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Boon's Lick times. (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, April 25, 1840, Image 2

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etring tour through our Suite while the blighting
influence of his measures and tlin burning reproach
of hie calumny are vet resting upon us.
In the election of the autumn ot' 1837, the Em
pire State had signally repudiated the measure re
commended by the President had triumphed over
the combine J powers of Agragrianism and lufidoli'y
lea filed in their support, and the interference ot
government otficers with the freedom of elections-
had sustained her faithful senator and patriotic
Representatives who maintained their political
principles and the public interests against executive
dictation, mil sliuwea to the world that "iNeiv
York alone and single handed, acted out her princi
pies within hekselk, and roR iierbki.f. Although
justly proud ot tlio elevation ot one of her own
sous to tho highest ollice in the gift of the People,
the lands of the Clintons and Tompkins's would not
submit to be tamely bartered away for I'resiMnlia
wits, nor rest in quiet when the Public Liberty
Fellow-Citizens! wo were of the number thai
most ardently advocated and supported the election
of Air. Van Buren to the Presidency. We did sc
under the most thorough convictions that hi princi
pies were democratic republican, and that the honor
and glory of his Country and the happiness and
prosperity of the pooplo would be the first objects
of his ambition, and the noble ends of his adminis
tration. Language cannot adequately express the
cepths of our disappointment when we lound him
blindly or madly hurrying the country into the
abyss of ruin ; and in the hour of peril, coldly and
selfishly attempting to withdraw himself from the
people, uttering the sentiments that " government
had nothing to do but to take care of itself," and
that "the people must take caro of themselves. "
We are equally deficient in power to express the
amazement with which we saw his recommenda
tion of the Sub-treasury scheme and Special Rink
rupt Law. Whil iMr. Van Burcn was a member
of the administration of his "illustrious predeces
sor,' the Sub-treasury scheme was introduced in
Congress by a then jNullitying Whig. The measure
then received but one solitary vote from the friendi
of Gen. Jackson's 'administration, end so destitute
was it of any apparent claims to merit, that it re
eeived no countenance from the opposition mem
bers generally. Ihe organ ot the administration
with the sanction and authority of President Jack
son, denounced the measure as "disorganizing and
revolutionary, subversive of the fundr.nientul prin
ciples of our government and its entire prictire
from 1789 to that day, as tending" incalculably to
enlarge the powers ot "tlie Executive, and place in
his hands the means of corruption, as endanger
ing the safety of the public money, and expo-ing it
to be plundered by an hundred hands when one
could not then 'each it. In the lustice and truth
of these declarations .Mr. Van Buren and the whole
democratic republican party at that time concurred
The measure was not democratic republican then
and the objections then urged against it by the
whole party, show that it i9 wholly inconsistent
with their principles. Vet in 1937, Mr. Van Bi.ren
himself recommends this same project of the Xul
lifjers, with all the fundamental objections to it, and
its previous condemnation by the party before In in
and has avowed his determination to persist in it,'
"in spite of all lamentations here or elsewhere."
And ha is now engaged in a personal election
eering tour, bringing the weight of his official sta
tion to his aid in the determination to force this
of:en-rcjected scheme upon the people. Was Air.
Vun Buren koncst in concurring in the rejection of
the Sub-treasury scheme by General Jackson's ad
ministration in 18J-1"! Was ho a democratic repub
lican when he opposed Ihe project ot the jXulliher
then .' If so, can he be honest in recommending it
new .'
Can he li-s now a democratic republican when he
has embraced the measure of our enemies, and i
supported by the Xallifiers! Aru 'he objections
mat it is subversive ot the fundamental principle
of our government," and " incalculably enlarge:
the executive powers," buch as any sincere repub
licanormanot integrity can overcome .' Mr. Van
Buren has apostatized from the fail h lie professed
and the measures of his predecessors in his recom
mendation of the Sub-treasury Bcheino. In the
President s recommendation of a barkruntlaw ap
plicable to corporations and other bankers, his char
acter is exhibited in an eqna.ly inconsistent light
As a member of the Scnaie of the United States,
Mr. Van Buren denounced this same feature, of a
bankrupt law, as "a most daring violation of the
rights of the States, and a measure never attempted
in any civilized country on the 'ace of the eartu.'
