Whig Republican. [volume], October 21, 1840, Image 1

About Whig Republican. [volume] (Lexington, Miss.) 1840-18??

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AMOS B. COitWINfc,
"liberty and union Now and forever one, and inseparable.'.'
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
NUMBER 1.
VOLUME 1,1
LEXINGTON, HOLMES COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1840.
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POETRY
THE RETURN.
She conies to me in loveliest smiles,
With Soul as piire as ever ;
Plays o'er her fascinating wiles, .
That Hon ray heart forever
With aify step, and beauteous face,
With eyes or dafkest hue,
With lovely neck and nymph-like grace,
With breath of fragrant dew.
Beneath her eye' half-opening lid
Bright tears of joy are seen i
I've seen" the kike 'mong rose bdds hid,
Fresh tears of night's fair queen.
Just as tho sun drinks in those tears,
As early morn awakes,
So I'll kiss off, 'mid sighs and fears.
Love's dew from Margaret's cheeks.
REFLECTION.
The past where is it! It has fled.
The future? It may never come.
Our friends departed? With the dead
Ourselves? Fast hastening to the tomb.
What are earth's joys? The dews of morn.
Its honof . Oceati's wreathing foam.
Where's peace? In trials meekly borne.
And joy? In Heaven, the Christian's home.
From the Cindnndli Republitan.
GENERAL HARRISON'S SPEECH AT
CARTHAGE OHIO
We insert) according to promise, so much
tof Harrison's speech at Carthage, on the 20th
inst. as related to the subject of abolition.
Having recently received a letter from a
personal friend, who is a member of an aboli
tion 6ocietyi proposing to me two questions,
which he requested me to answer; but having
from necessity, arising from the absolute im
possibility of my answering the numerous let
ters I receive, requiring my opinion upon po
, laical subjects, declined to answer any from
individuals, t willingly embrace the opportu
nity of answering them which this occasion
has given me, without violating the rule I had
found myself under the necessity of adopting.
The questions are the following, viz:
1st. Do you believe the people of the U.
States possess an unrestricted right to discuss
any subject, that to them may seem worthy of
consideration?
2nd. Do you believe the people of the U.
States have the right to petition their legisla
ture for the fidjress of whatever they may
'deem a grievance, and for the adoption of such
measures as the petitioners may think condu
cive to the welfare of the nation?
I do not hesitate to answer both of these
questions in the affirmative. The constitution
of the United States, and that of our own
state, have secured to the people the enjoy
ment of the rights referred to in both ques
tions, entirely unrestricted but by their own
sense of propriety, and the legal rules which
protect the lights of others.
The freedom of speech and of the press,
are the distinguished characteristics of free
government. Without them we might call our
country a republic, but it would be so only in
name, like that of Rome, under the emperors,
it might be a mask to cover the most horrible
despotism. The right ot the people lo write
and to speak openly and freely Upon all mat
ters of public policy, "is the palladium of all
libertv." The authors of
II uuv. - o -
our Constitution must have known that it
would be subject to abuses to be used for im
proper and indeed sometimes for criminal pur
poses; yet they declared it without restriction.
More than half a century has passed away
in:e it came into operation, and although upon
on 3 memorable occasion it was resorted to for
the purpose of giving effect to councils tend
ing to paralize the efforts of the nation, in the
midttof a dangerous War, and to encourage
the enemy to petBCVere in supporting their un-
..JUna still these declarations of
rights ifl relation to writing, speaking and
.Wihmg, have been Buffered to remain in all
their pristine force. I should be the last per
son who could, under any circumstances, con
sent to restrict them by legal enactments.
I must, however, take this occasion to re
cent, what I have before declared that the
diwBsion of the right of one portion of the
State which compose our Union to hold slaves
by an assemblage ef citizens of other States
which hoM none, is in ray opinion not sanc
tioned bv the spirit of the Constitution. If
- - -j - -
it is toleiated by the broad and unrestricted
declaration ih the Constitution, to which I
have referred, it is forbidden by the general
tenor of that instrtaf&nt -and the fundamental
principle of the goYettitfient which it has es
tablished. Our government is certainly one
of a very complicated character difficult in
some of its aspects to be well understood. To
foreign governments it presents, and was in
tended to present, a power clothed with the
roost important attributes of sovereignty, and
An far as oar relations with them may be con
erned, they areto 856 nothing iond that
i We are, however, not
'one
" n 1 - fit
u lug senses mai it wouia De under-
stood, if applied to other nations, which have
been formed from once disjointed and separate
parts. Our Union is not that which, like mar
riage, merges the whole rights of the parties
in a common stock. We ars not , v
ss-. jomed like meeting rivers
Which roll into the sea one common flood
And are no more distinguished."
