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Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, February 01, 1851, Image 2

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W. D. CHAPMAN i "
J. It. SMITH PMMter and Pnrietor$.
CQLUMBUS:
fialnrday, n 1 1 : u 1 1 1 1 1 ; February 1, 1851.
THE POSITION.
IIaviks triumphed over various difficulties incident
' to the establishment of a new Press, it affords the pub
libbers infinite pleasure to be able to say to their friends
here as elsewhere, that the Southern Standard" is
cast, to the breeze surrounded by the most favorabl?
auspices and under circumstances portent with the very
elements ofsucocss. It will bo the aim of the publish
ers and their aim is as high as their patriotism is pure
to ekvate the Standard above party and the vitu
. Derating bitterness of grovelling party spirit and the
degrading vocabulary of partisan demagogues. They
hope to be able under the guiding influence of an All
Wise Providence, and such aid as the best and noblest
spirits of Mississippi have promised to extend to them,
to make the Standard the organ of all true hmrt-d ami
rtght IhoujhLtl itjulhern men. It shall be Southern
without the malignancy of the sectary it shall defend
the rights and the honor of the Southern States not by j
Sophmore declamation and bald deinngoguisni, but '
by re-asserting and enforcing those maxims of equality
recognized and engrafted as the founding principles up
on which our system of government is based. While
it will cherish thai Union of States formed by the con
script fathers of the R public, it will contend for those
right reserved by tktn for the People and the States re
spectirvly. It i irom convincing, overshadowing convictions of
the necessity that exists for the re-assertion of those
doctrines of equality and native right incident to Re
publics, that has brought this Press into being. Old
parties in their round of success and defeat have lost
fight, amid their plotting schemes of aggrandizement,
of thore principles upon the clear recognition and en
forcement ofwb'ch depends the existence of our liber
ties and our position in the Confederacy as equals! It
Is with many misgivings of ability to speak efficiently
and effectually on a subjuct requiring investigation,
prudence, experience and comprehensive general ca
pacity, that we have ventured upon an undertaking of so
momentous 'a character as! that of attempting to arouse
and guide the opinions of others. While sensible of
the difficulties that are lying in the pathway, seeing in
tho progress of event many weapons that the sinister
and evil disposed will attempt to wield against this
Press' and the doctrines its conductors may from time
to time feel called upon to inculcate, have it is freely
confessed, given its immediate friends food for reflec
tion. Perfectly aware that to enter the arena and but
strike one blow for Freedom from Northern Vassalage
would invite new aggressions and open up the way for
further suf mixtion belicvingthat the timid vascilating
policy of a few was but the cowards remedy to abandon
all to desecration and destruction, end that safety now
and hereafter lay in the road of the open, plain and de
termined assertion of Southern Rights believing that
w hile mischief may be done the way to avoid it is not in
a studied and suple manner to conceal, with party vic
iousness the elements that will surely work the evil, from
the public eye. Believeing that to meet any emer
gency worth the thought of freemen is to meet it in a
free and candid manner, and to overcome the evils that
now press the South to the necessity of demanding the
tight of equality is a task not to be sneered at, nor is it
no without labor. It is expected that the opinions
Inculcated and the positions laid down by this Press
will be assailed misrepresented and that there are
those reckless enough to deny that it was established
- - with any object ler.s unholy than that of advocating dis
union and wide spread anarchy. As it has been estab
lished to advocate the preservation of the liberty of the
people ohc South, its conductors will prize the good
opinion of these who agree with them in sentiment, and
endeavor to bear with good temper the bitterness of all
who may oppose them.
To prevent misapprehension and put the position of
this Press beyond question, it is thought to be wise to
draw from the records of the Past the fundamental prin
ciples that will guide its course. The Resolutions of
,98, and the circumstances that originated them with
the history of the times must be familiar to all men of
general information. It is thought that the publication
f the Resolutions will exclude the necessity of an elab
tnte address embracing the princi pies so forcibly and
pointedly set forth in them ; and as this Press endorses
and adopts the doctrine of the Resolutions in their entire
length and breadth, there is little room for misunder
standing and less for misrepresenting the positions of
the Standard.
We invite for the Resolutions a careful perus .1.
Rcsolulions cf Mr. 5Ia li;on in 1758.
Resolved, That the General Assembly of Vir
ginia doth unequivocally express a firm resolution
to maintain and defend the Constitution of the
United States, and the Constitution of this State,
against everv aggression, either foreign or domes
tic, and that they will support the government of
the United States in all measures warranted by the
former.