Was this recommendation of a measure thus tr.ilv
denounced by him either honest, republican, or pti
trio'ic !
Fellow-Citizens ! when we behold departures
iron, principles and truth so g aring ami wilful n
tuese, we cuuld not us faithful democratic republi
cans deny O'lr previous sentiments forsake our
cause, or join the renegade standard Ardently
attached as we had been to Air. Van Buren, anil
strengthened as our bonds of devotion to him were
by long, vigorous, and successful struggles for his
personal promotion, we were not prepared to sacri
fice our Country, and the glorious limitations of
civil Liberty, wiiioli have made her the home of the
free and the asylum of the oppressed, to gratify his
personal vanity, revenge, or atnbitic n. We
adopted the theses of that renowned patriot of the
revolution, Samuel Adams, that "it is .awful to
resist the Chief .Magistrate, il the conimon-veiilih
cannototl.errtiso be preserved," and when Mr. Van
Buren, the head of the party, went over to the nul
lifying wb'o'N aid recommended their measures,
we remained steadfast to our principles, resisting
tboe measures and defending our country.
The further uc's of Mr. VunBuren's administra
tor! have been but further illustrations of his entire
abandonment of Democratic Republican principles.
and of lii disregard of the pledge upon which our
coiiuding citizens entrusted him with power. L'n-
uer hi, brief administration tho country ;ras been
visited with mure social evils ll:an were suffered
by our ancestor from the tyranny and oppression
of tlie Briliiii crown. These evils havo not been
founded in natural causes, but admittedly grow oul
of the uciion of some part of the artificial machin
ery of society. They are universally known and
felt, and if their cause can hi ascertained, huniuniry
and sell preservation demund its speedy removal,
. and the erection of such safe-guards us will prevent
future Rggressiuns. We havo two artiikiul struc
tures growing out of thu stale of freedom and civ
ilization we enjoy, and designed for their protec
tion and perpetuity at tho dour of each of which
different parties lay the chargo of tln-ir being ihe
cause of the existing distresses, and demand their
removal as the only means of restoring the prosper
ity and happiness of the people. The opponent of
the Federal Loco-foco nluiiiiistrutiuri charge tin
origin and continuum e of the mischief under which
tlie country now lubi-rs to the active experiments
and projects of the Federal administration upon uud
against tlie credit system; on the other hand the
Federal Loco-focos charge tho same evils to the
credit system and demand the immediate and entire
destruction ot the h:ato Banks and the extirpation
of a paper currency. The Federal Executive sus
tains his friends the original Loco-locos in this
charge, and brings the whole weight ol his official
and personal influence, and tha organization of the
party so far as he can command it, to their support
When the small band of Agrarians in the city of
New Vork held their meeting in the Park, in the
spring of 1937, and resolved to havo an exclusive
metallic currency, adopted the watchword "Uon
with the Banks" and then sullied forth in a body
and sacked the flour stores, as a specimen of the
freedom ard equality to which their aim was direct
ed, it was not anticipated by any members ot the
Democratic Republican party, that these heresies
were to bo substituted fur their political principles
or that they were to be dragooned into their sir)
port or that the President of their choice was to
present them for the approbation of the people.
But tiiis wonder bus been exhibited, and a large
portion of a non-concurring and dissenting party
have been tamely led in spue of thu remonstrances
of conscience, the dictates of duty, and of a sene ot
consistency, to embrace doctrine which they have
fur good cause repudiated, and measures which they
abhorred- While wo pity the depravity of liio:'c
into whose souls tho parly iron has sunk so deep
that they will sink the country to save themselves,
we cannot look upon you, the great body of our fel
low citizens, as so dead to every sentiment ot pa
triotism as to forget, that "you havo a country to
save as well as a party to servo."
