Newspaper Page Text
E I i?-
as, lANB 0. 8WI8SHKLH, Oats* ST. CLOUDDEMOCRAT OFFICRON THB WESTERN BANK OF THE msssisnsxraL 90 MILES ABOVE THE FALLS OF ST. ANTHONY, OPPOSITE THE STEAMBOAT LANDING •0000 TERMS: One copy, one year, $ 1,60 Fire copies, one year, 6,25 Ten 10,00 Twenty copies, one year, (and one oopy extra to the getter up of the club, 20,00 Payment mast invaaiably bemade in advance BATES OF ADVERTISING One column, one year, Half column, One-fourth of a column One square, (ten lines or less) one week Business Cards not over six lines, Over six lines,and under ten, ATTORNEl & COUNSELLOR AT LAW, S OLOTT3D, '-'-Lower Town. Will make collections, invest money, buy, sell or loan Land Warrants, and enter, purchase er dispose of Real Estate. WAIT & McCLURE, Dealers in Foreign and Domestic Exchange, KEEP Land Warrants constantly on hand and for sale at a small advance from New York prices.. Collections made, Exchange drawn atthelowest currentrates,Taxes paid,&c. St. Cloud, July 28th, I860. aug2-8m MOORE & SHEPLEY, ATTORNEYS & COUNSELLORS AT LAWcompletely ST, CLOUD, Min. GEO. A. NOURSE, (Late, oi St. Anthony,) ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR RT LAW, Of JOE IN McCj.uxa'3 (PHOSHIX) ULOCK, Nf AU THE BBIDQB. ST. PAUL, Min. T. H. BARRETT Civil Engineer and Surveyor. C^jT Office on First Street, Lower St. Cloud Maps of all surveyed lands, and plats of al the leading towns of Northern Minnesota, can had at all times at my office. WM. J. PARSONS, COUNSELLOR AT LAW OFFICE WASHINGTON AVENUE, Corner of Lake Street—Gorton's Building ST. CLOUD Min DR. W. B. SIMONTON, Ki ESPECTFULLY tenders his Professional Services to the Citizens of St. Clodd and its'Vicinity. Residence, L»Wer Town, second house south west of Ravine, formerly occupied by Mr. Kilbuorne. W&P Particular attention given to Operative Surgery. vol-lOny -•-,• J. W METZROTH, MERCHANT TAILOR, D1 EALER in Clotbing, Cloths, Caasimeres Vestings, and Gentlemen's Furnishing goads, eo the inspection of which he invites his friends and the .public, -, deblO.iSsr-ly & G. A N E W S Wholesale and Retail Dealers in Dry Goods, Groceries, and Crockery. Mai* Street, Lower Town, St. Anthony, Minnesota. v2n30:ly ffjTProduce taken in Exchange for Goods. ST. ANTHONY BOOK STORE WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER IH BOOKS, STATIONARY, WALL PAPER, FISHING TACKLE, POCKET CUTLERY, FANCY ARTICLES, TOYS, &p. 1 Three deors above the Tremont Hotel. St. Anthony, Jfin. June, 10,1868. vollnol3,l ii 1 & $60,00 35,00 20,00 1,00 5,00 7,00 Legal Advertising: Sixty cents a folio first insertion, 40 cents all subsequent insertions. All letters of business to be directed to the EDITOR. ,,v S E E N I E ATTORNEY & COUNSELLOR AT LAW, S O Lower Town. Will make collections, invest money, buy, sell or loan land Warrants, and enter purchase or dispose of Real Estate. A E S E mji STEVUIT MILLER. HE5RY SWISSHELM E A E S A E AGENCY -'o ST: CLOUD, MINNE80TA rpHE undersigned offer their services to loan money upon best real aetata security and to purchase and sell property either real or pereonal, «er a reaeonable eonuaiseion. 20 quarter sections of good land.. MloO, (ieme improved,} St. Cloud. 20, ^,NiH|i|gerj|4*Mf*,to«t^^ in in Niniager cUy, 4 0 d* S ii MILLER & SWISSHELM a May 1 1858.. -rrr E O BT THOMAS MOORE. Oh, Memory, how coldly Thou paintest joy gone by Like rainbows, thy pictures But mournfully shine and die. Or, if some tints thou keepest, That former days recall, 'Tis o'er each line thou weepest, Thy tears efface them all. But Memory, too truly, Thou paintest grief that's past Joy's colors are fleeting, But those of sorrow last. And, while thou bring'st before us Dark pictures of past ill, Life's evening closing o'er us But makes it darker still. AN EXTRAORDINARY ARTICLE. The Pioneer and Democrat Ur ges the Friends of Douglas to Swell Lincoln's Majorities. The Issue now 'Lincoln and a Free Code or Breckinridge and a Slave Cede.' We take from the Pioneer and Demo- crat of the 23d, the following extraordina- ry article upon the- Presidential Canvass: E PRESENT STATE OF THE N A I O N AL CANVASS A N TH E ISSUES TO E DECIDED IT.