The General Assembly most solemnly declares
a warm attachment to the union of the States, to
maintain which it pledges all its powers; and that,
for this end, it is their duty to watch over and op
pose every infraction of those principles, which
militate the only basis of th.t union, because a faith
ful observance of these can alone secure its exist
ence and the public happiness.
That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremp
torily declare, that it views the powers of the fede
ral government as resulting from the compact tu
which the States are parties, as limitedby the plain
sense and intention of the instrument constituting
that compact, as no farther valid than they are au
thorized by the grants enumerated in compact;
and that in case it a deliberate palpable and dan
gerous exercise of power, not granted by the
said compact, the States who are parties thereto, have
the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose tor ar
resting the progress of the evil, and maintaining in
their respective limits, the authorities, rights and lib
erties appertaining to them.
That the General Assembly doth also express its
deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances been
manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its
powers by forced constructions of the constitutional
character which defines them; and that indications
have appeared of a design to expound certain general
phrases, (which, having been copied from the very
limited "rant of powers in the former articles of con
federation, were the less liable to be construed.) so
ss to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular
enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits
the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the States
by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency
and inevitable result of which would be, to transform
the present republican system of the United States in
to an absolute, or'at best, a mixed monarchy.
That the General Assembly doth particularly pro
test against the palpable and alarming infractions of
the constitution, in the two late cases ot the "Alien
and Sedition acts," passed at the last session of Con
gress; the first of which exercises a power nowhere
delegated to the federal government; and which, by
uniting legislative and judicial power to those of the
executive, subverts the general principles of a free
government, as well as the particular organization and
- positive provisions of the federal constitution; and the
ether of which acts exercises in like manner, a power
which, more than any other, ought to produce um'ver-
sal alarm; because it is levelled against the right of
free!" examining nublic characters n k Jxrfleagu-(ryiaj nrf
of free communication onung the people thereon
which has ever been justly deemed tho only effectual
guardian of every other right.
That the people of this commonwealth, having ev
er felt and continue to feel the most sincere effec
tion for their brethren of the other States; the truest
anxiety for establishing and perpetuating the union of
all; and the' most scrupulous fidelity to that constitu
tion which is the pledge of mutual friendship and the
instrument of mutnal friendship; the General Assem
bly doth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions in the
other States, in confidence that they will concur with
this commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby de
clare, that the acts aforesaid are unconstitutional; and
that the? necessary and proper measures will be taken
by each, for co-operating with this State, in maintain
ing unimpaired, the authorities, rights and liberties
reserved in the States respectively, or to the people.
That tho Governor be desired to trasmit a copy of
these Resolutions to the Executive authority of, each
of the other States, with a request that the same may
be communicated to the legislature thereof, and that a
copy be furnished to each of the Senators and Repre
sentatives representing this State in the Congress of
the United States. ,
(Jeffers J.Max Resolutions.)
Resolutions of Vie K'.ntuc' y L-gUlature, Xov. 10A, 1793..
Resolved, That the several States composing the
United States of America, are not united on the prin
ciples cf unlimited submission to their general Gov
ernment "; but that by compact, under the style and
title of a Constitutio'n for the United States and of
amendments thereto, they constituted a General
Government for special purposes delegated to that
Government certain definite powers, reserving each
State to itself the residuary mass of right to their own
self-government; and that whensoever the General
Government assumes un lelegated powers, its acts are
unauthoritative, void, and of no force. That to this
compact each State acceded as a State, and is an inte
gral party, its co-States forming as to itself the other
party. That the Government created by thia compact
was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent
of the power delegated to itself; since that would have
made its discretion,and not the Constitution, the meas
urs of its powers, but that, as in all other cases of com
pact auunj parties having no common judge, each par
ty has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of
infraction, as of the mode and measure of redress. ,
Resolved, That the construction applied by the Gen
eral Government (as is evinced by sundry of their
proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of
the United States which delegate to Congress a power
to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises;
to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence
and general welfarc'of the United States, and to make
all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry
ing into execution the power vested by the Constitution
of the United States, or any department thereof goes
to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their
powers by the Constitution. That words meant by that
instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of
the limited powers, ought not to be so construed as
themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part so to
be taken, as to destroy the whole residue of the instru
ment. Resolved, lastly. That the Governor of this common
wealth be and is hereby authorized and requested to
communicate the preceding resolutions to the Legisla
ture of the several States, to assure them that this
commonwealth considers union for specified national
purposes, and particularly for those specified in their
late federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, happi
ness and prosperity of all the States. That faithful to
that compact,according to the plain intent and meaning
in which it was understood and acceded to by the seve
ral parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation :
that it does also believe, that to take from the States all
the powers of self government and transfer them to a
general and consolidated government, without re'gard to
the special obligtion and reservation solemnly agreed to
in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness, or
prosperity of these States : and that therefore, this
commonwealth is determined, as it doubts not its co
States are, not tamely to submit to undelegated, and
consequently unlimited powers in no man or body of
men on earth; -
that it would be a dangerous delusion, were a confidence
in tho men of our choice.to silence our fears for the safe
ty of our rights; that confidence is everywhere the pa
rent of despotism; free government is founded in jealousv
and not in confidence, which prescribes limited, consti
tutions to bind down those we are obliged to trust with
power.
