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Liberty advocate. [volume] (Liberty, Miss.) 1835-1866, September 05, 1839, Image 1

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Vicksburg, August 10, 1839.
(tENTLEMEN : . ; ' '
I have been honored by tfio receipt of your
letter of the 29th of Juno, transmitting to me a
copy of the proceeding of tho whigs of Madi
son county at a public meeting held by them
"for the purposo of recommending a candidate
to succeed the Hon. K. J. Walker in tho Senate
of the U. States."
My own nomination for that office of high
honor and trust was entirely unexpected, and
at once gratified and perplexed me. I am not
insensible to that ambition which seeks the
good opinion of others, and is gratified by its
exhibition, even when colored by kind partiali
ty and friendly prejudice. That the whigs of
Madison deem me worthy of occupying a scat
in the highest deliberative body on earth, has
not failed to awaken tho most grateful emo
tions. But I was perplexed as to the course
proper for me to pursue. 1 had never indul
ged the vanity of supposing that my services
could be of sufficient importance to require my
continuance in political life any longer than
my inclinations prompted. Accordingly after
mature reflection, I long since determined to
abandon at tho earliest opportunity, all parti
cipation, except as a private citizen, in politi
cal affairs; in the contests of which, even my
limited observation had discovered imbecility
too frequently pass for capacity, hypocrisy for
candor, and cold-hearted selfishness for ardent
and disinterested patriotism. Political science
has become for the most part, the science of
j deception. Not only ure tho dictates ol reason
and expeiience set at naught, but facts them
selves defied, Physical truths no less than
moral, which have for ages been considered im
pregnable, fall like beleaguered cities before
the cunning devices of modern political war
fare. The mausoleun) of history affords no
protection for tho remains of the past. Politi
cal sorcery evokes from them foul spirits which
never actuated or controlled their existence
and the events of a former ago are compelled
to bear false witness before tho present. What
happened yesterday is denied to-day, and pluin,
modest truth is stared out of countenance by
audacious mendacity. The conclusion, there
fore, is not to be wondered at, that in these
dark and corrupt times, private happiness and
public service arc incompatible.
Both inclination and private interest forbade
me to abandon my cherished and rapidly ma
turing plans of future life, and admonished me
of the rashness of again plunging among the
wild breakers of public opinion where the
barque that moves straight forward, is almost
sure to be swamped, while the tacking and
Veering craft by adapting itself to each sudden
change of wind and wave, gains the port in
safety. On the other hand, 1 could not forget
tho obligations which bind me to our beloved
State obligations that shall never call upon
ie in vain, when they point out a mode by
which I can liquidate any portion ol the heavy
claim Mississippi justly holds against me.
Neither was I regardless of the gratitude due
to the whigs for the bold, untiring, and success
ful warfare which they have waged against
tho party in power; a party under the baneful
influence of whose destructive theories and
corrupt practices tho prosperity of this great
nation has withered and died. Above all, I re
membered with pride and exultation that the
whigs of Mississippi had preserved tho honor
or the State, when the opposite party, Usaw
like, was bargaining it away for a mess ot po
litical pottage. Tucy, and they alone are en
titled to the immortal pruise of having warded
off the first traitoious blow aimed at the elec
tive franchise. It was beneath their stern res
ponse that the servile tools of the President
sunk abashed, and it was upon their mandate
they surreudred the rich jewel they had stolen
Me the whigs have already honored far be
yond my humble deserts, and in retiring lrom
political contests, 1 did not doubt that 1 should
be succeeded by those who would with equal
Zealand ampler capacity, fight the great battle
'of principle).
i hesitated, therefore, on receiving your com
munication, not from any question oi my uuiy
in sacrificing private and personal considera
tions to the success of tho good cause, but from
fears lest the partialities of my friends in Mad
ison had betrayed them into an injudicious se
lection. From the subsequent action of the
"wWs in other parts of the State, however, I
have been forced to tho conclusion, that wheth
er iudiciouslv or not. tliey are desirous of pla
cing nie in nomination. Being convinced of
this fact from tho prwx'Cdings ol various pub
Jic meetings as well as the general expression
of the whig press, I do not hesitate any longer
li in placing myself in this hands of my political
n 'friends, with tho distinct understanding, that
inasmuch as I accede to their wishes, not from
'.Jrnotives of personal aggrandizement) but from
9 " 4 sincere desire to do ni y duty to the country,
1 AO my came shall be at once withdrawn Irom
St nomination, should subs eauent observation in-
fc.;4icate, as it very proba bly will, some more ap-
- - propnate candidate.
v ' i he reasonable licei no of an eoistle will
.., hardly admit of an exti jnded exposition of do
b Jiticul doctrines, nor ind eed, do 1 consider it the
;. i i most desirable channel f or their inculcation.