The weapons ot warlare against the crrmt sys
tem are the Sub-treasnry scheme and the Bankrupt
Law applicable to Corporations, and other flankers
and Federal Loco-focos ask you to aid them in at
taining these objects. heir opponents charge upon
them and their measures the authorship of our ca
lamities, and demand a change of administration
and a restora ion of salutary measures of govern
ment. Which of these two divisions is the right 1
It is for vou. fellow-citizens, to decide, and you are
to bear the burthens or reap the benefits of that de
cision. Is the federal loco-foco administration right, and
will you as a people and a nation be benefitted by
the immediate and total destruction of your vast
credit system, through which yjur fathers gained
for you freedom and independence, and by which
your private cnterprize have been prospered, your
industry rewarded, and your country exalted be
yond any parallel in the' history of man 1 Or are
the federal loco-focos wrong and would the ad) tion
of the Sub-treasury scheme and a special bankrupt
law prove destructive to all your remaining private
interests, to the form of your republican govern
ment, to your freedom and independence as a peo
ple, and your honor and glory as a nation I Tr.e
issue is distinctly made up, tho President has him
self given tho battle cry, tho watch-word " Down
with the Banks" resounds through the apostate and
renegade ranks, the licors of his parly are lashing
up tho laggards and grumbling followers in the
ranks, and all evince their thorough consciousnc-s
of t':e importance of the stake and tho irrevocable
consenuences of the struggle.
The solemn question to bo determined by you is
who are the authors ot the present national evils
Who hath laid the pecuniary blockade upon our
commerce J Who hath brought down the agricul
tural productions and closed tho granary of the
farmer for the want of a remunerating price 1
Who hath caused the mechanic ar ts to be suspended
or slackened, and sent the industrious laborer forth
to wander in the community without employment
and without bread ! Who hath taken our property
from us without our consent by reducing the value
of our possessions, cramping enterprise, and uu
Driving industry of its reward I Who is to answer
for tho miseries in store for the unemployed poor
during the npproaching inclement season, when
the pressure of the times has closed the bands that
gave employment, and exhausted tho cotters from
whence flowed the blessed strcoms of charily and
assistanco 1 Who is to answer for the increased
demoralization and crime produced by the struggle
to upturn the foundations upon which society has
rested, which is polluting the moral atmosphere
and filling our prisons with victims of crime conse
quent upon their misfortunes. Is it the Banks or
the Federal Government 1
Fellow Citizens ! We have had banks under all
the administrations of tho Federal Government.
We have always been accustomed to them in our
cities towns and villages. We hove found them in
general directe.l by men in whom their neighbors
repose the utmost confidence aids to commerce,
Agricultural and mechanical pursuits: giving to
virtuous poverty an equal chance of success with
inherited and acquired wealth ; and enjoyed from
;hem a currency equal in safety und value to g ild
and silver, and greatly more convenient : and ne.tlier
thu banks as such, nor those institutions conjoined
with any other administration of the federal gov
eminent have ever brought upon the rounti v the
curse which noic ofllicls it. If the evils now suf
fered are innate in the bunks, how sl.illl'ul must
have been the administrations of Jefferson and
.Madison, of Monroe, Adams and Jacktoti, not to
have brought them uut in'o action! And how de
plorably ignorant must have been Mr. Van linren
io make a shipwreck with his first touch of tlip
helm of the national government ! Under the pre
vious administrations, the federal government was
treated as belonging to the people, and as a trusl
to be administered for their benefit. The Slate
Banks have always belonged to the people, n
times of war the banks sustained the government.
