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Liberty advocate. [volume] (Liberty, Miss.) 1835-1866, August 29, 1839, Image 1

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whun powehs ark assumed which have not been delegated, NULLIFICATION or the act
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VOL. 4. NO." 3.1' -A', I
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r. 1imc multiplied nuusos, we havo no
1 1,1 . .. l...: 'iv....
VI ' ... II !
rS WIICI. 001 I" " V,IIUU!I; VI 1 UlL-1 3. 1 IIUl
Prroident will occasionally dismiss from of-
I e some of the most prominent plunderers of
he'pub'ic, is not improbable. But lie is too de
I .Jant on the great majority of them, to ven
' on a thorough relormntion. Elected with
'' out personal popularity, it is to party discipline
nton'e, s;nce the retirement of his predecessor,
t ')jlt 'l0 can look for support. To offend those
I vl,0 are his most active and efficient friends
f would be to sacrifice his last remaining hope.
Firndv impressed with the truth of theso
f sii"2estions, ,n0 conven,'on which we rcpre
i t ,nS recommended a man to whom, more
than any olnor now ''v'nS -his nation is in
debted for its greatness. As speaker of the
House of Representatives during the last war
with Great Britain as supporter of the inter
ests of the west in the negociation at Ghent
as the able defender of southern rights in the
Missouri difficulty as the author of tho com
promise bill in 1833 and more. Tecently, as
the master spirit who quelled the spirit of Abo
lition in Congress Henry Clay has been pre
eminent in usefulness.
The whole country can bear witness, with
what untiring pcrsevcrenco the friends of Mr.
Van Huron have endeavored to destroy Mr.
Clay's popularity, by ascribing to him opinions
at war with tho rights and interests of the
south. Of these, his support of the tariff has
furnished the most pluusiblo, and, for several
years, the most prominent topic of denuncia
tion. We have no wish todistinguish the truth
on any point connected with history. Wc
readily admit that Mr. Clay was the advocate
of this policy, to the full extent of the tariff of
1821 a measure which received the votes of
General Jackson and Mr. Van Huron, then
members of the Senate. Whether that meas
ure was right or wrong, it is not material to in
quire its most decided enemies must admit,
that it raised a great market for the consump
tion of our cotton. Rut right or wrong, it sinks
into nothing, when compared with the tariff of
1828. It was this which was ramiharly known
as the "Hill of abominations" which created
universal dissatisfaction in the south, and pla
ced one state in the attitude of open resistance
to the power of the general government. And
for this till Mr. an Buren voted not on its
final passage only, hut for the"m'fiu;rt1Tprin-
ciplc, winch constituted the worst feature ol its
details. We are aware that tho legislature of
icw 1 ork had passed some resolutions instruc
ting the Senators from that state to support a
protecting tariff; but they were loo indefinite
in their character, to require such votes as
those which Mr. Van Huron gave. And it
should ever be remembered, that Mr. Clay np
vcr designed that n tariff should be more thau
temporary proposing, merely, to establish
manufactures, and to leave them to sustain
We know not Mr. Van Huron's precise posi
tion on this subject now. But the act of 1832
was passed by his friends, having majorities in
both houses of Congress, avowedly us a final
settlement of the question and far from quiet
ing the agitation produced by tho uct of 1828,
instead of checking South Carolina, it rather
hurried her into the extreme remedy of nullifi
cation. It was less than one year afterwards, when
the bravest look with terror on the prospect of
civil war, and servile insurrection, which, if
commenced, could not cease before the whole
South should be involved in its calamities, that
Mr. Clay submitted his celebrated bill for the
gradual diminution of the Tariff. The South
was satisfied with its provisions, and the North
saw the necessity of acquiescence in this meas
ure of conciliation. It passed and by it the
ordinance of Nullification was neutralized; the
Proclamation and Force Bill were disarmed;
tho horror of civifwar was averted; the South
and the North again met as brothers; and our
extended country once more presented the mag
nificent spectacle of a great, a happy, and a
united people Mr. Van Buren had no part or
lot in this matter.