Inquestions of power, then, let no more be haerd of con
fidence in man, but bind him down from mischeif, by
the chains ot the constitution.
The wisdom of the men who erected this govern
ment becomes the more admirable as the corruption and
aggressions of a monied aristocracy press forward to
ward consolidatad centralism. For purposes the most
wise and salutary, the States reserved to themselves
the right to judge of the exercise by the Federal Gov
ernment of all political powers, and whensoever the
powers conferred for good be perverted to the injury of
one or many of the confederates, the remedy lies within
the reserved circle of rights retained in the hands of the
People of the States. Each State by separate action
became a member of the Union by adopting the Con
stitution, and as each State came into the Union by the
action of the People of the State through a Convention
'representing the sovereignty of the State, so, at any
time, through the same sovereign channel a State may
pass from the Union that has failed to meet out justice
and equality by its action in its federative capacity. It
is opposed to the theory of a free government for the
confederate States to coerce any single or any number
of States, and an attempt to force a State to submit to
its own injury and oppression and retain it in the Union
for that purpose, clashes very directly with our notions
of a government of Freemen.
To show these opinions are not new, below will be
found certain rights claimed by a State in solemn Con
vention. "
" We, the Ddegaks of the, people of . duly
"elected in pursuance of a recommendation from, the
"General Assembly, and now met in Convention, hav
"ing fully and freely investigated and discussed the
"proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being
"prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation
-hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name
"and in behalf of the People of declare and
"make known, that the powers granted under the
"Constitution, being derived from the people of tie
"United Stat s, may be resumed by them whensoever
"the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppres
sion : and that every power not granted therein remain
"with them and at their will : that, therefore, no right of
"any denomination can he cancelled, abridged, restrained
"or modified, by Congress, by the Senate or House, of
"Represtntives, acting in any capacity, by the Presi
dent, or any Department, or officer of the United
"States, except in those instances in which power is
"given.by the Constitution for those purposes."
If there yet lingers in the mind of any doubt as to the
right of the States to withdraw from the Union, it will
be a source of pleasure to present to such the opinion of
one than whom none ranked higher in the estimation of
the old fathers of the Republic as an expositor of the
federal compact and the rights cf the States. The
opinion below was given after mature deliberation.
"But when the question is one of political power
that between the Federal Government and the
States whether the former power has invaded the
reserved rights of the latter I hold that questions of
this kind do not belong to judicial cognizance.
" That the people of the States are parties to the
Federal compact, in their character of States.
That the constitution has not conferred upon the
judicial department any political power whatever.
" that theiefore, m relation to questions of this
character, there is no common umpire. '
. "And that consequently, the states must decide
fok themselves. This is the right: What is the
remedy ?
My opinion is, that the only rightful remedy
IS that of secession ! "
Presented above in condensed form are found the
principles that will govern the course of this press. . As
the position is a plain one and the events hourly devel
oping themselves demand their reiteration, space is
given them. That the recent action of Congress would
have warranted the States to exercise their reserved and
aablc rights, cannot be doubted. Hut whether it
inan
would be politic now to act is a question admitting de
bate. For this the Standard is prepared. Nous Yer-rons.
Sober IteCcctipns.
Depreciating the late attempted organigation of
parties in this State, on .principles alike subversive
of the rights of the States, as of their Union, we
solicit those who may agree with us in the views
hereinafter expressed, to aid in taking such mcas-
ures in every county, as may enable the temperate
and moderate citizens of the State, who are oppo-
sed to extremists on all sides, to express their views
in the convention proposed to be held in Novem
ber next.