X) JNehhcrdo 1 deem it re quisite for me, on the
f present occasion, to go it uo any labored disqui-
ition upon subjects which 1 have hud the good
fortuno to discuss before the people at large, in
almost every county or the btate. I need only
say that my opinions in relation to the present
administration and its measures have been
greatly fortified by the observation and experi
ence of the last year. The developcments
which have been made in relation to tho con
duct of tho financial affairs of the government
have astonished and shocked the whole nation
It is now a matter not of mere surmise or par
tisQ invective, but of solemn demonstration ba
scd upon admitted and undeniable facts, inves
tigated, vouched for and published under the
deliberate sanction of the popular branch of
Congress, that the Treasury department is rot
ten to the core; that it is but the pander to
executive power, nnd exercises its high Tunc
lions, not for tile good of the country, but of
party; not honestly, for the general welfare.
but wickedly and corruptly lor the most smis
tor purposes, bince Mr. Van Huron ascended
the chair of State it Ins exhibited a systom of
peculation and connivance unprecedented in
any government. 1 lie correspondence be
twecn itscmet ana ins su nominates is oticnsive
to the moral sense, and insulting to tho intel
ligenco of the pcoplo. Its open and unblush
ing profligacy would have shocked even the
oose notions ol that most venal of ministers,
Sir Robert Walpole, whose political maxim
was, "that every man has his price. ' Corrun
tion has been traced, not merely to the doors,
but into tho very recesses of the temple. I3y
the foot prints upon the floor we have discover
ed, as did the Chaldeans of old, that the rich of
ferings laid by the people upon the shrine, have
been carried away and consumed, not by the
God, but by the juggling prtests.
Under ordinary circumstances, and in ordi
nary times, tho developcments to which I al
ude would have prostrated any administration
however powerful. Unfortunately the deep
distress which has pervaded the country, and
spread dismay and ruin through all the aven
ues of business, has in some degree withdrawn
the eyes of the people lrom these great enor
mities. and directed them with melancholy ear
nestness to their own private sufferings. Thus
the rude blow which the robber bestows with
one hand diverts the attention tor a moment
from the theft he is committing wilh the other.
But corruption is by no means the only re
markable characteristic of the party in power
Out of tho very ruin its measures have brought
upon the country, does it contrive to extract po
litical capital With unblushing effrontery its
partisans assert that it is not accountable for
the results its own action; that the distres
scs of the cottntry have been produced by the
operation of whig principles, and all responsi
bility lies at the doors ol the opposition, i he
unfortunate patient, who, from a state of per
fect health has been reduced by the nostrums
oi the quack to the point oi death, is gravely
told by the ignorant pretender that Ins misera
ble condition is not owing to the nauseous do
scs ho has taken, but is entirely attributable to
Ins former physician, whoso prescription he
has discarded for years. A grosser insult was
never offered to the good sense of an intelligent
1 he party in power is solely responsible lor
the sufferings under which the country is Still
laboring. Its mad and licentious schemes des
troyed the best currency in tho world and gave
us instead, the present bloated and miserable
system whose sickly and convulsive action im
pedes every step of enterprise and paralyzes
the hand ol industry. One of those schemes
has been a systematic and diabolical nt'etnpt to
destroy all confidence, public or private. The
vilest slanders aguinst the institutions and ca
pacities of the country have been every where
promulgated, Until the lowering eye of distrust
ful suspicion is glaring with baneful influence
over the whole land. Credit, the child of con
fidence and the nurse of enterprise, has shared
tho fate of its parent. The currents of busi
ness have been rudely diverted, and now creep
lazily along through choked and tortius chan
nels. During the existence of a United States
Bank, the mixed currency of paper and pre
cious metals performed to admiration all its ap
propriate functions. At present it is totally
inadequate to the fulfilment of its duty ilia
medium of domestic commerce, or for the trans
action ofthe most ordinary affairs of business.