Our Union is more properly like an ordinary
co-partnership composed of a number of indi
viduals, who each furnish a portion of capital
to be subjected to the control of the majority
of the partners, btlt who each also retain ano
ther portion under their own exclusive manage
ment. With the latter, neither the partners
collectively nor individually have any more
right to interfere, than if there existed no sort
of connection between them. This is, also,
the theory of our General and Statu Govern
ments. Over the powers retained by the
States respectively, neither the General gov
ernment nof the other States, nor the citizens
of other States, can exercise the least control
If this opinion is correct, it follows that dis
cussions in public assemblies, in relation to
the institutions of other States, with a view
to alter or affect them, was not in the contem
plation, either of those who framed the Con
stitution, or those by whom it was adopted.
Let us apply the theory I endeavor to main
tain to this assembly. We are here, some
3000 persons, in the double character of citi
zens of Ohio and citizens of the United States.
In the first place, we can undertake the consid
eration and discussion of any subject belong
ing to our State policy, embody our senti
ments in the shape of resolutions or petitions,
and in the event of a sopposed grievance, pre
sent them to the appropriate State authorities
for redress. As citizens of the United States
we are competent to consider and discuss any
subject of national policy, and by a simi
lar prccesa submit the result of our delibera
tions, if we should choose to do so, to the de
partment of the Federal Government which
poetess the power to give us relief. But in
which of these chafacters, either as citizens
of Ohio, or citizens of the U States, could
we, consistently with the theofy and spirit of
the constitution! discuss a subject belonging
exclusively to any other State?
There are many principles to be found in the
constitutions of some of the States (other than
the toleration of slavery) which are very much
unlike thos e of Ohio The property qualifica
tion of voters for instance. This is a restric
tion upon the right of suffrage to which per
sonally I am opposed. I would accord this
Important privilege to every citizen. Having
ascertained that he was a citizen, I would not
proceed to enquire the amount of money he
had in his pocket at the time, or what other
species of property he might possess. With
these sentiments I might offer for your adop
tion a resolution declaring that the restricted
suffrage in some of the States was n atisto
cratical feature in their systems of govern
ment and should be abolished. Such a propo
sition could not fail to create much surprise,
and bring to the mind of every man in the as
sembly that neither in his capacity as a citi
zen of Ohio nor of the U. States could he in
terfere with the people of 3Iassachusetts, Vir
ginia and Mississippi in the management of
their domestic concerns. Should I be asked
if t thought any harm could arise from such
a discussion, 1 answer decidedly in the affirm
ative, harm in more ways than one. It woul 1
tend more, perhaps, than any thing else to de
stroy the idea of the perfect individuality dis
tinctness of the State government which has
aver been considered as one of the most im
portant features in our system, and prepare
the minds of the people for the prostration of
the barriers which have been erected with so
much art and care between the General and
State Governments, and those of the States
respectively, and finally led to that dreaded
consolidation which, in the opinion of our wi
sest and best statesmen, would be the immedi
ate and precursor of the downfall of liberty.
It could not fail, also, to impair, if. not entire
ly destroy, those feelings of confidence and af
fection between the citizens of the respective
States, which is the only effectual bond of our
Union-.
From the discussion, of any question in an
absttactiform no possible injury could arise
I conclude with the repetition of my opin
ion that the right of the people to write on,
speak on and discuss any subject which they
may deem worthy of consideration and that
of petitioning for the redress of any thing
which they may consider a grievance," are
secured to them both by the Federal and State
Constitutions, and that these rights can neith
er be impaired or restricted. The abuse of
these tights is no argument for abolishing
them. In the forcible language of the late
distinguished Chief Justice of the U. States
it is an evil inseperable from the good to
which it is allied, a shoot which tanirot be
stripped from the stalk without vitally Wound
ing the plant from which it is torn."
The popuhiiou ut Ut) city of Buffalo is esti
mated at 31,000.
Pluribus Unum."
From the National Intelligencer.
THE DIVORCE HOW IS IT?
The New York Express states that the bank
of America, in that city, with a capital of two
millions, has only about thirteen hundred
thousand dollars lent out on discounted paper,
while they have, or had a few weeks since,
"nearly three millions lent to government pn
their Treasury notes The bank is now, in
fact, the agent of the Government Mr, Al
len, the Receiver of the Independent Treasu
ry, has an office in one corner, within its
walls, uses the vaults of the bank, and to all
intents and purposes, the bank and the Govern
ment are as closely connected, and more so
than it ever was with the United States bank.