Wc believe that a large majority of the citizens !
of this State, no more approve of the compromise
I forced upon us by the North, at the last session of
Congress, whereby the South is again made the
victim of Northern fanaticism by her own folly,
than of the doctrines promulgated by secessionists
and revolutionists.
While we respect the spirit of devotion to the
rights of the South, evinced by the late message '
of Gov. Quitman and the address published by '
Judge Clayton and others, and commend the
patriotism which inspired a strong sense of the in
justice under which the South have long suffered,
we cannot commit ourselves to their doctrines.
We fear they take counsel of their just indignation,
rather than of their better judgments their pru
dence and their patriotism.
While we are unwilling to be instrumental in
producing rashly and imprudently a state of things
by which all opportunity for the restoration of right,
justice and harmony, would be forever cut off, we
cannot still consent to denounce as traitors, men
who, we know and feel, when the day of trial shall
cetme, will be found among the truest, firmest,
most gallant spirits, that ever drew a blade, or
bore a weapon, in defence of the rights or honor
of a free State.
We recognize the right of secession as an origi
nal, natural, right which human institutions cannot
take from us. It is designed for cases of intolera
ble oppression, but it is a right dependent on the
power to enforce it. The lawless mob that would
violate their oaths and the constitution, to oppress
us, or deny us our rights, when they have the pow
er, would never stop to respect or investigate our
natural rights unsupported by physical force.
The right of secession therefore, so far as it is a
practical question, depends on the power to sup
port it. It follows that if the evils of which we
now complain, were intolerable at this time, under
the devisions existing in the Seuth, we should be
guilty of the most consummate folly, madly torush
on our own destruction and utter degradation by
attempting what we could not accomplish.
Neither can we agree with those whose purpose
is indicated by the popular name they have assum
ed, "Union Party." Union of whom and for what?
A union of all opinions and all principles of old
enemies and new "natural allies" of broken down
politicians and new aspirants, to assist the North
in trampling upon the constitutional rights of the
South, and each other in getting eiffice? Or a
"Union" of Mississippi's and Southi rne rs upon
principles looking to the protection of her rights,
her honor, her sovereignty and equality under the,
constitution. Is this a consolidated "Union," de
stroying the integrity of the States, or a Federal
Union, established by the people of the States un
der a Federal constitution, securing and reserving
to the several States, all powers not specially en
trusted to the Government they have created?
Taking the resolutions of their various meetings,
the speeches of their orators, the principles advo
cated by their writers and presses, and the ad
dresses of their committees, as indices and relia
ble exponents of their creed, we cannot approve
either of their principles er their object.
First Because, to avoid the duties which the
doctrine of State-rights and State-sovereignty ne
cessarily devolves upon them, they are endeavoring
to re-establish the consolidation doctrines of the
monarchists and Federalists of 1798 and the proc
lamations of 1832. In proof of this we quote
from the Natchez Courier of 11th. December, '50:
V 1 . The Senator objects to the declaration by the
meeting, that the liberty we inherit is inseparable
from the Union because, he says, the Union was
the result of the liberty and independence of the
States. Specious deception.! He knows, and why
did he not acknowledge, that it was a Congress of
United Colonies, that declared "United Colonies to
be free and independent States"?
"We, (says the immortal Declaration,) the rep
resentatives of the United States of America, in
General Congress assembled, solemnly publish and
declare, that these United Coloxies are and, of
right ought to be Free and Independent States."
"The freedimi and independence of those Colo
nies sprung from their union, as much as from their
heroic patriotism. Without the former, the latter
would have been exerted in vain. Senator Davis
knows that after those united colonies had declared
their independence, they entered into a w ritten
compact, entitled "Articles of Confederation
and Perpetual Union," but failed to reap the full
harvests of liberty, because that confederacy de
parted in its practice from the principle of the uni
ty of the people; that it was not until this false
step had been corrected, and "a more perfect union"
established by "the people of the United States,"
in the formation of the present Constitution, that
they experienced the full fruition of the liberty
previously won. The Senator says that our liber
ty Avould be preserved, even were dissolution to
take place. Delusive is the hepe! As well might
we think that each individual stick of a bundle of
faggots is strong in itself, because the whole bun
dle can withstand the efforts "of the man to break
it. Alas, the child's fe eble power can rend in twain
the former!"