And yet it has been often and gravely urged,
that tho election of Mr. Clay w ould revive the
Tariff policy. No well informod man can be
lieve this. The act of 1833 was the result of
mutual concessions by tho North and South,
und has ever been regarded by Mr. Clay as a
6olemn contract, rather than an act of ordinary
legislation. Such was his exposition of the bill
when ho presented it, and such have been his
uniform declarations since.
lie has been charged, also, with favoring the
disignsoftho Abolitionists. It is difficult to
conceive a more conclusive answer to this, than
a statement of his own situation. He is a large
slave-holder ho was born and reared among
slave holders and his home, his connections
and interests aro permanently fixed among
such a population. But we have other evi
dence of his sentiments on abolition, in tho res
olut'inna wWli hn introduced in the Senate in
1838, and more recently, his speech on that
subject during tho last session. Well did Mr.
Calhoun remark, at tho conclusion of Mr.
Clay's argument, that the question of abolition
was now settled.
It is among the strange things of these dis
jointed timna il.nt snrh an accusation should be
made by the friends of Van Buren ; it might be
doing this gentleman injustico to charge hurt
with dosirinsr the success ol aoonuonisis.
has no interest, and, we presume, ho
either in their success or failure. But it the
timo shall arrive, as wo have reasons to fear
that it will, when this unholy fanaticism shuli
control elections in tho North, what security
eoiuroi cieuuons in mo xsorin, wn.u wv'j ' ,. ' . o. ,,i,i,tf llm now.
u- 1 i. . 'o u. iv..Lr,;i 10 soma avorilo Mate banks, iliepow-
..utu iui iNwiii mn wierouu 11..1H ..Bu.Tr"- - - ..;im, broken Us
orionnornsuiiiaco8 f his Daat nisiory one r
none. He was an uctivo promoter of tho Mis-
spur! controversy, which Mr. Clay had the glo -
ry of sealing. He was the most efficient sup
porter of Rufus King, tho prime mover in that
difficulty; and he voted in the Senate of New
York, for a resolution, instructing their Sena
tor in Congress "to oppose tho admission, as a
State in the Union, of any territory not com
prised within tho original boundary of the Uni
ted States without making tho prohibition of
shivery therein nn indisponsnblo condition of
admission Had this policy prevailed in Con
gress, 71issouri, Arkansas, and Florida, would
nowbe little else thnn the retreats of runaways,
rouuers nnu srvo-steaicrs.
We are admonished by the tone of a portion
of the public press, that tho whig party will
be charged with tho responsibility olie mea
sures which havo lod to thu present disorders
of the currency. It would bo difficult to make
any accusation so utterly destitute of truth.
The mousures connected with the financial con
dition of the country, are so notorious so re
cent und were so loudly boasted of by tho
Van Buren party, who claimed, and justly too,
to have suggested and adopted thorn, that an
effort to disclaim them now, wears rather the
face of madness than of cunning. So long as
the advocacy of a National Bank was thought
to be odious in the community, wc wore poin
ted at, as the party who sustained it. And
now, when tho disorders of the currency have
reached the worst stage they can attain, with
out its ceasing to be a currency at alt when
the eyes of all are beginning to look to some
establishment like the late United Slates Bank,
to restore our circulating medium to its purity
when such an institution furnishes a topic for
party warfare against us, we, the advocates of
such a bank, are charged with being the au
thors of a disordered currency ! We never had,
and never could have had. any purpose in wish
ing tho rcchartcr of the late Bunk, except to
prevent our present disorders. And we cannot
have any purpose, now, in wishing the charter
of another, except to cure them. That the
great majority of us do entertain such a wish
is notorious; and a resolution of the Conven
tion that wc represent, emphatically declared
But were this not so, we could confidently
appeal to facts, now matters of well-known his
tory, to disprove the accusation. In the gov
ernment under which we live, laws arc estab
lished by a majority of votes. And when, wc
pray, have the whigs been a majority, either
in Congress or tne Mississippi j.ogis,uiurc!--Never,
for ten years past. The President am
both Houses of Congress, in all that time, have
been against us; and it is too universally ad
mitted, that tho action of the General Govern
ment, struck the fatal blow atour currency, for
the most reckless to hazard a contrary opinion.