—W are in daily receipt of letters from political friends, filled with anxious inquiries concerning the present state of the Presidential question, and de siring an expression of our views as to the probable influence of the elections of the Ninth upon the prospects of candidates, and with reference to the various platfoims of principles really at issue before the peo ple, and which are to be practically decid ed at the polls. W do not hesitate to re spond to these inquiries and the less so, because it is a part of our duty to treat of such matters candidly and frankly, even in the absence of friendly solicitation. In the first place, we think the result of the elections iu Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, demonstrate, beyond all reasona ble ground for doubt, that those States will go for Lincoln in November, and by vastly increased majorities. The disgustingly corrupt scheme of fusion which was enter ed into, partially inOhio and Indiana, and in Pennsylvania, hasbeen re pudiated by the people of those States, em phatieaily and justly. It cannot be assum ed that the people of those States in which the canvass has been made up according to the fusion programme, will act with any less honesty and intelligence, when the time comes, for them to vote. W think therefore, that New York will follow in the wake of her sister Middle States, with a majority from one to two hundred thou sand against the fusion outrage and we think further, that the people of that State will vindicate their reputation for moral honesty and political decency by such a vote. And, inasmuch as the poisonous in fluence of this. Fusion Upas hasbeen ex tended beyond the States in which it was planted, demoralizing the Democracy, de stroying their hopes, and paralyzing their efforts, we cannot believe otherwise than that the whole North will go for Lincoln —rendering the vote of the Free States, for the first time in our history, purely sectional in its character. In the second place, .we think the influ ence of the elections of the Ninth will be to sectionalize the vote of the South. The South must view the results in Pennsylva nia, Ohio and Indiana, as determining the election of Lincoln. The natural impulse of the Southern mind will be to meet Nor thern radicalism with the radicalism of its own section. There is not time enough left to organize a new conservative move ment in the South of sufficient strength to combat and conquer the sectional passions, which, already excited, will be inflamed to madness by the elections of the Ninth.-— The friends of Douglas will not work there with any heart, because they cannot look for a Northern response in a solitary elec toral vote. The South cannot unite on Bell, because, running on no distinctive platform, support of him would mean noth ing and determine nothing. W may, therefore, look to see every slave State go for Breckinridge. If these premises are correct, Douglas, and the principles which he represents, are, practically speaking, no longer at issue in this campaign. Tho canvass is reduced, by indications which are prophetic both in their tenor and force, to a contest between Lincoln and a Free Code, on theone hand, and Breckin ridge and a Slave Code, on the other. This is a result, which all who cherish the peace and harmony of the Union, must deplore but,deplorable or not, it is a plain fact, which cannot be gainsayed or obliterated, and 'which should, therefore, be looked at and acted upon as such, frank ly and manfully. And being a fact, the voice of the North, in the expression of its sentiment* at the polls, will neither be feeble nor uncertain. A million maj6rity will show the ftdeli teof the Northern masses to the instinets of their section, when these are appealed to by an issue whioh cannot bo avoided or delajed •.. mm am j5 •.• "Speak unto the children of Israel that they go forward."—Exo&ts, m$ 3T CLGUD STEAM S GO. MINNESOTA THURSDAY E The Northern Democracy are not re sponsible for the sectional character which the canvass has assumed. It has been precipitated by the ultraists of the South. Tnking its birth in the jealousies of Southern politicians against the manliest statesman of our times, the movement has grown up from its ignoble beginnings in personal hate to its present proportions of warfare upon civilization and of treason against the State. They who have thus sown the wind must reap the whirlwind. The ultraists of the South must be ex tirpated. Until this be done there can be neither national peace nor national prosperity. We had hoped this might be achieved through the agency of Douglas, inthe present campaign. That hope has vanished. Yet, regarding it as the first great act needful to be done, we shall greet its ac complishment with satisfaction through any agency that Providence may appoint. A W a Jr Interview with Mr. Douglas—Grand Fusion Show. CLEVELAND, Sept. 22, i860. MISTER E I E I sees my quil too inform the publik thru the medeum of yur kolums of the grand addishun I hav gest maid too migrate metropolitician sho biznes, and darin Slak rope and gim nastic Surkus. Last nite I had an intervu with Stevun A. Duglas, the renound politikal ambidxter and proprietor and Cheef Kloun in the grate pepuler suverenty sho. Mister Duglas is generaly kald. the little giant from his. havin performed the grate feet of walkin the whole length of Mason and Dixon close line with the dred skot dicis shun in one hand, and his whole populer suverenty, sho in the uther: and also pul lin up the mammuth tre kald the missoorie