When Gen. Jackson determined upon the
destruction of that Bunk, he did not, nor did
his partisans, then deny that it afforded a sound
circulating medium, and constituted a cheap
and efficient channel through which to conduct
tho exchanges of tho country. He promised,
however, that nil these functions could be as
well fulfilled by the Slate Banks, which he said
were entirely adequate to that purpose. He
proposed to dispense with this great wheel, on
the express ground that it added neither power
nor certainty to the machine that the system
was perfect without it. Experience has expo
sed what reason strove in vain to do, the utter
fallacy of Gen. Jackson's view on this subject.
it was always strenuously opposed by the
whigs, and is at length entirely abandoned by
the other party. The Whigs predicted, that
in tho absence of a national Bank, each State
would endeavor through its own incorporations
to seize the largest control of the currency ; that
thus a great number of weak and jealous sys
tems would be thrown in rude collision; and the
common good of the people entirely lost sight
of, in the clashing interests of a thousand in
stitutions, mutually hostile to each other inca
uablo of aggregate action, und individually in
competent for any but local purposes.
Our prtdctiohs have been, verified to the
letter. So far the State Bank system has pro
ved a failure.
All now admit Its total incompetency, under
its present organization and mode of operation
fur furnishing a sound and uniform currency,
or for carrying on the exchanges of the Coun-
But its original advocates os a national sys
tem, instead of honestly acknowledging their
error, and returning with us tc. hat excellent
path, from whence in an evil hor they stray
ed, with their chit racteristic modesty deny that
they ever advocated the systom. and not only
repudiate their own paternity, hot boldly lay
thoir illegitimate off-spring at the door ofthe
Whigs. i
In other countries ministers are responsible
for measures, and upon their bijccss depends
the stability of thl administration. H'.-re, it
seems those out of power are held amenab'e for
the malpractices and failures of those who
wield it; and we are charged not only wit. their
unwise acts, but with their worn out aid dis
carded opinions. At all events, both partius
acknowledge the inelhciency t ?lu iwt.y8
tem, and the uoeewKT"" .'.. Tk. '
ty in power, clearly indicates its intention to
wage a war of extermination against its old al
lies the state banks und aims at the establish
ment upon their ruins of the sub-treasury sys
teni. In our own state this is openly avowed
Taking advantage ofthe well founded indigna
tion of tho people ugainsl the miserable system,
which they themselves fostered into existence
and which is now pressing liko an incubus up
on the state, the friends ot the administration
have long since commenced a fierce crusade
against all sorts ot banking, state or national
All bank paper currency is repudiated by them,
and banks no mutter how honestly conducted,
denounced in the most unmeasured terms, not
only as anti-republican, but also, in the lan
guage of one of their distinguished leaders, as
aiming "a fatal blow at private morality and
at public virtue, and as a consequence, destruc
live of all pure and sincere religion.
On the other hand the whigs are desirous of
reforming not of aeslroying the paper money
system. I hey believe the plan ol an exclusive
gold and silver currency, not only absurd, but
in tins country impracticable. 1 hey advocate
a mixed currency of coin, and bank paper con
vertible into coin at the will of the holder.
They believe the present state bank system in
capable of producing such a result; but in con
junction with a United Mates Hank, they know
its enure competency tor tho purpose.
The wmgs are therelore in favor of estab
lished a National Bank, independent of execo
tive influence, but under strict accountability
to the representatives of tho people. I hey
are in favor of such an institution, simply bo
cause they see no other modo of attaining their
object, which is a sound and unilonn currency
The sub-treasury scheme which is sot up as
the antagonist of a U. o. Bank, does not even
propose to produce such a result, but modestly
assumes its sole function to be, the collection
and disbursement ot the public revenues. 1
this be the extent ofthe measure, its adoption
by no means dispenses with the necessity of a
iSaiional Bank, lor the collection and disburse
inent of the revenues, would constitute but a
small portion of the functions of such an insti
tution. It on the other hand, it is intended, as
it doubtless is, that the sub-treasury, shall fur
nish a paper currency, in the shape of its drafts
and checks, then it will constitute, to all inlents
and purposes a Government Bank, under the
control of the executive; what the whigs of all
things, most fear and abhor.