and in davs of peace the government the banks,
and the people pursued an uniform career of ad
vancement and prosperity, the nation was honored
and the people blessed. But under the odministra
tion of Air. Van Burcn, when the government is
treated as the private property of the present in
cuuibent, and bis highest cure und his most pa
triotic sentiment is to look ojt for himself, and leave
the people to look out for themselves we have ex
perienced a destructive war upon the credit sistem
tne parts of the body politic, which before harmon
ized, now present jarring and discord and the na
tion has sunk from one abyss ot misery to another,
until the gulf of allliciiou seems bottomless, and
conjecture auandens the hopeless attempt to hx its
Do you now feel the want of money to facilitate,
and transact the vast trad -3 which exists within the
limits of our own Slate ! What causes this dis
tress, and slops, the richly laden car of commerce
on the road Is it because the bunks do not lend
the money, and there has been a gradual witb-draw-ing
of the paper circulating medium ! What, then,
lias caused the banks to discontinue or curtail their
transactions, and withhold the sup,. lies which it is
their interest as well as their business to furnish
you ? It is because the whole power, influence, en
ergy, and ineusuresof this Federal Loco-foco Uuv
er.iment are waging a war of extermination ugainst
ihem ; and it Ins sent forth its decree for the ir de
struction, and for tlie destruction of your interusts
und your property in so far as they are connected
with them ; that their arm has been shortened, their
assistunce diminished, and the great financial in
terests of the country paralyzed ! Can you remedy
tho existing evils growing out of a want of a cir
culating medium by destroying the little you now
have 1 Will you be better oil' with less when your
present misery flows from having too little ! Will
you desire no bread beeau-.u you cannot, from the
oppression of your rulers, enjoy the whole loaf.
Fellow citizens, we are no advocates, apologists,
or defenders of the batiks, as associations or incor
porations. We look only to the great Credit System
under which tho country prospered, until it was
made tho object of attack by the m 'rshadowing
power of the federul government ; und we now up
hold it as the shield of the people from the totul ruin
of its measures. Wu feel thu hard blows of its
enemies upon us in common with you, and we
point you to thu arm that stril.es and not to the in
strument through w hich you feel the struggle, as
the j list object ol vour indignation.
We havo referred yon to the past experience of
successful enterprise uud prosperity under our
credit system, and the melancholy reverse produced
by tue Federal Loco-foco Government warfare upon
it, to sho,v that it is to tho conduct of your niters
you ure to look lor the sources of your discontent.
Ihe incisures ihey have recommended, and the
course they have pursued, exhibit adequate causes
tor tlie sutlerings of the n-itiun, audjpoiut out to you
the only successful remedy. Ihe credit system and
the busiucsj of our citizens have always bueu based
upon confidence. Ihowurol the revolution was
conducted, and the Independence of our nation
achieved upon confidence. Our constitution of gov
ernment rests upon confidence. And too great
spring and guide of human action in nil relations
and situations of life, is '-moral proha'iility." When
the country was poor, and exhausted by a seven
years struggle for independence, the credit syst m,
the hand-maid of liberty, poured forth its umple
stores, gave life to enterprise, increased activity to
industry, uud wealth and happiness to our people
iiiese blessings continued until thu war commenced
by thu federal administration against il, ami now
you feel the want oecusioued by its partial destruc
tion. But our rulers are nut content with the sum ol
misery they have already produced. The fierce,
tell spirit rj distraction is nut glutted by thu ruin
already made. The Agrarian Hand, into w hoso
keeping the President has committed himself, slim-
u ated by ptirliul success, no v more loudly demands
the total demolition of that s'rnr tnro upon which
your happiness has been a't-iincd und yoi.r fortunes
rest. The Sub-trciMiry scheme is the instrument
which is to accomplish these fearful objects.
It is a measure which proposes as its foundation
the subversion of tho fundamental prim ipls of out
government. Il proposes to plucc the public reven
ues in the hands of the Executive, through agents
appointed by him and removable a, his will. It
unites tho "swordand the purse," and deprives the
people of all control over the public revenue. It
takes the custody of the public money from those
who pay, and places it unreservedly in the hands
that spend it. It vastly increases the power of tho
Federul Executive by putting in his hands the
means of corruption. Il creates a multitude of new
officers, and enables tho Executive to send forth
swarms of officers, "loharass our people and eat out
their substance." It unites in the person yf the Ex
ecutive tho command of tho Army and Mavy, the
execution of the laws, and thekerping and disburse
ment id the public revenues, and endows him with
every attribute which defines a monarch and creates
a tyrant. It brings the whole banking business and
financial interests of the country at the feet of the
Executive, and enables him to sport with the liber
ties and fortunes of our people. It creates the
most odious and terrible of all National Banks an
Executive Bunk possessing all power and not ac
countable to the people. The ngems to wield this
"internal machine are tho servants of the Kxccu
live, and only removable by him, und when ho is
freshly seated in the chair of Stnto for a coustituti
onul term, heinny again mock r.t your impotence by
savirg vou shall have these corrupt instruments,
o,( ryuu for lour years, in spite of all lamentations
hero or elescwhcre. It. separates the government
from the people, and renders the servant superior to
his ninsti r.