The Van Buren party is rcsponsiblo tor that.
The class is not very di tie rent in the gov
eminent of the State. At the last general
election, in November 1837, the Van Huron
party elected a Governor, a clear majority
of the Senate, and about an equal number in
the House of Representatives. It is true, that
tho complexion of the last has undergone a
change; bin we all know that this was effected
in special elections for the supply of vacancies
which occurred in 1838. Until this change
was thus effected, tho whigs never wore a ma
jority in either House. And when, wo ak,
were the banks established, that are so much
complained of? All of them, without excep
tion, during the ascendancy of the democratic
party. The acts of the two last sessions show
not a solitary bank charter, except of the
Union Bankjofthis, it may suffice to say, that
its establishment appeared to be desired by a
lanre maioritv of the people. Its charier was
passed by the Legislature elected in 1835 a
body devoted to the fortunes of .Mr. Van Buren
and it was confirmed by the succeeding Legis
lature before the whigs had obtained a majori
ty, even in the House of Representatives. Of
the manner in which that Bank has been man
aged, it is no part of our duty to speak. But
whether well or ill, we disclaim equally the
praise or the censure; and tho members, true
to tho interests of the party, elected a controll
ing majority of the board, from their democrat
ic friends. For all the managers have rightly
done, let them or their party have the credit
and if they have done aught that cannot bo ap
proved, let not the censure fall upon the Whigs.
But, it is urged, that the act authorizing the
Banks to issue post notes was a whig measure.
Again wc appeal to history. That act was pass
ed at a spec ial session in May, 1837, while the
Van Buren party was predominant in both
Houses of the Legislature. The act relieving
the Banks from damages on failure to pay their
note3 when due, passed at the session ol 1838,
by votes of two-thirds of each House. It was
not a party vote no act could have passed the
Legislature at that time, by so large majorities,
without disclaiming all party considerations;
cortainly it could not have pussed as a measure
of the whigs.
We will not enter into further details to
provo our innocence, against a charge which
has so littlo plausibility. Wo cannot believe
that our enlightened people will lay upon the
minority, the responsibility of acts which they
had not tho power to perform.
If the banks are responsible to the law,
courts of justice ure open to the complaints of
the in urod. Jf not, let those who grumeu me
charters, without securing tho community a-
eainsttho abuses which we have witnessed,
o . ii . ! .: r . i.
bear tho wnoio inuignauuii ui mu iUu,
The accusation is mado, in truth, to divert
from thomsclvcs the odium which naturally
falls on tho authors of these calumnies, f he
measures which produced them are too recent,
too notorious, and were too loudly boasted by
.u Anrratw nartv to havo been lorgottcn.
The Bank of the U. States was struck down,
.i. nfihe neonle's money, for which it
i..i .! n hfinvv bonus, was distributed as
er ui ' -.-
icchartcr was vetoed, and tho fetuio Bunks, re-
Jlievcd ol the wholesome control u.ai r,-
them harmless, issued, by the express direction
of tho Treasury Department, nn amount of
notes beyond tho security of their meims. The
temptation for tho creation ofother banks pro
duced its natural effects, and before tho bub
bio burst, their number had nearly doubled, in
a period of three years. Then came the Spe
cie Circular, nAl tho ruin of those b.inks that
i i r . 1 t
wore within the reach of the Lund offices was'
With the expan.jpn of the currency, produ
ce a by the operations ol the (government, arnt'
a spirit of speculation, restricted by no consid
erations of prudence. But thu susue-ision of
tho banks was tl o signal for ull to pause and
examine their conditions. With a a reat for
eign debt, no currency could be kept among us
that could bo used abroad; and the prediction
of a great leader of tho democratic party, that
the measures of the Government would cans"
gold to How up and down tho Mississippi, was
literally verified. It (lowed from our ports to
the upper country, and to New Orleans. Press
ed as tho banks were by these untoward cir
cumstances, they resorted to all measures that
their ingenuity could suggest, to save them
selves from a continued suspension; and the
public received as money, their depreciated
notes because no other medium of trade could
circulate hero, under the pressure of our for
eign debt. This, it seems to us, is a true and
simple statement of the causes which have
produced the depreciation of our currency. In
tho confidence that tho verdict for our follow
citizens will confirm th;so views, we cheerful
ly submit thorn.