1 am therefore opposed to the sub-treasury
scheme, not only on account of its intrinsic and
essential defects as a financial system, but also
because it proposes in its selfish policy, to pro
tect the government and not the people, and
professes to confine its benefits entirely to the
1 believe the people of the United States re
quire and aro entitled from some source, tea
good, sound and convenient currency. I do
not believe gold and silver alone can furnish it.
I do believe the object can be accomplished by
the charter of a National Bank, and that Con
gress has the constitutional power to grant
such a charter. Sooner or later tho people
will compel them to do it. Tho present system
of things cannot bo submitted to much longer.
Tirades against banks and credit, may for a
moment tickle tho ear, but they afford noreiiel
to tho sufferings of an outraged and betrayed
community. I he people have been waning
long enough Tor reliet lrom the measures oi
the dominant party. They an; now looking
in another quarter. They demand some bet
ter argument against u National Bank than
the pious apprehensions of the advocates ofthe
sub-treasury; and a better model for the con
duct of their affairs, than the Isldnd of Cuba,
that colonial vassal, of tho worst governed na
tion on earth.
It is in vain to talk, even if tho thing were
desirable, of eradicating all the Siate banks; it
could be effected only by a' surrender, on the
part of all the states, of the power to charter
such institutions. To suppose this surrender
will be made, is absurd. Even should it, the
present generation could not attain the propo
sed object. The larger portion of the banks
now in existence in the United States are pro
tected by the sanctity of contract and shielded
by the strong arm of tho constitution. A ma-
joiity of them cannot be got rid of without
tneir own consent, unless mu p-eupic wo m u
follow the advice of certain dosperate and mis
erable partizans of tho administration, and
suppess them by physical force.
1 do not apprehend that my countrymen will
follow such wicked counsel. I take it then for
granted that, in some shape of other, the ban
king system will continue to exist, at least du
ring our generation. This being the case, the
refusal to establish a National Bank will not
relievo the country from the Curse, as some
are pleased to term" it, of a finper currency.
All the evils which can possibly be predicated
upon a National Bank, with many more, are
likely to result from the present system, while
the latter is incapable of affording, but in a ve
ry small degree, the facilities" and advantage
of the former.
The most frequently urged, and most popu
lar objection to a National 15nnk,is mat wmcn
is deduced from its power. It is said that a
Mammoth Institution
tal of $50,000,000; wo,
control the currency, but
late by us expansions &
prices both of tabor arid pr.
whtilo coming 'ty would
nvshes, and go it would pro
time, dangerous to the govemm
tho liberties of (be fedrllo. But, t.
pcrience ot the ou?t.iught to quiet
apprehensions of thiS sort, yet ;von
them reasonable, 1 would ask a . not
dangers more impending und tho ,
system? The state banks now - nrescri
spectacle of a la rga number of pt 'v indei.
dent chiefs, waging war upon each o f-r. Ti
stronger overcount in weaker, and ilk. onteSi.
f wToim until so no Oiu w,ti- Hihi more p or
ful than the rest, reduces all to subjection, and
rules over them with despotic sway. The state
barks even now are weary of the ruinous
strife, and anxious to place themselves indr
the protection of some institution sufficiently
powerful to sustain them. Many have already
sworn allegiance to the great Bank of Penn
sylvania. Others are ready to follow the ex:
ample; but the greater portion aro axiously
awaiting the final determination ofthe people,
whether they shall submit to tho control of
a national or a mero state institution. Around
the former they would all rally, and acting
with confidence and concert, the immediate re
sult would be. a sound and uniform currency,
and a restored and hdalthy creJit. It is wor
thy of observation, thttt some ofthe very states,
which object to the chartering by Congress, of
a National Bank, lest it should prove too pow
erful for the country, very modestly propose
to charter similar institutions at homo tor tho
purpose of affording a currency, not only for
themselves, hut for their neighbors. This has
been already accomplished by Pennsylvania.