Its influence upon the public interests, are equal
ly direct and dreadful. It is a valid partot tlie
plan, uud the only schcniuthat the President, has
ever recommended, that the public revenues shall
bu received in gold and silver only; and to delude
vou into the adoption of tk:jf inensuie, vou are told
that it will enlarge the specie basis, and bring the
precious ine'alsinlo more general circulation; that
it will create a demand for specie, and tho supply
will conip. These ore fatal errors! and we wars
you ng.iinst their ndop'.ioti. It has always happened,
and it always will happen, that tho greater me ac
inand vou create for money the less will be the sup
ply; and the reueon is, that it is not subject to the
rules ol demand nnd supply, but it governs tlicm
Tho action of the Sub-Treasury srheine will ditiun
ish nnd absorb your specie basis bring down your
credit system your lands, productions and labor
and inflict upon you alt ihe untold and incalculable
sulleringsot a transitive state ot society. It will
do this by its most obvious operation. The plan is
to receive nothing but gold and silver m the pay
ment of the government dues. The disbursements
are to be mude in drafts of the Treasurer of the U
Slates upon the Receivers General. These drafts
are to be in the form ol bank notes, and lorm a me
dium of general circulation. Let us briefly call
your utteiitiun lo the practical operation of this
scheme, nnd see where it will land. The collector
at New York begins to receive gold and silver only,
und makes his return to the Treasurer of tho United
States. We will assume that he receives jjji"U,UO(
per day in payment of government dus. This a
mount is drawn from the people and locked up
in his iron chest. Tho Treasurer ofihe United
States then issues his drafts, in the form of bunk
bills, upon the collector at New York, against the
money so received, and sends them to the public
creditors at Green Bay, Florida, and in every part
of the Union. Tiiey pass their drafts in payment of
their debts. They circulate, us paper money ever
will circulate, becati-e it is more convenient than
gold and silver, while it is believed to be equally as
The public well know, that, unless the Sub-Treasurer
bus used the money in his speculations or lent
it to some friend, or run away wi.h it, thai there is
duiiir for dollar in deposite to meet the-e drafts;
and they will hold the draft with as much security
as they would the gold and silver, and as they now
do the notes of their specie paying banks. Thus
the drafts of the Treasurer become a part of the
general circulation, and ure hoarded as money, and
are not presented to tho Sub-Treasurers, or the spe
cie they represent returned to the channels of trade.
Those urn Its represent the specie, and Ihe specie, if
the Sub-Treusurer is Inmost, remains under his
"bolts und bars." Bui what is the elTect of ibis
process upon the banks and the coniniunitv ! In
the city of New York where this 70 1)00 n day is
to be withdrawn, there is not over .3,000,1)1)1) of
specie, and -suppose the Treasurer's urafis against
the collections, to renin in ou:s'nin!ii:g, as it is their
tendency to do, buwlong would it be before every
dolltr in specie in the city would be brought iutu
the vault of Ihe collector! Only about seemly
days!! But it may bn said that the drafts would
not remain out until the city would bu thus drained!
Why should they not! And when would they first
begin to come in! It is undeniable that they would
remain out so long as the paper currency they fur
nish, in common with tho other paper currency of
the country, was equal to gold and silver, because
of their convenience. Then, they would only begin
to coino in when the paper money was depreciate I
uud when specie was at a premium as compared to
paper; which would riot b until the dniu of the
government had broken tho banks! llien they
would come ill lo some extent because the premium
ihey would bear would pay the expense of present
ing, nnd transporting specie. To thai "complexion
il would come ot last" ihe destructi )n of the bunks
the ruin of the credit sytem nnd the establish,
input of a pure metallic currency. I'hese ure the
ru-u'ts its friends promise you, und this faint sketch
will enable you to perceive tho unerr ng certainty
of their accomplishment.