Wc may not omit to remark, lfore leavinir
this oai t of our rubiect. though at the hazard
of being thought to descend from the proper
.Ft...: 1 1 . ,. ir
dignity of the occasion, the fr'-qe'.-nt use ol par
ty catch-words, employed by Mi Van Huron's
friends, to prop tho sinking i'. mines of their
chiet. Tho.?e men claim to ho the true ''dem
ocratic republican parly,"' and thitse who are
sufficiently independent to reins-; a passive sub
mission to the despotism of a faction are term
ed "federalists." These party names aro rare
ly mentioned now, except to deludo the igno
rant. But there was a time when they meant
something when the names "republican1' and
"federalists," distinguished parties who differ
ed on tn'eat subjects of constitutional law and
toreitrn nolicv. At the memorable epoch of
r ii
the declaration of war against Great Britain,
when our young country, with an army or a
treasury, and with five frigates and a lew
smaller vessels, for n navy, was driven by op
pression to measure strength with a power
which claimed the empire ol tho seas by right
of conquest which was wealthy enough to
subsididizo Lurope--upon whose provinces the
sun never sets and who.o arms were destined
to overthrow the conqueror of all Christendom,
that his armies could reach the American peo
ple were not united in their counsels. At thai
gloomy period Henry Clay was the champion
of his ountry's honor, on tho floor of Congress;
while that party which was indirectly aiding
the cause of the common enemy, by seeking
to embarrass the administration of Mr. Madi
son, received the active aid of Martin Van Bu
ren. in advancine the election of Do Witt Clin
ton, the Presidential candidate of this Federal
party. The man who could co-operate with
such a party, for such a purpose, can scarce
deserve the name of patriot He is indeed the
proper chief of a faction, which denied to the
people of Mississippi the right to choose their
own representatives in the liCgisiature 01 me
of the Union.
The name of John Tyler, of Virginia, also,
is presented by the Convention to the people
of Mississippi, and our sister states, as a prop
er candidate for thcoiTico of Vice President.
W'e offer no extended eulogy on his character,
and no act of his calls for apology or delence.
The honorable post which he has filled, and
the high reputation which he has sustained in
the councils of the Nation, and of his native
State, are not unknown in any section of Mis
sissippi. The nominees lor other olliccs will, we pre
sume, represent their claims in person. We
. .1 r . .!.
leavo tnom, tnereiore, 10 meir own exertion,
with the passing remark, that tho wishes and
interests of all portions of tho State were duly
consulted and laboriously examined, by the
Committee which made those nominations; and
that the Convention accepted them with entire
In conclusion, permit us to indulge the hope,
that all who wish well to our cause, will give
us their active aid. The delusions of former
years have, indeed, been passing away ; and in
this State, the sceptre seems to have departed
from those who so long abused the Confidence
of thoir countrymen. But one victory does not
prove established ascendancy. The friends of
good government must not relax their efforts,
in the belief that success is easily attainable.
All that energy and concert can effect, must
be expected of those who havo a sinking party
to sustain. And if wo fail in the elections of
next November, we will deservo to bear the
reproach of indilforencc to our country's wel
fare. Your fellow citizens,
In Senate of the United States, May 13, 1828.