kompromize, which was first planted in 1787 by Tomus Jcffsrsun and uthers, and set out again in 1820. Mister Duglas puld up this tre and the constitution with it and blast them under his feat. »i But I waz a goin on to sa that be haz bin travlin thru the estern and suthern states performin his triks and speakin his pees. The wa he takes um in with his populer suverenty game is not slo. holds out a big bil to the peple and sez, there's popler suverenty—there's the grate prinsipul. A first tha think tha sea it but when tha look a little sharper it van ishes like the du on the orientle kornstalk when the noonda sun rizes in the eas on a thunderin hot da in the niiddel of Juli it kant be found no where. The folks some times get mad and korner him in a tite plase, buthe is tavnel smaul and can kraul thru a mighty little hole. But they sa he did one grate trik—at wun plase he ate an ox and 20,000 klams. As soon as I herd of his arrive in toun I went to pa him a vizit. I found him in his shoroom speakin his pees. I thowt I would nt be very formal. and sez I, havent ye got that pees larnt yet Sez he, yis— but thers sum of the doktrin that the pe ple dont bleev! and I have toalter. itocca shunally to sute the plase. Sez I, how doo you like the sho biznes Sez he, it dont pa. Sez I, mi sho is doin a stavin biznes. He groned and a tere started in hisi and sez he, I thowt I shood make a good deal out of mi popler suverenty, but sez he, it has split the hu'l sho the peple begin to sea thru it, and tha sa it is a humbug.— Sez I, what are you goin to do with it Sez he, as soon as I hav used up mi post ers and advertisements I shall thro it over board. Sez I, Douglas whattle ye take for yer popler suverenty Sez he ile sel it cheep. I told him I diddent no how to manage his triks but I would go into partnership with him in the sho biznes. Sez he, its a bargain. I then axt him whot he thowt of takin along sum darkees to singsongs and dans the hornpipe. Sez he I wunt hav enny thing to doo with the nigger biz nes again-—it dont pa. scd he weut into the nigger bizues in 1854 and had bin goin down hil cversins he said it had nurly rooined him. The little giant then performed on the slak rope and klimed up a greest pole and spoke his pees on the top. One of Abe Lincoln's rales was next browt in, aud Douglas was set on and rode out thru the back dore. Douglas is about a feet hi and a thunderin great man for wun of,his size. I made a frenologicat exami nation of him. Hee is a man of tremen dus pour fliskavs are huge. His bump of humbugging is as pig as a goos eg.— Conseenshusness is kavedln Heed make a first-rate crier in the sho biznes hiz bump of tellin yarns aint smaul. Duglas and I have komplcted our pro gram for our nu sho. W call it the nu yunion sho, and greest pole surkus. togeth er with uther alarmin and daring feets. Duglas will purform the grand, dubble & singel handed game of popler suveernty. This game kan be seen best with the ize shet. But I must kloze. W are going westward ho in a few daze. Yurs io hast ARTEMUB W A pee es Duglas sez give poplar suverenty a good bio in the paper. MieJiCMw-mmftTir''"'"•"'*•'•'••"'—•» I '_ _V'-^^!!'*imjJ''m^rrx' OHAP. XIV The Credit of the State. The Pioneer, acknowledges the services the Republican party has done the State in relieving the State exchequer of the em barrassments which had accumulated du ring the long night of domestic misrule. For the first time for a number of years the floating indebtedness of the State—-ex isting in the form of State Scrip, is almost pajd off. The whole amount of State Warrants now outstanding is only 827,000, of which only about 813,000 is actually in circula tion, the remainder beiug already in the hands of County Treasurers and in six months more, at the rate at which the tax es are being paid, the whole of this amount will have been absorbed, and the taxes thereafter will be paid in gold. In less than one year then after Sibley retired from the Executive chair, leaving a floating debt of 880,000 to his successor with unpaid current expenses of the last year of Sibley's heaped upon the first year of Governor Ramsey's administration, we have the refreshing announcement from the democratic organ, that the State is nearly disencumbered of the load entai.ed upon it by the extravagance of the Demo cratic party—that iu six weeks in all probability not a dollar of State Scrip will be afloat—that State credit, for the first time, will be at par, and with the returns upon the tax list of i860, its liabilities will heraefter be paid in gold. Could there be better testimony than this to the nice discrimination which the people have exercised in their choice of rulers.—Minnesotian. HUMORS OF TH E CAMPAIGN.