
agents is this incident: A prominent individual, white, wealthy,
member of a distinguished Minnesota family was being con
sidered for a government post. In some way the editor of this
paper was among those questioned about the loyalty of the in
dividual in question. It is routine for all persons considered for
U. 8. appointments to be so investigated and it is necessary.
However, the agent who called, continually asked why, in
our opinion, was the person being investigated, “so interested
in Negroes," When we said that the party in question was in
terested in the welfare of all citizens and that Negroes were
among those citizens the agent was not satisfied. He kept on
trying to get us to explain why this person had Negro-Ameri
can friends, was not ashamed to be seen with them, and was
for such things as anti poll tax and FEl’t'.
You could see from that line of questioning that some of
the FBI boys have a conditioning that is both stupid and
dangerous. It was apparent that somebody thought that any
American white who treats his American Negro brothers on a
basis of equality is immediately subversive or suspect.
Negro Republican leaders could well suggest to Attorney-
General Brownell that the almost lilywhite FBI could materially
strengthen its work if it would hire qualified Negro agents in
larger number than are now employed. This also applies to the
Treasury department and other investigative departments who
Would strengthen their work if they open the doors a little
wider to Negroes equipped to do the sleuthing
It would also help do away with some of the stereotype
conditioning with which some of the agents seem steeped.
Etzrll Has rough Job Ahead
The panic in the ranks of the Minnesota Republican Party
in its frantic search for a candidate to “beat Humphrey" is one
of the most extraordinary phenomena in the history of Minne
sota politics. This might have accounted for National Commit
teeman George Etzell’s obvious attempt to make a campaign is
sue against Humphrey out of the now celebrated N. Y. post
office mail tube contract.
We doubt that Etzell checked all the facts in the case very
thoroughly before he wrote his editorial in his paper, the
Clarissa Independent. Etzell who is a decent man with a good
reputation is also Republican National Committeeman and it is
his job to lead the attack on the party’s opponents in the state,
the chief one who is now Humphrey. In the past Etzell has
been a chan competitor in political campaigns.
It must be extremely frustrating for Etzell to have to lead
a battle against a man who few of his top party members want
to tangle with in a race for the Senate. If he thought he “had
something" on the junior Senator he can be excused on the
grounds of political strategy for trying to blow it up into an
issue even if the ‘‘scandal’’ has now apparently blown up in
his face.
In the meantime Editor Etzell will have to keep on trying
to unseat Humphrey That's his job and it 's as tough n job as
any GOP national committeeman ever had. However, it is
dangerous to try to put a two fisted scrapper like Humphrey
“on the spot" unless yon have more than was found in the
postoffice tube case
This newspaper is among those who believe that the
United States does not just have to have a recession because
we have had one in the past.
“They want to know more about him. Do teach them
Negro history
“Next Door" by tw skmmm
■ a
n i C_/*C» Lj
“V/ILL you
FITTER HERE // J
Editorial Notes
We are in ready agreement with Cyrus Eaton, new board
chairman of the C'heaepeake and Ohio railroad who believes
the best argument against Communism is American prosperity
and wide ownership of common stock in the various American
businesses by large number of citizens. People who invest
money in concerns no matter how little, are not usually given
to half cocked opinions about the capitalistic system.
For 20 years those of conservative tendencies were counten
anced but labeled “reactionaries”. Now the shoe is on the other
foot and those liberals who are not afraid of McCarthy often
cringe under the name of “egg-head.” The liberals were more
liberal in their disdain for the “reactionaries.” They only called
them names. Today the arch conservatives of the isolationist
variety want to deport every liberal who dares admit and es
pouse his credo.
Weekly Paper Challenges Journalistic
Enterprise Of Dailies In Carlson Case
Editorial In Hennepin County Review (Hopkins, Minn.} Yeb. 4, 1951
The Lillian Carlson trial was a puzzler for the average newspaper
reader and average taxpayer. For nine long weeks the state of Minne
sota attempted to prove that the woman who had been a trusted em
ployee of the Unemployment insurance department was guilty of em
bezzling something like SOOO of state money.
An approximate $71,000 shortage was claimed all told, but.
strangely, only SOOO odd was pinned against the defendant.
In nine weeks the battery of legal lights representing the sov
erign State of Minnesota could not prove that the woman took S6OO.
Nobody knows yet where the $71,000 went.
Several facta need piecing together. Public Examiner Richard
Golling made the statement the $71,000 shortage had been accumulat
ing over a period of years. Well, Mr. Golling has been examining the
same department every year regularly for some time. He has been in
his present post at least ten years if memory serves us correctly.
Why didn’t he find a shotage last year, or the year before, or the
year before that?