The amendments to fhe bill entitled 'an act
in alteration of the several1 ucts imposing du
tin. ,n i.,orts. hnvinii been reported by the
cd.nmiltee correctly engrossed, the bill was
read the third time as amended ; and
On motion of Mr. Hayne, that the said bill
i. ................ i :,i..r...
uu IIU3I IIU1II-IJ luuivini m, . I ' 1 J .1
negative-Yeas 20, n' " wtts ducK,ed
Those who voted in A ' .
Messrs. Borrion, BoulignVTf' a,rC"
m,r,,ir!l, fVKI, Kit; o II , r"cn, vwi.imuois,
vi i'JM.j ,'!(! I ill UI .J. V. I 'V (. 1 tn I t twt i
U imo. Wno, l,i..-von ""J ""-,
Those who voted in tho
Messrs. Bernard, Barton, Butem
tive, are
it 1 : -i i . . i- . ii
n, Hen-
Lyiiuv;, iJicnersui, iviinn, ruci, nan
d ricks., JOHNSON of !y., Knin, Kt.
Lane, Murks, Noble, Ridgoly, Kobbins,
Haggles, San lord, Seymour, SilsbecTh n'
V AjN ill) KI'.N, Webster, Willey 27.
On tho question, "Shall the bill pass as
mended i" it was determined in tho afiirma
tive Yeas 20, nays 21.
J hose who voted in tho affirmative, are
Messrs. Bernard, Barton, Hatoman, B LINTON,
Bouligny, Chase, Dickerson, Eaton, Foot, Har
rison, Hendricks, JOHNSON of Ky., Kane,
Knight, McLane, Marks, Noble, B'ulaoly, Row
an, Ruggles, Sanlord, Seymour, Thomas, VAN
III'CI.'V it;, i iit ii
iiv jvuii, u eusier, v iiicv 20.
1 hose who voted in the negative, are
Messrs. Berrien, Branch, Chambers, Chand
ler, Cobb, Hlli.s, Hayne, Johnson of Louisiana,
King, McKinley, M.ieon, Parris, Robbins,Sils-
bee,bu,nh ol ild., Smith ofS. C, Tazewell,
iv or, H Into, Willmms, Woodbury 21.
So it was resolved, That said bill do pass with
amendments. Senate Journal, p. 401 .
In Convention of Now York, Scjilember 1821.
Mr. VAN BURIiN said: "He had voted
against a total and unqualified exclusion (of the
Mi'.clis,) lor lie. would not draw a revenue from
Tm' "m ' " lf'"."tR ngnioj sujrage
I 1. ... .... .1 1 .1 il . . .-. J IV
hit tins proviso met
were exempted I mm taxation until thev had
'Xi mpted Ironri tuxu
ualiaeu themselves to vote. The riirht was
not denied to exclude any portion of the com
munity who will not exercise the right of suf
frage in its purity. This held out inducements
to industry, and would secure las support."
Debates of Conv ent inn, p. 37(5.
In Senate of New York Preamble and re.10-
luHonn. Whereas, the inhibiting the further
extension of slavery in these U. S., is a subject
of deep concern to tho people of this State; and
whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much
to be deplored, and that every constitutional
barrier should bo interposed to prevent its fur
ther e.'vtcnsion; 'Mid that the constitution of the
U. S. cleany giving Congress the right to re-
(i ui re of new Stales not. comprised within the
original boundaries of the U.S., tho prohibi
tioii of slavery, as a condition of their admission
into the Union: therefore,
1 Resolved, (if the honorable Senate concur
therein,) I hat our Senators bo instructed, ami
our Representatives in Congress bo requested
to oppose the admission as a State, into the
Union, of any Territory as aforesaid, without
making the prohibition of slavery therein nn
iiidispensahle condition ol admission.
"Ontho2t)th of January, 1C20, tho Senate
took up the resolution and passed tho same
unanimously, tho following Senators being pro
"Messrs. Adams, Austin, Barnum, Barstow
Howne, Childs, Dudley, Day ton, Ditmiss, Evans,
Frothingham, Hammond, Hart, Livingston,
Louudsberry, MeMartin, Moons, Rlallory
Moore, Noves, Paine, Ross, Rosencroutz, Skin
ner, Swar, VAN BUREN, Wilson, Yuung
Examino Senate Journal.---On tho bill to es
tablish a Territorial government in Florida, a
motion was made to introduce a section prohi-b-iting
the introduction of slaves, VAN BUREN
voted in the affirmative. See Journal, 1823-5.