The Bank of the United States could not, by
its charted lend the Government over a half a
million without a law of Congress. The bank
of America can lend three millions, or any
other sUm, at any momentarid on any terms as
satisfactory to Mr. New'boLd ; possibly the di
rectors may be consulted after the lone is
made."
The following, from the New Yofk Com
mercial Advertiser, gives Us a further, insight
into the practical Working of this 6ub'Trcasu
ry, by which the Government was to be di
vorced from the Banks.".
' The principles of the Sub-Treasrury Bill
are enforced just so far as to secure the collec
tion of specie enough to pay the office-holders
' just so far as is necessary to keep up such a
distinction In the currency as will secure oolp
for the househo d troop, and raos for the Peo
: pie and no further. Let a merchant of known
responsibility go to the collector to pay a bond,
for instance, of a thousand dollars, and present
his own check upon the Bank of America for
seven hutdred and fifty dollars, drawn in the
j ordinary form, and another of his own checks
for the remaining two hundred and fifty dol
lars, adding the words in specie,1 and his
bond will be given to him. Both checks will
will go to the bank together, he carried thro'
the books together, and the specie drawn Upon
neither; or, if drawn Jit would only be done
in the farcical way of counting it out by the
paying teller, to be counted in again by the
receiving teller, and in thirty minutes he stow
ed away in the same vaults again where it
was before. The Receiver General keeps his
office in the bank, and the whole change here
result in the simple fact that a party favorite
has been provided with a snug berth at fovr
THOSAKD FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS A YEAR, for
doing, or having done, in the Bank of America,
what Messrs'. Newbold and Thompson did ex
actly as well without pay in the Bank of Amer
ica before! But in other parts of the Union,
where the people and the banks have not been
able to beaf up under the cruel policy of the
Government as well as they have done in New
York, and where the banks have not been able
to resume specie payment, the other part of
the Sub-Treasury is in operation. Specie is
there exacted the Government and its officers
clutching all the hard money that comes with
in their grasp, and the rags are literally left
for the People. Further than this, and in all
that has been eaid about a divorce of Bank and
State especially in the cityof New York
the Sub-Treasury is sheer imposture."
The Express says A person to whom the
U. States I indebted presents the eviJeici
with which he has been furnished by the prop
er officer, of that indebtedness, for payment.
The Treasuref takes that evidence and re
turns him Treasury Notes, and asks him to
sign a receipt, of which the following is a
copyt
W
ASHINGTON,
"t have received of the Treasurer of the
United States, Treasury notes of the follow
ing number and denominations, to-wit i
No. For the 6um of ..-$
' , which, said notes are received by me in
exchange for the sum of $ deposited by
me in specie to my credit in the Treasury of
the United States.
Signed, A B
Thus the payment of this debt is effected
by creating another: the evidence of the origin
al debts is called a deposite of specie in tha
Treasury.
So that the debts of the government, what
ever may be their amount, are made to consti
tute a fond, upon whtah an unequally Unlim
ited amount of Sub-Treasury Notes may be
issugd.
This is the new credit system, Which it cer
tainly required the power of a magician to es
tablish. Let one of those notes be presented at the
Treasury for payment. The Treasurer takes
it, ask the bolder to sign a receipt that he has
deposited its amount in specie in the Treasu
ry, and then gives him a new iwt? This is the
xtneu way to pay old debts."
The notes thus issued cannot be issued un
der the five million act, but are the fruits of
the Sub"Treasury, and show what a dangerous
power has been conferred by this abominable
act on tire Executive."
Refined Delicacy. ! would thank vou
for the impudence " an the fine lady said at the
table, wnen sue wanted trie sauce.
GEN. WILLIAM II. HARRISON.
The Van Bilfen men say Gen. Harrison is
in the keeping of a" committee is ti e Mum
Candidate. Let every candid man read his
reply to a letter, addressed to him from the
President of the Harrisburg convention in
1839, upon his communicating the official pro
ceedings of his nomination, and decide how
true the charge is. The charge is too ridicu
lous to be made except by desperate men. We
challenge the friends of the "Little Magician"
to produce a letter of his more to the - point on
all the leading subjects that the people demand
of thdlr candidates, than the following. ,
General Harrison says that the following
are among the principles to be adopted by any
Executive sincerely desirous to restore the ad
ministration to its original simplicity and
purity, viz:
1. To confine his services to a single presi
dential term.