Sidney Goff, counsel for the defendant, made the statement and
we have not seen It refuted, that the annual report of Victor Christ
gau for 1952 was delivered to the Governor six months after the Carl
son Investigation was begun and two months after the newspapers
broke the story! Yet. there was not a word about the matter in the
report, although it was admitted that for some reason or other those
who had collected Unemployment Insuance checks in the years 1951
and 1952 had been overpaid about $72,000!
Another question the ordinary citizen finds difficulty in answer
ing is this:
Why was it that neither Mr. Christgau nor Mr. Golling, who "un
covered" the shortage, was called to the witness stand during the nine
week's trial?
Why is Mr. Christgau taking a job with the Republican admin
istration at Washington at this time, a job which will pay him the
same salary he has been receiving as head of the Unemployment di
vision here? He Is a Minnesota man. and his family are Minnesota
people. He has his own home here and has lived here continuously
since the day when— as a Democrat President Roosevelt sent him
out from Washington to be Minnesota director of the Works Progress
Administration back in 1937.
The impression among ordinary citizens is that the archaic sys
tem of accounting and record keeping is probably responsible for
whatever mix-up there Is in the Unemployment Insurance department.
Mr. Goff has said, and surely anyone who is familiar with the manner
in which counties and states do business can easily believe it. that
the millions upon millions in funds passing through the Unemploy
ment office are handled on strictly a horse-and-buggy system of book
keeping. It is small wonder the books do not balance, he thinks. And
he thinks, worse than all this, that probably the same amazing but
impossible condition of affairs prevails in any or all of the other
state departments.
Isn't there enough smoke in this story to warrant some genuine
digging by some large metropolitan newspaper with the means and
facilities to dig? Certainly the dailies (the large ones! cannot deny
their obligation to keep the public informed of subjects so important
as unmanageable bookkeeping methods in state offices dealing with
millions of public funds?
Not once during the nine weeks' trial did a aingle one of the
four great metropolitan newspapers of Minneapolis and St. Paul ever
speak out editorially on this topic.
Of course the Minnesota statehouse is filled to the brim with
sacred cows, in the newspaper parlance, and admittedly all state of
fices have been in charge of Republican heads these past 15 years
straight. Even so. there might be a corker of a story there. Maybe
even a mess
Republicans, since 1952, have been showing some zest for clean
ing up some sort of a mess in Washington. Maybe we'd find a mess
right hero at home If we were not afraid to look-see. Who wants to
do the job?. Star. Trib. Dispatch. Pioneer-Press? Don't all speak at
once. boys.
Disloyalty By Inference
For the sake of honesty and decency in fact, for the sake of
this and future administrations it is good news that the President is
going to do something about this matter of federal '‘dismissals.''
Subversives did worm their way into the government during the
20 years of Democratic rule— more than the Democrats protested;
fewer than Republican orators proclaimed. I-ooae talkers and problem
drinkers also got in. And while these are likely to plague recurrently
any administration, in the presence of both loyalty and security risks
the Republicans seized upon a legitimate campaign issue. The question
has been how responsibly that issue has been used.
One of ITesident Eisenhower's early acts was to direct that secur
ity and loyalty dismissals be lumped without differentiation. The pur
pose was to avoid forever blasting the careers of the former, who.
after all. could not be given a true "day in court." We acclaimed his
purpose at the time, but warned that "security dismissals" could be
conveniently interpreted as involving disloyalty.
Regrettably, that is how it has worked out. The President early
asserted that it is the responsibility of the Executive Branch to
police its own ranks and that it is doing so Later under pressure from
investigation-minded congressmen and patrioteering groups. Attorney
General Brownell and Mr. Eisenhower himself made the mistake of
citing a blanket total of dismissals not only for disloyalty, but also
for security, incompetence, and some, it is claimed, even for economy
leaving it to anyone's guess how many Involved subversion.
How these inferences have been drawn is not an edifying specta
cle. Senator McCarthy promptly asserted that "practically all
were removed because of Communist connection or perversion." Gov
enor Dewey in a political address referred to the group dismissed as
"spies and traitors.” And even a White House legal counsel, Ber
nard M Shanley, speaking to a New Jersey audience, lumped the
total as "subversives."
All of this has been desperately unfair to individuals who may
be guilty of bad habits or inefficiency, but not of espionage or
treason And what sort of morale could an administration preserve in
Its ranks so long as dismissal for any cause could be interpreted as for
disloyalty to suit political convenience?