Suppose you to have a metallic currency! How
then vvi.l your condition bo improved! We have in
this country ubout sixty million dollars of specie:
our piesent circulation, notwithstanding the severe
pressure ot tun limes, is not less than five hundred
million, llow much more freely will you brciilho
wiici the screw of the President shall have brought
you down to sixty million dollars! Tlie man who
now gets a dollar per day for his w ork will then got
a shilling! And think himself furiuuute to find
employment ut that ! The man who owns a farm
and owes one-eighth part of its present value will
lose his eslute and be reduced to want ! The man
who has now ample ineuns of meeting his engage
ment wili be reduced lo hopeless insolvency! You
can pretty nearly es'.iinale how ofienany Hung cal
led money would be seen among you. Tuere have
been now ubout twenty million dollurs of Treasury
notes issued by the federul govcrnmunt and yet who
of y nu have ever seen a Treasury note! Jf twenty
million dollurs of this money has never been visible
io you what appearance will sixty million duliarsof
specie make.
Fellow-citizens! Do you wnnt urgumentsnddress
ed to you to arouse your exertions to avert impend
ing destruction! This futui scheme of ihe Sub
lreaury is now suspended over you, like the sword
of Damocles, by a single hair! it is for you lo de
cide whether it shall full upon you or whether you
will strike down the traiturous urm that placed it
over you. We are hut common partakers of your
sullerings and your happiness; and having warned
you of your dangers we shull await your action, in
the confident belief ibat it will be for freedom and
self-preservation. Shall the people or the Execu
tive control ihe public measures! Shall this be a
(Jovernment of the people or a Government of the
office-holders! Shall wo have prosperity or ruin
and misery!
Fellow-citizens! Wo maintain our stand upun
the great political principles of Jefferson, defending
the rights of man, of which he was the great and
eloquent chunipion. We maintain the government
as ho administered it the rights of the States, and
the sovereignty of the people. We select for our
ulfruges the candidates who come nearest to our
urincioles, and w ho will best aid ns in currying out
the great measures of reform, and of bringing the
government back to the old republican track, which
wo have undertaken, and wo vote without fear, fu
vor or all'eciiuu reward, or hopo of reward. We
know your general concurrence in our opinions, ami
we ust, you to rise above a siuvisii buujec.ion io men,
1 u ii to in one common and succcsslul elloit to
throw o(T the incubus that rests upon us, nnd re
store the prosperity and happiness of the people.
Most nobly, lei low citizens, ol Mis onn, did
tho proud spirited republicans of New York re
spond to these UNANSWERABLE objections
to the re-election of their "own favorite son.
By a niniority of ninny thousands they aguin sus
tained tho pntriotic T.m.l.uadoe, who had led the
gallant Briny of Conservative republicans, ngninst
the IJeslrucltve wing which continued to adhere
lo Mr. Van Huron und it may tend nt least to
inspire us with tho soul cheering certainly of the
election of Gcncrul Harrison, that in the ppptilur
elections which have taken place throughout that
groat Suite ilnrinj the present spring, (since his
name bus been brought heloro the country in an
unincumbered position' tltcaggregate Whig gain
since the flections last Jail, ts computed by the lead
ing j aper in the State, at timdtken peh cent.
Vc as! you, fellow citizens, to road over nnd
over the lengthened extracts which we have made
from this perspictmus and powerful address to
remember that it is tho work of a State Conven.
tion ol Delegates all of whom ns well as their
constituents at homo had warmly supported Mi
Van Burcn in his first election, but who patriotic
ly refuse to support him further, and then ash
and answer to yourselves the question whether, s
far from subjecting themselves to the imputotioi
of inconsistency, they do not affix the charge, in
all ts revolting grossness on the num who ha
abandoned tlicm!
The Conservatives of this great Slate, alon J
with those ol Virgiuin, (with the gallant Kivcs
the gifted and accomplished; and Garland ono"!