As a further proof we quote from " Union or
Disunion", a pamphlet issued in this city in Octo
ber last, "by a Southron," and endorsed by the
"Union" press generally in this and other States:
"The present government was framed and sent
out for ratification, not by the Slates or the Slate
legislatures, but by the)pe of the States in con
vention assembled. It depended for adoption on
consent and agreement; but the moment that it was
adopted, its declarations were fairly confirmed.
These declarations are not of a league or compact
between the States, but of a ' 'constitution of the
people of the United States." The language of
the preamble is not to agree or stipulate, but to
"ordain and establish." It declares itself to be,
together with the "laws and treaties made in pur
suance thereof, the supreme law of the land."
And, as if to give unmistakeable emphasis to this
declaration, it adds, "anything in the constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand-
ing.
(Art. Ctu.) 1 his constitution can lay and
collect taxes, impose duties, make treaties, declare
war, and conclude peace, independent of the con-
' sent of the States. It even lays injunctions on the
Slate govt rnnunts, dots not receive such from
them. It tells them they "shall not" make treat
ies, form alliances or confederations, coin money,
pass any bill impairing the obligation of contracts,
engage in any wet, enter into compact with anoth
er state, or with a foreign power, keep any regular
troops, maintain any navies. (Art.. 1st. section
10th.) This surely is not the language of a crea
ture, a mere agent of the various State govern
ments! Washington tells us "that it is utterly im
prae.icable in the Federal Government of these
htates, to secure all the rights of independent save
reignfy to e ach, and yet provide for the safety and
interest of all." (Letter to Congress on the con-
stitution.) In his farewell address he speaks of
me mutt ot government which constitutes us one
people," and of our indissoluble eommunitv of in-
terest as owe nation."
It is matter of astonishment to us that at this day
in the South the exploded doctrines of the old ene
mies of the constitution, when it was first proposed,
and the doctrine of the Proclamation by which
Gen. Jackson was betrayed, temporarily, into Fed
eralism, in 1832, (but which he immediately re
nounced by a counter proclamation authoritatively
put forth in the Globe of that date,) are now seiz
ed upon by his old enemies to cover their own aban-
donment of principle, and to form a nucleus, around
which, their Northern "allies" may gather in a
"union" designed to subvert State rights and State
sovereignty. Indeed, the overshadowing hnnihila
ting supremacy of the "Xational union" (the
boasting theme of those useful sign-boards, to
popular clamor, to be found about every town and
city, street politicians, is becoming quite too fash 1
ionable amemg those who ought to be more deeply
versed in the constitutional history of their country.
Second We cannot agree with them, because
they are attempting to reconstruct, on the ruins of
old parties, a "new national parly," by which to
control the power and patronage of the Govern
ment, the offices, their emoluments and honors, by
"compromising" away the rights, the interests, the
honor and equality of the Southern States.
We admit that we are tired of Janus-faced con
ventions and platforms and bargains, between old
political opponents, designed to deceive the peo
ple into the support of candidates, whose real sen
timents cannot coincide with both sides. The
union of Northern and Southern men upon a par
ty platform, in the present state of affairs, is neces
sarily a hypocritical or traitorous union. If de
signed to concede no principle or right on either
side, but merely to form a "union" to attain power
that they may enjoy the offices, it is both traitorous
and hypocritical. If a real concession of principle,
or the constitutional rights of their respective sec
tions then it is a traitorous union, for the same
corrupt purpose.
The South is now in a hopeless minority, by the
action of the last session of Congress, her only
safety there fore is in unbroken union at home, pre
serving her separate identity wielding thereby the
balance of power and choosing our rulers from
me runus eu our opponents, in. tins way we can
i i c , . i -
always command respect, if not secure the obscrv
ance of our rights. We are therefore opposed lo
any "national" organization, in the southern States,
whereby ti e South is to be divided and merged
into parties at the North having no sympathy or
interest in our institutions.
, Third We cannot agree with thorn, bca"
they" approve the late compromise me asures, in the
passage of which, Congress directly refused to dis
charge her constitutional duty to protect the prop
erty of all the States equally in the territories,
which the constitution has entrusted for that pur
pose, to her exclusive, though limited jurisdiction
That the people of Mississippi are entitled to this
protection in common with her sister states, is as
serted in the 9th. resolution of the convention of
both parties in this State, in Octeber, 1849 in the
resolutions of the succeeding legislatures, as wel
as in the late address of the committee of the Jack
son Union Mass Meeting itself, in all which this
duty of the Government, under the constitution is
distinctly admitted and declared. And yet, in
their resolutions, the Jackson meeting says, that
the refusal of Congress to afford this verv legisla
tive protection to the South, in the new territories,
is not inconsistent with the resolutions of the con
vention of October of 1849.