3. To disclaim all right of control over the
public treasure, with the exception of such
parts of it as may be appropriated bylaw, to
carry on the public services, and that to be
applied precisely as the law may direct, and
draw from the treasury agreeably to the long
established forms ofthat department.
2. That he should never attempt to influ
ence the elections, either by the people of the
state legislatures, nor suffer the Federal offi
cers under his control to take any other part
in them than by giving their own votes, when
they possessed the right of voting.
4. That in the exercise of the veto power,
heshould limit his rejection of bills to, 1st
Such as are in his opinion Unconstitional; 2d.
Such as tend to encroach on the rights of
the states or individuals! 3d. Such as invol
ving deep interests, may, in his opinion re
quire more mature deliberation or reference to
the will of the people, to be ascertained at the
succeeding elections.
5. That he should never suffer the influence
of his office to be used for purposes of a purely
party character.
0. That in removals from office of those who
hold their appointments during the pleasure of
the Executive, the cause of such removal
should be stated, if requested, to the Senate, at
the time the nomination of a successor is
made.' ' ; .
And last, not least in importance.
8. That he should not suffer the executive
department sf the government to become the
source of legislation; butleavethe whole busi
ness of making laws for the Union to the de
partment to which the constitution has exclu
sively assigned it, until they have assumed
that perfected shape, where and when alone
the opinions of the executive may be heard.
(gj- We notice two announcements, in dif
ferent parts of the country, of speakers to ad
dress Van Buren meetings both a little re
markable. At Erie, Pa., on the 10th the
day of the Bunker Hill Convention Orestes
A. Brownson was to speak to the people.
This person is editor of the Boston Quarterly
Review, and the author of an article which re
cently appeared in that journal addressed to
the laboringclasses an article so revolutiona
ry in its character, that, although the writer
is an office-holder under the Administration,
we were unwilling to ascribe to the party with
which he acts the 6ehtiments and principles
contained in it. It proposes, among other
things, to destroy the banks, to do away with
churches and abolish the priesthood; it de
nounces the system of wages, and regards it
as a species of servitude, and finally recom
mends that a man's property at his death shall
not descend to his children, but go to the State
to be by the State disposed ot.
Is it the wish of the administration party
to identify itself with these doctrines If not, a
decent regard to the public sense of propriety,
of religion and social order, might surest
that the advocate of them should be kept silent
in the presence of the people at meetings held
under the auspices of the party.
The other speaker whose announcement ex
cited surprise, is Peter V. Daniel, a District
Judge of the United States Court in Virgin
ia, and, by virtue of his office, honorable. He
addressed a meetincr of the fidm?nitM;
a -.kiuivu
patty in Fredericksbnrg a few days ago.
Let the president write letters to vindicate
his democracy and to show his ignorance of
'military affairs" let the Vice-president
mount the stump and talk of his own merits
let the Governors of States canvass Ohio and
Tennessee but while official robes, are be
draggled in the dirt, let the ermine of the
Judge, at least, be kept unstained.
GOV. PoiNDEXTKR AND Gg. HARRISON
On a late visit of Governor Poindexter to the
Warm Springs in Virginia, he was invited to
address the people on the subject of the Presi
dency. Ifo did so, and in relation to General
Harrison's course on the Missouri question, he
stated that he was by Gen Harrison's side in
Congress, when tha memorable controversy
was agitated, and the latter said to him per
sonally I know that I shall sacrifice my
popularity with my constituents by the course
I am now about to pursue, bit I will sooner
incur the sacrifice than the constitution of my
country sliall be violated."
Thr Bride. I know of no sight more
charming and touching than that of a young
and timid bride, in her fobes of virgin white,
led up trembling to the alter. WThen I thus
behold a lovely girl in the tenderness of her
years, forsaking the house of her fathers, and
home of her childhood and, with the implicit
Confidence, and the sweet self-abandonment,
which belong to woman, giving Up all the
world for the man of her choice; when I hear
her, in the good old language of the ritaal,
yielding herself to him "for better, for worse,
for richer, for pooer, in sickness and in health,
to hte, honor and obey, till death us do part
it brings to mind the beautiful and affecting
devotion of Ruth Whither thou goest I will
go, and where thou lodgest I will lodge; thy
people shall be my people, and thy God my
God." Wash. Irving. t
For ki on Paupers. The almshouse yester
day presented a scene well calculated to make
Americans more fully appreciate their own in
stitutions! and feel grateful to a benign Provi
dence for having cast their lot where none but
the idle and vicious need be paupers.