Her mammoth Institution is in full operation,
beyond our reach or control, and yet, with all
the capacity for evil that could bo attributed to
a National Bank by its most bitter opponent
Its issues at this very moment, command a pre
mium in this State, over gold and silver. Our
exchanges, such as they are, aro principally
under its control. What could prevent this in
siitution, with her immCnso credit and capital
from saturating the wltnle country, if she pleas
ed, with her issues? she could emit her hun
dreds of millions ami it would all be grasped
at; she could thon contract this unnatural ex
pansion, call in the paper, and, according to the
argument or those opposed to a National uann
nurchaso at half Dricfi rrom a bankrupt com
mutiny the property df the country. If sucl:
a oower must exist, lei it be under thecontro
and supervision ofthe whole people, and not of
a single state. Hut this is the beginning oniy
Other statesemulous ofthis power, are prepa
inff to struffule for participation. Look at the
2 real South Carolina Rail .ioad Bank, already
chartered in several states, and determined no
doubt, to seize the control and regulation ofthe
currency ofthe bouth.
Look at the idea, Ions since thrown out, and
nw rino refaction, of a fifty million Bank in
the city of New York . Is not tho currency of
Mississippi already at tHH mercy of other states I
Shall we continue to groan unuer mis upgra
ding vassalage? Which will Mississippi pre
fer? as the regulator of her currency and ex
changes a bank chartered by a single state, in
the construction and limitations tu wnicn, sne
has no voice, and in the supervision and con
trol of which she hits no power, or one char
tered by Congress, in every provision of which
her voice will be heard, in every limitation ne'f
suggestions considered, add over the conduct
and operations of which, she will in common
with the Other states, exercise a continual su
pervision and control? The question now sub
mitted to the people is whether the currency of
the country shall be restored and reguiateu
through the action of tho fepresentatives of all
the states, or by the legislation and monied
power of a single state? i regret that the
limits of this communication, will not permit
mo to enter more at largo upon this view of
tho financial question; I trust, howrver, 1 have
thrown out sufficient hints on the subject to at
tract attention, and to constitute a starting point
for reflection. But I have already exceeded
the boundaries I had prescribed. If the people
shall see fit, through thoir representatives, to
elevate me to tho high and arduous station to
wards which our kind partialities have point:
ed, I canorily say that for the fidelity of my
future service, I offer them the guaranty of
the past. To my fellow citizens ot Madison
whom you represent, as well as to the Whigs
of other sections ot the btate who have honor
ed me with their unexpected and unsought con
fidence, allow me to express my most sincere
and grateful acknowledgements; That 1 may
ever prove worthy of their good Opinion is my
highest desire; that 1 may be able, in even the
smallest desfee to advance our common prin
ciples, is my sole ambition. To yourselves,
gentlemen, permit me to present my thanks.
together witn my best wisnes lor your inuiviu-
ual prosperity.
Very respectfully,
Yojr obd't. servant,
To Messrs.
T. J. Catchings,
J. II. Rollins,
Jno. Montgomery,
Wm. W. Havden.
AsTONtstfMo Feats. The newspapers are
cracking lip the feat of a man who ran twenty
miles over tne Hunting rarx uourse, in two
hours arid twenty minutes, and took $1000 for
it. This is nothing to ruhcing in New York.
r l . n .T.iJ I ...I.
swartwoui ran away in nve minutes, ana iook
$1,250,000 an i Price in the same time ran
away wilh $100,000 and if tho speed of Blair
and Kendall could be tested, we have' hd doubt
thoy would run as fast as Price or his chum.
Running indeed! iV. Y. lleraldi
been ni .
our proofs
and statistic).
. . -all
., o'H official
... me ab'soluto ac-
signers themselves, ad-',j
hering to that exVsl'6"1 and important rdle of
evidence, which we have often laid down,,
"that every man makes the best 61 his own case".