While they declare that they will resist the re
peal of the fugitive slave law or the omission of
the general government to enforce it, (a mere omis
sion of constitutional duty) which concerns Mis
souri, Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland almost
exclusively, they approve the compromise bills as
a ceimpromise emiitting and actually refusing to
protect the South, declare them to be the law of the
land, and that they imperatively demand the ac
quiescence of every citizen of the United States, so
long as they remain unrepealed. In other words,
they are willing to secession and revolution (in or
der to protect the slaves of the border States,) who
already sympathise more with the North than the
South) if the government omit its constitutional
duty to reclaim a few runaway negroes, for Missou
ri, Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland, while they
openly declare that we should "acquiesce" in the
omission of Congress to discharge her constitu
tional duty, to protect the same kind of property
for us, at this end of the Union, by punishing in
the Territories the miserable abolition wretch who
may harbor, conseal or steal our slaves there.
They are seized with burning indignation, at the
wrongs threatened upon these border States, by
the omission of a constitutional duty to them, and
are ready to dissolve the Union for their protection.
F ...
while theyi advise submission to greater wrongs to
us, and even laud the omission of a constitutiona
duty to Mississippi and the South, without the dis
charge of which we are forever excluded, with our
slaves, from our new territories, with all their vast
resources and avenues to wealth.
For ourselves, we confess that while we are ready
to join our sister States in the protection of their
constitutional rights, against destruction and viola
tion from any quarter, foreign or domestic, we
must first be permitted to enquire whether they
have studied the "golden rule" of equality and
justice, as well applicable to States and Nations
as to individuals.
, We cannot consent to fight their battles, and
destroy this Union on their account, while they
declare their approval of the wrongs inflicted on
our State, for whose protection we owe our.allegi
ance. We are not yet, colonies, dependants or
slaves of Kentucky or Mr. Clay, or Virginit? and
Mrjlitchie, or Missouri and Mr. Benton. We are
their constitutional eqnals, and they may not ex
pect to make Mississippi and the real South their
cat's paw to save their runaway slaves, while they !
refuse to recognize our constitutional rights, and
to aid us in legally asserting them in Congress, a
gainst a like omission of constitutional duty to us.
We cannot, therefore, approve of the abandonment
of the right of protection, and the assumption of
the edd repudiated Cass doctrine, of Non-intervention
by our " Union" friends. We regret that the
Mass Meeting at Jackson, should have found it
necessary at this late day, to solicit the endorse
ment oT Gen. Cass, after he had been repudiated
by his own friends in Mississippi. We were not
prepared, after the developements of the last ses
sion of Congress, and after the abandonment of
Gen. Cass, by the only party in this State, who
ever sustained mm 10 see ene corresponuencc
which was published with the resolutions of the
meeting. We were not prepared, especially, lo see
the Whig portion of that convention, at this time
acquiescing" in the doctrines of a man,' whose
pinions and principles they had so lately and so
bitterly denounced.
We stand on the constitutional duty of Congress
to protect all the property of all the States in the
territories belonging to the States, United alike, and
in the same manner that Mr. Clay claims it for
Kentucky, in his Frankfort speech, in relation to
fugitive slaves. "All will admit," says he, "that
a constitutional duty on the part of Congress,
should be faithfully and effectually and not illu
sively and inadequately performed."
This is all we ask for Mississippi and the South.
We are opposed to all partiality all inequality in
the action of Congress or of our sister States.
Fourth We cannot approve their course, be
cause we cannot join them in tendering our lives,
emr fortunes and our sacred honor, to the enemies
of Mississippi, foreign or domestic, against the
home that protects us the fireside friends, w ho
may honestly differ with us. We feel that we are
identified with our brethre n of Mississippi and the
South, in feeling as well as in fact- "through joy
and through torment, through glory and shame."
We shall not, the refore, be found with the arms of
an enemy in our hands, pointed at the breasts of
Mississippians. As soon would we point the in
struments of death with a murderous intent, at the
fireside endeared by the recollections of childhood
as soon would we make war upon the sacred re
lations of family, the helplessness of infancy. If
Mississippi must be , trodden down by the over
- A -
whelming progress, of anti-slavery, and her citi
zens butchered by tbe hands of slaves and aboli
tiem assassins, in Ged's name let Mississippians flee
the disgrace the corroding infamy of participa
ting in the murde rous carnage. We cannot there
fore sustain our Union friends in this resolution.