—The New York Express is firmly of the opinion that the new coalition ticket in the Em pire State may just as easily get a majority of 50,000 as 5 000. No one doubts it but the truth in the case is that which af flicted the Frenchman who attempted to walk after his head was cut off—the first step, it was said, was the greatest difficul ty. To get the 5,000 is the sticking point. 9 The following story is told at Springfield with great gusto: In one of the central counties a pro-slavery spouter was disclaiming with great vehemence about "nigger equality" and other kindred topics, which the so-called Democrats de light to roll under their tongues, when he attempted an illustration thus: "Suppose the Republicans should win —-what would be the result? You sir, (pointing to a well dressed, good looking man in the crowd) at the next election, with your honest face and patriotic heart, would march up to the polls and deposit your vote for, say Stephen A. Douglas, the people's choice. Following you would come a big, greasy, sweaty, kinky-haired, thick-lipped, crooked-shinned negro, filled with the passions and ignorance common to his race, treading on your heels, and jostling you in the crowd. Holding a bal lot in his hand, he would deposit it in the box for Abraham Lincoln, thus neutralizing your vote, and doing so much to reduce you to the nigger levei. What would you say to that sir?" '•I should say," responded the man in terrogated, "that the nigger had a sight the most sense!" It was a mixed crowd, and that speaker subsided. figyilenry Clay Dean, notorious for his filthy person and blasphemous speech, was making a Democratic speech iu Iowa Dean was once Chaplain of the Senate—a place that he did not grace. On the occa sion of which we speak, he was repelling the charge that the Democratic party had ever misappropriated the public money "Tell me," said he, ''who can, where the Democratic party evor misapplied a dollar ''I can tell!" said a piping voice at the rear of the hall. "Sfcind up, thcu" cried Tean, "and let us hear your answer." popped the owner of the voice. '-Now, sir, tell me if you can where a dollar has been wasted?" When the Democratic Senate paid Henri/ Clay Dean for hisprayertV* was the reply that brought down the house, aud silenced the reverend. *@rAu exchange says that at the break ing of ground for the commencement of the Lynchburg and Tenncsee Railroad, at Lynchburg, a clergyman slowly and sol emnly read a manuscript prayer, at the conclusion of which an old negro man, who had been resting with one foot on his spade and his arms on the handle, looking in tently in the chaplain's face, straightened himself up, and remarked very audibly: "Well, I reckon dat's de fust time de Lord's ever been written to on de subject of Railroads." -d. Tw OP TH E MOST IMPORTANT A CESSIONS OP TH E CAMPAIGN.—Hon H. A. Foster, of Rome, New York, formerly United States Senator from that State, and a Democrat of forty years standing, an nounces that he shall vote for Lincoln and Hamlin. The Auburn Advertiser an nounces that one of the Judges of the Su preme $*m of that Sttte has followed the lead of Mr. Foster, aud has declared for Republican men and measures. Vimw i§. (JIM jjj ,-• izmtxas Wat v.- .ares REVBLATIONS of TH E CteNSUs.--The returns of the census marshals in some of the inland districts of South Carolina re veal a curious state of affairs touching the disproportion of the white to the slave pop ulation. For instance, in the Georgetown district the number of free white persons stated at 842, while the number of shyes and free negroes is 988. The free white persons of another, and contiguous district, is set dowu at 1850 the colored population in tho same district is 12,094— the whites forming only about one-sixth.— Of the number colored, upward of 12,000 of whom are slaves. In Lower All-Saints district, the dis proportion appears to be still more marked for instance in a population of 4831 only 226 are free persons 119 of whom are males. This would give an average of rather more than 38 slaves to each white male in that district. The grand total of slave popula tion in the three districts above, is 18,110 cf free persons, 3195. Here we have a population of which less than one sixth are white persons, and the remaining five sixths slaves. After looking at these figures, can any candid man longer refuse to see the proba ble cause for the periodical panics which convulse the south, and render the planters so jealous of incendiary doctrines and in cendiary documents ?—N. Y, World. «i A JUDICIA WHY.—Judg Norton was solemn, stern and dignified to excess. was also at once egotistical and sensitive to ridicule. Judge Nelson was a wit, careless of decorum, and had a sharp voice. He did not like Judge Norton. A bar sup per, Judge Norton in an elaborate speech, referring to the early days of Wisconsin, the rude practice of tbat period, and the discomforts of a profession iu that country, described, in tragic manner, a thunder storm which once overtook him in riding the old circuit: ''It was a night in the forest the scene was awful, and," said the Judge, "I expect ed every moment the lightning would strike the tree under which I had taken shelter." "Why, then," interrupted Nelson, in his peculiar squeal, "why in thundery then, didn't you get under another tree f" S A E A E ITEM.