The last upon tho list of those foreign" (our- :
ists, who have at sundry times rode post-haste
through ddr country, and then spawned a book,
about it, is tho celebrated Captrfin Marryatt, of
Jacob I'aithlul, arid "Caroline," memory. whi
as our readers may be aware, has lately bles
sed the world with his "diary" of travels ir
America. Wo have hail tho pleasure of read
ing a very long article reviewing the galldrH
captain's work, in the National Gazette o'f Phil
adelphia, in the course of which, numerous erf'
tracts from the work aro givefi, and among oth
ers the following! "It is a strange fact, and
one which must have attracted the reader's no
tice, that there should be a poor's rate in Amer'-.
icd." Upon this, the editor of the Gaz. very
properly remarks, that "the fact is not so very
ra," when wo consider the vast amount of
the article of "paupers" England, I relanJ, arid
Germany ore so kind as to land annually upon,
our shores; and "tile toaster ofthe murder.
Drew." goes on to state himself tho cause of
our poor's rates, in this stylo: "What c'iigcs ,'(
of crime fully and recklessness do' we tho En- "V.
glisli yearly ship off to Airtorica! Amer
ought to be very rriuch obliged to us," arid
ght to be very rriuch obliged to us,-' arid trie"
Gazette observe upon this plain statement of
the truth: ''Certainly we are obliged to you,
the more particularly, ayefa are no! content
with sending us your feitins, fools' add pau
persbut condemn tls for keeping hem front
srafratiort." V
How long will Americans submit to the ini
suit, the shameful outrage which, it is here pro
claimed by this foreigner, his country offers usf
Shall we forever he among the number of thoso
who "having eyes see r.ot, and having ears
hear not, the things that so nearly' coric'grd
their temporal salvation?" ''Cargoes of crimes
folly and recklessness" are yearly shipped td
America, yet we not only tolerate tins enor
mous outrage upon our rights, but actually con
for the privileges of citizenship, upon this inva
ding army of foreign felori? and paupers fivfj
years alter thoy are landed. ,
With what well merited contempt must the
enlightened of Europe regard us, how despica
bly stupid must we appear in their eyes, when
they see on one hand our naturalization l-nvs;
and on tha other, tho "cargoes of crime, and
pauperism1' we import.
We have been lulling ourselves hitherto in
magined security, we have foolishly flattered
ourselves by reiterating the "lie" fdr it de
serves no better name, that ynerica is the asy-
um Ofthe virtuous who flue from European tyr
anny ; while European tyrarits laugh at our
mbecility; riot the virtuous", bilt their cast off
paupers and criminals.
We cannot conclude this article better
than bv appending some . remarks of tho
National Gazette, upon this foreigner's ad
missions: .
"In order to exemplify the' "excess1 of intem-
perenco in the UAited States," the author sober
ly informs us that frStn the first of July 1833,
to the 1st of September 1838, there were com
mitted to tho House of cdrrec'ion in Boston;
2346 indi.iduils, of which number there were
1113 common drunkards, iuost unfortunately
for his argument against the morality of this
country, Captain ilfarryatt then gives a list of
these delinquents, with the places ot their birtn.
stated; and it appears from this table, tnat of
the 2345 persons who were committed to the
House of Correction, 1100 were foreigners by
birth, or nearly ona half tho whole number,'
leaving 1245 Americans. JNow tho foreigners
in Massachusetts aro to the native population;
In the ratio of about one to fifteen, so tha; fdr
the 1246 Americans, there should have beeri
only 73 foreigners instead of i 100 or in thef
converse ratio, for the 1 100 foreigners, there
should have beeri instead of 1346 Americans;
the moderate number of 16,500. And even
with this proportion, the criminality ofthe pa
tive population would only be proven eqildl td
that ofthe imported stock. Jf the skillful cap
tain, when upon naval duty, had calculated his,
latitude and longitude with thesamo degree of
precision displayed in his ostimates of criminal
statistics in the United States, it is highly prob
able that he would have restod long sirfco iri
uavy Jones's lockor.
Waltzing. The Nashville Banner says:
'A lady in Nashvillo, being asked to waltz, gave
(he following appropriate answer": .
'IMo, thank ye: sir; 1 have hugging enough1
at home.' Before we car. . properly decide ori
the appropriateness of the answer, we ought td
kmow whether the lady was rriarried or riot!
Planters Advucatdi
Woman's Confidence.--There is something.
so bcadtifully confiding in the natural feelings
dta wdman'i Jiaajt, that she win nev: doup
till she has boon taught to do or. ?
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