From the National Intelligencer.
In Senate, February 1, 1829.
On motion of Mr. Knight, the bill to allow a
drawback on imported hemp, whon manufactu
red in cordage and exported, was taken up.
Mr. Clay said, "Though he was a hemp rai
ser, he had no sort of objection to this bill, and
he would have no objection to the total repeal
of the duly on foreign hemp, were it not for
the compromise act, which he wished to sec
preserved invioluble. He wanted to see it
carried into effect, not only up to 1812, but be
yond that period, and he bclioved it perfoctly
.1. ... . il . r 1 1 . !
practicauio to carry 11 into encci lor an nine
In Senate, May 5, 1828.
The Senate resumed, in committee of the
whole, the bill entitled "an act, in addition to
the several acts imposing duties 011 imports
together with the amendments reported there
to, by the committee on Manufactures.
On the question to agree to the fourth amend
ment, in the following words:
Section 2. line 1 9, alter "yard" strike out the
words"there shall be levied, collected ancf puid,
twenty cents oh every square yard," and in
sert shall be deemed to have cost fifty cents the
square yard, and shall be charged ihefcolt with
a duty of forty per cent, ad valorem, until lite
thirtieth day of June, 1829, dnd from that tunc,
a duty of forty-Jive per centum ad valorem.
It was determined in the affirmative Yeas
24, nays 22.
1 hose who voted in the alhrmativc, arc
Messrs. Barnard. Barton, Uateman, Bouligny,
Chandler, Chasn, Dickerson, Foot, Bend ricks,
Harrison. Knicrht. Marks, Noble,- Tarns, Kob
bins, Ruggles, Kanford, Seymour, Silsbee,
'l'i,mo. rM lltTRKM. Wpl.stftr. Willev.
I iiuiMUO) I ill a- v j j J i
Woodbury 24. Senate Journal, page 360.
Insert, "on question lo agree td fifth amend
ment," &c. Do. 357.
Insert, "on question lo agree to the sixth a
incndment"&c Do. 358. 1
Insert do. ninth amendment page 390.
" do. eleventh amcnifmont page 361
" do. "and on'Woolcn blankets," :p. 37 1.
On tho question, "fhall the bill pass as
amended" page 410.
in Senate, may 13, 1B24.
Tho "amoodmcu's and the several acts for
imposing duties on imports."
; On the question, "shall tho bill pass as amen
Thos3 who voted in tho nfhrmativo, are--Messrs.
Barton, Boll, BENTON, Brown Chand
lor, D'VVolf, Dickerson, Eaton; Fdwards, Find:
lay, Holmes, of Maine, JACKSON, JOHNSON j
of Ky., Ktdght, Lunmor, Lowrie, M'Hv.d. No
ble, Palmer, Faigglea, Seymour, Talbot, Tay
lor, of hidiuna, Thomas, VAN BUREN.-i
Senate J )urnal, p. 491.
The individual mind is the foundation of u!i.
freedom. Man must never allow the tyrannic
al chains of vicious habits, sonsual appetite,'
superstition, or a slavish deference to theopin
ions of vuhers, to take possession of him if hi
ould br a man. Ho should think end act lor,
insolf .n all matters, and never allow others'
ink for him, whether it bo on politics, roll -
r occupation. Iho great mass ot men,
to look up loo much to those men, for
and modes of action, whom the world,!
t.V ik.i.ln.H l.ns fit 11 ..nil rrrAfll '
T . A enough to their own selves, their
r,' , Zi& action.- They forgot that
"all the wo, ! , ev Jman has his
own part to acVf a manner' .