—A unknown brig, supposed to be the Storm King, ar rived at Norfolk yesterday, in charge of Lieut Hughes, in thirty-one days from Monrovia. The brig was captured on the 8th of August, by the steamer San Jacin to. A the time of her capture she was two hundred miles off the Congo River, and had on board 619 negroes, who were landed at Monrovia. The prize ship Eric, captured by the steamer Mohican on the 8th of August, with over 800 negroes on board, arrived at Monrovia, in charge of Lieut. Donegan.—*V. Y. Herald. The Lake Superior Journal is res- ponsible for a paragraph giving an account of ah accident to a man iu that neighbor hood. It appears he accidentally entirely severed his big toe from his toot while chopping in the woods. He then picked up the dissevered member, walked home half a mile, and then returned it to its place, where it has since grown as well as ever. The story, though rather a hard one, is vouched for on good authority. Speech of Hon. Ignatius Don nelly, Lieut. Governor of Min nesota. Delivered at the Hail-Splitters' Wig wam, in St. Cloud, on Monday, 0*7. 29th, 1860. THE PRACTICAL RESULT OP SQUATTER SOVERKIONTY AS APPLIED TO THE QUESTION OP SLAVERY. FELLOW CITIZEN'S :—Permit mc to thank you for the opportunity afforded mc to address you. It is, indeed, a privilege to once more meet you after the lapse of more than a year. In that interval, events have not been wanting, either in our own State or in tho nation at large, to corroborate much that was said to you by Republican speakers in the last year's canvass: .. Politics are principles. Over the lesser de tails—tha effervescences—tho excrescences of the surface-men differ. The great undercur rents of humanity and God-head, are as far beyond the reach of contention, as the centrif ugal and centripetal forces. They belong to the great elemental principles of nature, and upon them rest all politics. Truth is not a violence. It does not take its votary by the throat. It never got into any man that way. It is a figure, standing upon the pedestal of the world—a lesser God—the shadow of the one certain Gdd. Men walk past and look up at it. To one, it seems cold and lifeless, and shrouded in leaden mists.— To another, it stands with the glory of the world upon Us brow, the gentleness of heaven in itseyes, Us hand pointing the un doubted way of life. Truth will live, though we die. Gallileo muttered, as he signed his recantation of his doctrine of the earth's motion, "But it does move.** Pen and ink, prisons .and chains, bread and water could not stop it the monks had no lever could pry it from its orbit: it kept on moving until all Christendom was ready to cry aloud the muttered words of Gal* Uleo, "But it does move." "Tha minds of men," aaid Washington, "are as various aa their Cues, and one can no no more blame them for tfceir ideas than their reatnree." r... warn ?IQ*Z«f* cl" :.-.: ii *•. -.' :Bu5 SHB99B I 2 iJ r- Jjefc fi. I jJfcyW* I EDITOR AUD PROPRIETOR. You eeme to one man, now-a-daya, and ha says, "Pshaw! what do I Care about it The nigger is only fit to be a slave.—I'd like to OWn a few myself!" .And then he laughs up roriously. TO another,, you come and the thought of Slavery presents itself to his mind as one broad, pressing, unmitigated iniquity his^nature revolts at it' his very gorge rises at it He sees the quondam father, the pollu ted mother, the dishonored child—rbe'dies with out liberty, minds without light, Siuls without a God! And so men array themselves. Whero the Creator has made differences, they build up parties. And why should you and I quar rel over it Neither you nor.I did U. Then let us approach the political' questions of the day in a calm, impartial spirit, None of us came into the world stamped "Democrat" or "Republican." None of us were accompa nied by an after-birth of pamphlets and speech es. Our great umpire was born with us—eur judgment—and it should be our proudest boast to submit to it unhesitatingly all the questiona of our lives. I have said toyou that in the interval of tha last year events have not been Wanting to cor roborate our principles. The greatest of these is the dismemberment of the Democratic par ty. When we last met, the cause of Freedom and Humanity had" but one advocate in this nation—the Republican party. To-day we aro assisted by the great body of the Northern Democracy who in their very refusal ac* quiesoe in the demands of Slavery, unwitting ly recognise the power and the justice of