It will help for the President to separate as he is expected to do.
the loyalty dismissals from the total But to really clean up what
could easily become another "mess' he must go beyond leaving the
remainder all under the cloud of “security risks". For it appears that
in the effort to make the total reassuringly large even workers who
had resigned voluntarily and others in good standing who had been
transferred or dropped because of reduction in force had been counted
in. These, nt the very least, are due some sort of certification that
their separation from government service has been honorable.—The
Christian Science MONITOR
“No Bed Of Roses'* Prices And Supports
letter To Christian Science MONITOR
Recent editorials and remarks by your staff writers have left
the impression that the American farmer is now lying in a bed of
rosea grown with government-financed fertiliser May I present a
few thoughts that may help you to see more deeply into this farm
problem ?
Ihinng th* p«nod that our government retabbshed th* poliei**
of price support* that hav* now led to so much federally-owned farm
product* that same government wa* fum>*hmg pnc* aupport* to
labor and industry, first by supporting labor » demand* at th* nego
tiation table then by purchasing tor det. nse purpo*** th* product*
of this labor at price* that enabled industry to pay th* wag* de
mand* and still pay divi.Wnd* to *tock>
This raaultod in many inatanca* in
Page 2, St Paul RECORDER, Friday, February 12, 1954
CORNER
A prospective lady advertiser in the Want-ad section complained
that she can call up the daily paper and place a want-ad and be billed
at the end of the month. We here have a policy of "cash and carry ”
with want-ads placed bv individuals. We do give credit to established
businesses like real estate firms. Most of these firms pay promptly
run larger ads and are regular advertisers.
The lady complained so much that the clerk finally referred
her to the writer. The ad she wanted to run cost only sl. We
explained that If we had to bill her, use stationery, a clerk-typist
and three cents postage that there would be nothing net left.
Finally, after considerable discussion we relented and allowed
lady to place the ad. She was going to send a check or money or
for the ad the next day. We certainly wouldn’t have to bill her
it, she paid her bills, etc.
Said conversation took place Jan. 6 and the money for the
ad has not come Into the office yet.
This is too typical of our experience in years past and is the
reason why we maintain a policy of "cash and carry" for want
ads.
Most of the people are not really dishonest or dead-beats. The
cost of the ads is so small they just forget to send the money or
bring it in when they are down town. Usually before we collect they
are angry with us for bothering them for such a small amount!
We found ourselves at one time carrying as high as 300 past due
accounts in $1 classified ads on our books. The cost of running such
accounts through the books, plus the cost of billing these accounts
once or twice eats up any profit we might make. Even after the
billing often we never get money due us.
There are exceptions which we do make because the customer is
a regular mail subscriber or a person who has established a good credit
rating with us over a period of years. The only way we could make
credit profitable on most want-ads placed by individuals pay, would
be to charge much more than we do for the ads. This we do not want
to do. A large number of our customers understand the situation and
cooperate with us fully. Last year we doubled our want-ad lineage, as
compared to the previous year, and most of our customers were satis
fied with our cash and carry policy.
of surplus products of industry. The liquidation of these stockpiles
through the War Assets Administration has cost the taxpayer many
millions, but this has been shrugged off as a part of the cost of de
fense, while stockpiles of farm products accumulated because of the
same kind of thinking has caused the blowing of horns of indignation,
mostly directed at the farmer and not at the government.
Now let us assume it is right to allow the farm price structure
to find is own level at what most consumers hope will be 10-15 per
cent below present prices. Then, would it not be fair to allow labor
and dividend prices to find their own level, also at prices not support
ed by government policies? But we do not hear anyone recommending
that Uncle Sam refuse to place a contract with an industry until that
industry’s labor takes a 10-15 per cent cut or refuse to ship until
transportation takes a like cut.
Another false impression is that if farm prices drop, the prices
on the shelves will take a proportionate drop. However, if wheat takes
a drop to levels low enough to cause farm mortgage foreclosures in the
Midwest, the price of cake-mixes and bread will be affected only a
penny or two.
An illustration of this can be furnished with milk: a typical
northeastern dairyman receiving $5.24 a hundred lbs for his milk at
the farm takes a cut of 44c per hundred lbs., which is 1c per qt. This
is an 8 per cent cut. The consumer, who pays 28c per qt. for his milk
on the doorstep has a price reduction of 1c per qt. and this is only a
3.5 per cent reduction, while the trucker, the milk plant worker, and
the route delivery* man still receive their high wages arrived at with
government support.
If we are to have an adjustment of farm prices, we must have an
adjustment all the way across the board. It is too easy to champion
the cause of the consumer versus the former, for everyone is a con
sumer and only a few are farmers. If our government is to withdraw
its support from farm prices, let us urge withdrawal of support from
all prices.
History has shown that in each depression the farmers have led
the trend downward. Many of our economists feel that our economy
is walking a tightrope right now. Let us not push it over with too
hasty a shove at one section of our economy—Roger A. Moody, Jack
sonville, Vi.
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