Fifth We disapprove of the party machinery
set in motion by the Jackson meeting its proscrip
tive spirit, recommending conventions, great and
small, to cover the State with a renewed spirit of
proscription and intolerance. We abher their bit
ter spirit aguinst all who cannot agree with them,
and more especially their loving kindness towards
their "Northern allies," whom they have again en
listed in the war they have declared against the
friends of the South. We are therefore left no al
ternative but to "acquiesce" in the necessity which
elVnemmrcs" our scparition, 'and hold the in, "as we
hold the rest of mankind, enemies in the political
war they have declared against us, in private
frie-nds.
What can the South do? We propose, first,
that the people of Mississippi shall send delegates
to the State convention, called to advise and con
sult as brethren of erne family, on their duty to
themselves, to the country and to posterity, in the
prose nt state of political r.ffairs. The senseless
demagogue, who denounces the convention be
cause the Legislature did not first ask permission
of the people, to let themselves (the people) meet
in con vention, is unworthy of their confidenceor
re.'pect. All admit that the events transpiring,
and already consummated, are of the most fearful
importance. The Union Mass Meeting itself, was
assembled in view of this state of things, and has
laid down for its amiable self, no less than six caus
es in advance, for any one of which it is ready to
dissolve the Union. The Georgia convention just
adjourned, foreshadows nearly the same causes
admits the dange r of the times, and addresses the
North beseechingly and affectionately, not to drive
them to the necessity and trouble of dissolving the
Union by secession. Other State conventions and
meetings speak the same voice. And the great
Party at Jackson, were assembled by a Message
from a travelling ubiquity, (who may be regarded
as their Governor) in view of these impending dif
ficulties. Have they averted them by their reso
lutions? Has their assemblage at Jackson done
all that wTas necessary, for the preservation of the
Union and the protection of our rights? Surely
if the portentous character of the times, called
for a convention of a part of the people of Mis
sissippi, thus to meet and express their opinions,
with an air of defiance to the representatives of the
wdiole, people assembled in their legislative charac
ter, we can sec no reason why the whole people them
selves, by their delegates, may not meet in conven
tion without reference to party and deliberate for
for the common good. We are not afraid of the
people in convention. They can do no harm ;
whatever is their will is politically right. We de
sire to have their potent voice upon the question
of acquiescence, in the refusal of Congress to pun
ish the lawless wretch, who steals,' harbors, or con
ceals the slave of the southern man, who dares to
settle in the new territory. We desire to see
whether they will approve, as a just compromise,
a set of measures, which strip the South of all
right and interest in the vast domain acquired by
a common effort, and for the benefit of all the
States alike. A compromise which offers no equiv
alent, save the fugitive slave law, which concerns
mostly Missouri.Kentucky, Virginia and Maryland.
A compromise opposed by our whole delegation in
Congress, save a single one, and he not a represen
tative of the people, of any district. Shall his
voice commit the State of Mississippi without con
sultation with her, and against the expressed in
struction of her legislature, to a compromise, a con
tract, a bargain, so important in its consequences ?
And shall the voice of her people in convention,
be stifled and suppressed by a party caucus at
Jackson, gotten up by one industrious traveller?
We hope not ta hear again of this anti-republican
doctrine. We trust that bargain and com
promises, disposing, without even a pretended
equivalent, of the interest of Mississippi in a vast
empire the most attractive of any known to the
habitable globe, and rich with the precious metals,
will not be passed thus lightly over, in this day of
republican freedom, and representative responsi
bility. To laws passed by Congress in pursuance of the
constitution, we are bound to yield obedience, un
til repealed. But to a compromise a bargain, made
without authority and against the instructions of our
legislature, the State is not committed. A con
vention of the peeple should be consulted before
acquiescence in all time to come, 6hould be de
manded, as the right of the North and the duty of
Mississippi.
What should the JTovcmler convention do: We
think the convention should consider and decide:
First Whether it is true as the legislature and
the October convention of 1849, and the address
of the committee of the late convention, all de
clare that it is the duty of Cemgress, under the
constitution, to enact laws, making it a crime in the
territeries under her jurisdictiein, to harbor, steal
or secrete any kind of property, whether slave or
other property. Without this and other protec-
tien of a kindred character, found necessary in the
slave States, for the protection of this ppecies of
property, against the free-soil, abolition fanatics
and felons, who have thronged the new territories,
to rob the States united, honest men and one an
other southern men cannot go there with their
slaves. If they do they will be immediately har
borel or secreted, which, as things now stand, un
der the famous compromise law, is no offence.