tha principles we maintain. But, my friends, this accession to our ranks is hesitating, doubting, unwilling and full of half-way measures and compromises. It ha* beans in its-shoes. It denies the existence of the tide upon which it is carried forward, and would shift the landmarks aleng the shore to hide its own advance. Springing from this rtate of things—for platforms are but revelations of the condition of the public mind and heart—is the doctrine of which Mr. Douglas is the great founder and exponent—the doctrine of Squatter Sorer* eignty. This doctrine has been for some years expos ed to the scrutiny of the most intelligent peo ple in the world, and has been fairly riddled and perforated with criticism and ridicule.-* Its inception, itsstartling novelty— "Got when the soul did muddled notions try. And born a shapeless mass, like anarchy,** its incongruities, its deceits, its impossibilities with itself, its shuffling and fraudulent history. have all been time again laid before you, by your public speakers, inyour newspapers, iu your private conversations, until it has become "A thrice told tale, Told in the dull ear of a drowsy msu." I should weary your patience did I attempt to go over the wcllrworn path. *.. There is, however, one aspect of this singu lar and novel doctrine which has been but lie tie touched upon, but which, nevertheless, ap^ pears to me of the first consequence. I refer to the practical workings of the doctrine of Squat ter Sovereignty as applied to the Territories. It is my position here to-night that the results' of Squatter Sovereignty are anarchy, war, bloodshed in the Territory, and eventually civil war In the nation at large. To that branch of the subject I shall devote my re-j marks this evening. My friends, this government of ours takes its permanence and perpetuity from a distinc tion which may at first sight appear a narrow' one, the distinction between the two -words, "Democracy" and "Republic." In common parlance, we speak of the two as svnonymoas. Mr. Madison, in the Federalist, advocating the adoption of our present constitution, very clearly expressed the distinction which exists between them. He says "It may be conclu ded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischief of faction. A common passion or interest will in almost every case be folt by a majority of the whole, a communication and concert result from the form of the government itself, anJ there is nothing to check the inducement to sacrifice the weaker party. Hence it is that such democracies have been spectacles of tur bulence and contention have ever been founJ incompatible with personal security, and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. A republic, by which mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect. The extent cf the differ ence is to refine and enlarge the public views ly passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may beat discern the true interests of their country, and whose pat riotism wUl be least likely to sacrifice it io tempore* ry or partial considerations." This distinction, thus clearly laid down by Mr. Madison, was supposed by the foun ders cf tho government to meet tho question why our republic, then to be estab lished, would not go the way of the 11 worlu'a democracies. Its peculiarly distinctive feature was the carefully guarded Congress. It was claimed that while a pure democracy answered the ends of a barbarous people, with simple and uniform interests —the more complicated society became and the more diversified and pressing the interests at stake, the more neces sary did "the scheme of representation be come." The old Confederation was in the na ture of a democracy of oommoniries. Anarchy ensued Washington m-icd out in the psdnes* of his heart, 'JFod of gbodness, what is man that be has so much of inconsistency in his con duct. In forming our confederation we had probably too good an opinion of human nature. A pure democracy had almost driven him to the verge of absolutism. ri The people, rising to the necessity of the oc casion, as the American people have erer done, came together and established our present gov ernment, a purs republic. They planed in tha bands of Congress the exclusive control- of all those questions which under the eld confeder ation had given rise t» turbulence and discon tent, the right to levy taxes, to borrow money, to regulate commerce, to declare war, etc.— Prominent among these questions aud tho most proline of.all in turmoil and popular anger'was the question of the territories. Said Alexander Hamilton .-• "Territorial disputes havs at all times been-} found tt»e of the most frsdtful causes of hostil ity amoas nations. Pwhsps tha gresMpbpsor portion of the wars that have desolated tha earth have sprung from, this origin." "It he*bec*xthe prudent poircr of Gougres*,"