Hopkins, the two Campbells, and a score or more
of other names scarcely less illustrious in the
Republican ranks) the same gteit party in
Pennsylvania and other Slates having thus liter
ally S' tiled this great question of tho Picsidcncy
in favour of the true Republican candidate, it
may be asked why at all address you in favor of
the man of our choice? We answer, that we
yearn to see Missouri, too, redeemed from the
despotic thraldom of party names, and take her
elevated stand in reference to those great prin
cphs which can alone render her respectable,
piospeiousnnd happy. Instead of being iholasl,
Missouri, of all others, should have been the first
State to rally in support of the patriot of Ohio.
Wc believe she would have been, but for the sys
tematic efforts which have been made to keep his
real character concealed from tlie public view.
He has never been a favourite with politicians of
EiTiiF.it party, because, in tho very language
which our opponents have quoted for another pur
pose," "the leaders do not !eel as sure ol getting
paid for their services with him, as with other
candidates, who have impliedly come into their
views." But now that he is fairly befoie die
country in a single-handed and unincumbered
contest for the fiist office within tne gift of a peo.
pie he has so long, so ably and so disinterestedly
served, we repeat the desire that Missouri, instead
of being the last, should at least take her stand
side by side with those sisters of the confederacy
who have less special cause orgiatclu! confidence
in a Statesman, who sacrificed himself at home
in his struggle for vs.
Fellow citizens It will answer at once to ex
plain this debt of gratiiude, and to lefute the
stole and abandoned calumny of Abolition, thai
more than twenty years ago vm. Henry Harrison
was the only Representative Irom Ohio who voted
to welcome Missouri into the Union, with the
slaves that were then felling her forests and culii
vating her prairies, while during tho same year
Mr. Van Buren was writing and circulating a
pamphlet of "Considerations" in favor of the
election of Rulus King, tlie author of the restric
tion upon tlie admission of Missouri ! Mr. Van
Buren not only subsequently supported Mr. King
for the office of Senator of the United States, but
voted for the preamble and resolutions of the New
York Legislature, asserting the COXSTITUTI
OXAL RIGHT of Congress to keep ns out, un
less wesent away our slaves, nnd shut the door to
emigration from the Slave Statvs, and instructing
this same Air. King and his colleague to vote oc
cordir.gly. If, according lo the correspondence
of Mr. Jelleison at that eventful period, the
Missouri question was ihe most iinpoiiaut one
that had ever divijed the federal and republican
parties, we havo the vote of General Harrison, in
Congress, and tli-j vote of Mr. Van B jreu in the
New York Senate, as beacons to tiaco us buck
lo 1S19 '20, when party names were used accor
ding to the principlw by which statesaian were
governed. Mr. Van Bureu's biography does not
pretend to excuse this vole on the score that it was
given conformably to thu instructions of his con
stitucnls, as some of his apollogists now do for
even ho had too much self-respect to pretend that
they could instruct him to assert a "Constitutional
right" contrary lo his own opinions of the Con
Wlm ever may be the opinions o' Gone al
H-ir i on lespecting tho abstrac ques ion o1 sla.
very, iiis doctrine has ccr bean that tho peo.de
of each state separately was to bo their own jud
ges. This will be cv deneed by an examination
of l is whole politicul career. As early . s 1802,
his v ew were f illy exem I fi d. At tha nine
he was Governor of Ind ana erri'ory, and was
chosen Pies dent of a Convention of the 'icople
o ' that lonilo y held -t Vincennes. and he trans,
mil id o Cun.r ss a uienioii .1 of -he Conven
tion ray ng a r peal of t iu six h articl : f the
0 d nance f '87, which prohibit d slaveiy in
the Nor h-Wcst - m Tji rilory. It is in reover u
fa. ii ili.-ir truth, know. i to all . ho line kept pace
w Hi ilio eve is.. I I. is truly s rviceablc mid labo
rious life, t -a on. all t c questions which arose
in Congress, during Ins s nice in ei hor of its
b audits, G ueral Harriso-i was tverwt'i 'he
Sou h i i reference io this delicate a d co trolling
questi n ba the shape in which it was pr sen ed
w lints ver u n.ijht. Wo havu even pa sod at
his point i f our labours to consult whh ach
otto r whether it was nec ss iry to a i plil'y a
truth so prov mi a d undeniabl-, uud the ics.lt
bus been the delermiii li n so to piesent the
facts in r;len nee to ihis last, and most notable
humbug of ihe party leadeis, as that he u, right
portion of tlio peoolo who i-avo s lo g bee i im
posed upon by dicii falsehoods and insincerity,
iray see who it is tha' utteinp s to prejudice and
discied t (without leading or red ction) wlmtcvoi
m iy be said or wri en by a Whig.