The constitution is no protection, because it con
tains no penalties. It is to government just what
a frame is to a building. Without laws passed
under it, it is no more a protection than a naked
frame. It is true, that under the constitution, civ
il remedies may exist, actions of trespass, trovec,
detinue &c, but of what avail is an action at law
against an insolvent abolitionist. Nulla bona
would be the short story of a tedious and expen
sive law suit, followed by the loss of the slave and
the cost of suit, besides attornies fees. It is there
fore, for the convention to say whether such pro
tection is the constitutional duty of Congress to
the southern States. To the northern States pro
tection is amply afforded. If such a duty exists
on the part of Congress, under the constitution,
the convention should next inquire,- has it been
omitted, or has it been "faithfully and effectually
and not inadequately and illusively performedl"
Can we safely carry our negroes there? If omit
ted, is it a duty any less important than the pro
tection of the same kind of property at the other
end of the Union? Have Missouri, "Kentucky,
Virginia and Maryland, any more right to the per
formance of her constitutional duty by Congress,
than the other States of this Union? Is acquies
cence, submission without complaint silent sub
mission, quiet assent, as a compromise a bargain.
the duty of the south, under the incalculable inju
ry, to say nothing of the degrading insult which is
thrown upon her by this omission, neglect, and ac
tual refusal of protection, in the passage of the
com promise law?
The remedy. If "quiet assent," "silent sub
mission" is net our duty, what redress should the
cutm-ictioii lfs and direct. - - - ' , . -
We propose, first, a "respectful remonstrance"
against the omission of its constitutional duty by
Cemgress, and a 'Solemn protest,' against its
longer continuance, to be presented to the Con
gress of the United States by special agents, dep
uted for the purpose. Second, resolutions, direc
tory to the legislature, instructing them, after the
lapse of a given time, if Cemgress shall not have
pe rformed her constitutional duty to the South, in
this respect, to impose a tax for revenue purposes
discriminating in favor of the southern fanners
me chanics and laborers, on particular articles pro
duced and manufactured by the States, encourage
ing the outrage on our rights and honor. Not an
import duty, but a revenue tax on property in the
hands of our citizens, after it has changed its im
post character and come within the undoubted ju
risdiction of the legislature. Also, for the same
purpose, to exenpt from State taxation, goods, di
rectly imported through our southern cities, there
by building up our southern ciies, Mobile, Ne
Orleans,, Savannah, Charleston and Galvesto,
and bestowing our patronage on our frien
home, instead of our enemies without the ht&i
We are aware that some questiem has been attemp
ted to be raised as to the constitutional power of
the State legislatures on this subject. We
examined it with care throughihed-ba''. ;.
O f
federal convention, contemporaneous "
and judicial decisions, and feel satis,
convention will find no difficulty on th
is a naked question, as to the right c,
property of our citizens in our own lit
in the judgment of our people may 'be
terest of the State. A right exercised
establishment of our State government
always been the policy ot our State
er Deiore oisp-itea, m collecting m iue to jmpo.ft
a neavy specinc lax on carnagfi 'jewelry, plate,
and many articles of luxuryyaferjve(i almost ex
clusively from the northeratates. This power is
not to be confounded wb7 the power of laying du
ties on imports, which is prohibited to the States;
nor with the power toj regulate commerce between
the States. But it is'the ordinary taxing power,
when the same subject of taxation, in the course of
its commercial round, myets with distinct powers,
having concurrent jurisdiction to tax it. As prop
erty belonging to the citizens of Mississippi, her
people have the right to tax it for the support of
the State government, as they please, without con
sulting the government of the United States.
We are satisfied that the bare announcement by
the southern states. I ineir determination, nmrl
' ' o
ly to enforce this policy, would do more to give
strength lo the constitution and Union to the States
under it, than all the canting rhapsodies and hyp
ocritical professions of power loving demagogues
that ever have been of ever can be uttered in their
praise.
The remedy we propose is practicable, it
is peaceable, it is moderate, it avoids the degra
ding infamy of "silent submission," quiet assent,"
to acknowledge wrong gross outrage and lawless
injustice as a compromise, which, in hono,jwe
could not seek to amend. It addresses itself to the--
people of the States aggrieving us to their in
terest in union under the constitution, and nVt
their politicians. It advances the commecis','
manufacturing and agricultural interests of - ,
southern States diversifies their labor by turr
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