please those who Vtoll..i.i w unucr
stands his own character, let those who are look
ers on bo pleased or nay. This is not right;
it ij not manly; God never made man to be oth
erwise than independent a free agent. A
child always act independently from feeling,
from impulse; cold-hearted selfishness has tjo.
yet taken possession of him "he has not yui
acquired those sentiments which prompt a mar',
to inquire, not whether what he is abdut to dd
is right, but whether it will ba popular and
fo bo great men we must cease to be slaves
and what slavery 13 there worse than the sla-.
very of tho mind a slavery to tho opinions 01
others? True, we have teachers who aro pos sessed
of that wisdom which experienco cart
only give, who bid us look to those great men'
of tho world, and find in them examples to bo
copied. Dut it seems to me lo be a delusion--
it seems to mo that il theso teachers acted wun
the principles of independence principles
which aro inherent in every broast, and Which
should ccaso to exist only when smothered or
shackled by ignorance or oppression- they
would bid us look at thoso great men with rev
erenc; analyze their characters, ascertain their
priuciples,and then, with thecalmuessot philos
ophers, and tho independence of men, strike out
a path in unison wuti our own lecungs -nianiv
God for these great men, but say, 'I also" am a
man." "To be fin imita'to'r, is to a'oom one's
self to hopeless mediocrity;" it is impossible
for him to rise above the level. "The inventor,
did it because it wis natural to hiifi, and so iit
him it has a charm. In the imitator, some
thing else is natural, and ho bereaves himself
of his own beauty, to come short of another
man's." ,
In our age there is too little of that moral
courage which dares write out tho thuitghtsof
men as they exist. We want that spirit which
will guard us against the smiles of flattery, and,
the frowns of censure, and then dare to' act a'ncT
think as becometh men, let tire world approve
those thoughts and actions or not; What could
Martin Luther have accomplished, had lie not
been possessed of that spirit which' dared aH
opposition, and which brooked all the insults'
that were heaped upon him? Wrhat could those'
patriots of the Revolution have accomplished,
had they not been possessed of that moral cour
age, and righteous independence, which pre-'
cluimed themselves" no longor tho slaves of oth
ers, but ready to act for themselves, in the spir
it of freedom? Men aro too sensible to the
sneers of the world, to act independently, and
thus we see most men before they perform any(
great action, ask themselves not only is it right?
is it iust? but how will tho world roce'ive. it?
And thus they temper their words and ac'tioWsf
to the world, and not their own feelings and
judgement. This is wrong slavishly, degra
dingly wrong anu ne wno acts upon u is intr
slave of slaves.
Tho Northern papers relate a feat of Signor
Blitz's performance which amounted to the'
same as swallowing an ontire man, or rather:
ho bet he could do it, and won' the wager. A
gentleman challenged the majician" to' swallow'
him, and wagered one hundred dollars that h
could not do it. The Signor took it up and ap
peared on the spot in due season with a large'
pot of grease to help out with his meal. The'
gentleman was also there, wnen tne lonowing-
conversation took place:
"Are you ready lor the attempt," askou tne-
"All rea'dy." . .,"
"You will please take off your hat."
"Now vo'ur boots,-thore may be nails in the?
heels of them."
"Oh Yes."
"Now off with your coat, the buttons would1
be likely to cut against my teeth."
"Ol course" . ..
"Now your'pantaloons and shirt." .
"Why, sir, do you intend that I shall strip'
myself entirely." ,
"Yes; why not? 1 agroed to swallow you,'
but the clothes are not in the bond. By strip-
ping and thorough" greasing, I presume' t
shall be' able to perform the feat with but little'
difficulty. , , . .
"That is Vouf game is itf in sucn a casu
ydu are welcome to the money "
The thermometer stood at 100 at Vicksbu'rg" .
on the 8th iust. and for three or four days pre'
vious. Tho editor or the Sentinel had cast
away his pen and thrown himself upon his scis-'
sors.N. 0. Pic: ,
Why is a basket of oysters like ah unpaid1
Because a fellow must shell oul before he can1
fork over. Hartford fieiMfto."
in its
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