The following persons arrived here by the
British barque Chieftain, on Monday, from Li
verpool, and were yesterday takn in a body
to the alms-house, viz:
John Sharp, 14 years old, has been two
weeks in the poor house; Thomas Reed, 31
years old, afflicted with the king's evil seven
years, and has been ten years in the poor
house; Hugh Lacky, 23 years old, has been
five years in the poor house; John Devon, lu
years old, was ten years in the poor house;
William Mackay, 15 years old, was four years
in the poor house; James Lewis, 16 years old,
an idiot; Thomas Devon, 13 years. old, has
been nine years in the poor house; Janette
Reynolds, grandmother of John Sharp, aged
58 years, Was three years in the poor house;
A steamer being on an even keel at sea,
the comfort of the passengers is greatly promo
ted. Their spars being light, they roll mora
easily than a ship, and alove all, when the
wind does not come ahead, they can take in
sail, and still pursue their course in a straight'
line, with a speed very little diminished.
Upon the whole, my opinion is that the enter
prise of ocean steam navigation will succeed,
both in winter and summer. And if the pow
er can be safely augmented to the scale of our
American river boats, the length of stroke be
ing nearly double, and the revolutions one or
more, I believe the passage can be made from
land to land on an average of from 11 to 14
days. This is fast enough. Certainty is ever
more desirable thana'day or two more or less
on the voyage. Jour. & Adv.
The Missocri Iron Mountain. We
learn from the U. S. Gazette, that the mining
company chartered by the state of Missouri to
work die Iron Mountain, arc in a fair way to
commence operations. They have purchased
27,000 acre of the Mountain tract, and have
5000 on the Mississippi, in which is the site
for the town contemplated, and from whence
there is to be a railroad to the Mountain.
Some of the cutlery of this iron exhibited at
Philadelphia, has a fine polish which does not
tarnish supposed to be owing to the remark
able purity of the ore and its freedo 111 fVrtrv.
foreign ingredient.'
Going to the Pacific. A comnanv im
said to be forming in Missouri with a capital
oi ten minions, to make a permanent settle
ment on the Columbia river. We thought th
tide of emigration would soon begin toset to
wards the Pacific. Here is the first beginning.
People wont stop at the Rockv Mnn nta inq
As to the Yellowstone, Mandan regions. Prai
ries, Upper Mississippi, Iowa, &c. Fudge!
High Away! is the word it is true, but not so
close by as these places. A. Y. Eve. Star
A IIUMANE I.1W. Thp (!onrn;. ta:.i..
ture has enacted a law, that when any person
shall die, leaving a widow and children, the
executor or administrator, shall allow, out of
the estate of the Hpcn(
- - tt iuuiv auu
children, a reasonable support for the space of
one year, notwithstanding any debts of the
deceased. rA
i.
A NT I-A ftOT.ITin lt..ao C
--- - ui icyrescii
tatives of Ohio, has adopted anti-abolition res
olutions by a strong majority. Resolutions of .
like character, have also passed the Indiana
house of representatives by a vote of eighty
seven to onek ,
Stilt. Tallkr. Thev
j j o in u til
as they please about tall people in Vermont
and Kentucky, but we have a chap in Louisia
na, who looks above any sample they can
show in those parts. He is t!th
himself out at camp meetings to stand as a
The population of the eir F vvci.;nA
is set down at23,5?7 souls. During the past
year, there were erected 37 hrirk hn;M:.
four of which were of three stories, and 33of
two stories.
Advantage of Railroads. It was stated
in a late debate in the British Pari;
that the Liverpool and Manchester railroad
had produced an advantage to earli nf hOSA
towns ot at least 100,000 a year.
" Live and let Live:"I pn
Sub-lreasury it any man can,' said an inde
pendent farmer as he put his name to a renun
ciation of Van Burenism. I have 240 acres
of land paid for a dairy of 16 cows, and a
good stock of voun? cattle ATirl H Afro .itiktf a T
owe no man any thing. But 1 wantyoun" men
"ow d,d you accumulate your property, Mr.
I began witkmv hand. T)w,k i j
m uuugut my lanu
on a credit and found men who were willing
to trust me with Other nrnnprtv " Tl. ?
of my farm I sold for good bank bills, and with
them I paid my debts. That is the way for a
puur mau io get along in the wor d.'
Young men who begin with j our hands
ye huge paws who earn your own living will
you support a system which will keep roi
upon a piece of bran bread all vour lives!
A