In Novcuib r, 1818, an engrossed icsolution,
declaring the admission of Illinois into th Union
on an equal footing with tha original Slates, ws
read a third limo. and on its passag i was oppo ed
by Mr.T-illmadg", principally becau e lie thought
the "p inciplo of slavery was not sufficiently
guard d against." in tha Constitution, sixth arti
cle, which ho consid r-d " contrave ed tne let
ter nnd -nirit of ill i gouo' nl provia o i," rel iti g
to that subject, coma ned in thu Old nance of '87
for the government of he North Western territo
ry." .
Mr. Poindeter of Mississippi rtpli d. : "Ho
deprecated slavery, but it was not a matter of
choice now, wheth-r we should huvu slaves among
uu ot not."
See ihe famous llloodgooil ''irciilur,
Sco his letters.
0:t S3,
General Ha rison, " as a lepteaenl live o
Ohio, protested against -ho d ct vw of the g n-Icm-'n
from Ne-York. He could assure t' e
gen lomnn, that the people of thnt state wen fully
aware of their privileges, nnd would never co lie
to Lis House, or t th'' Slate of Ncw-York, for
permission so I nl cr their Co mtt if it ton us to ad
mit the introduction of soi'crty the object o(
the genllemnn s nbhoire nc, as well as his own.
They had entered into i o compact which had
shorn the people of their Sovereign Authority."
Hecontendoj that the stales North West of the
Ohio had the right to admit' the inlrodue ion ol
slavery if they pleased, ("eo Richmond Enqui
rer, N v.S'th, 1818.) The resolud -n was ta
ken by yens and nays, and carried General Har
rison voting for it. Also, b. 'ti JNiles Kegis cr, v.
15, p. 228, .
The ab"vn proco dings and debates will show
that G n lal Harrison not only defended the
ighlsof the Southern Slates, but also the true
Stve Rights doctr ncs of '98 ' the Sovereign
auth rily of the People ivilhin the States."
PTTfHllllllJllllH HI Ul U'lll.Ua wnucol tin party
shall have b- cn lu ly convicted, on which ques
tion th -i vole was taken by yeas and nays, yeas
87, nays 76. So the amendment imp sing res
trictions upon the inlrodue ion f s every into lite
slate of Miss tiri prevailed. Gcnerul Harris m's
name is r-'i orded among the nays ; and through
out the whole contet, h voted in favor of tha
rights of the Soulhe n S ales, in opposition to
every o ie of his colleagu s, an I of every rep, a
sen alive of the non slaveholding Slates, exu,'t
2. ('ce N les' Register, vol. 15, p. 473.)
Again an opportunity was afforded to test liic
soundnesss or unsoundness of his principles upon
the slave question, end il will be found that, as
in the coses rcfuried lo above, his principles unj
conduct were sound and orthodox. In Februaiy,
1819, lo a bill lo establish a "separate Tcrriu.ii d
Government in ihe southern part of tlie Missouii
Territory," an amendment, somewhat similar to
that proposed to the bill for ihe admission of lis
souri, was offered. The amendment wna in itit-e
worls: "That ihe further introduction of Ma,.y,
or involuntary servitude, ue proluuilecl, exter.-1 n
tho punishment ol crimes, whereof the party tl. . 1
have been fully convicted." "And that all chil
dren born withiii the said Stale, after tho admis
sion thereof to the Union, should be frte at the
age of twenty-five years." A division of the
question was called for, and the vole was first
taken on agreeing to the first clause thereof, in
tho following words: "That the further introikc
tion of slavery, or involuntary servitude, be pro
hibited, except for the punishment of crimes,
whereof the puny shall have been fully conv c
led." "And decided as follows:" Yeas 70, nnys
71 General Harrison voting against it. The
question was then taken on tho remaining clause
ol the proposed amendment, in these words:
"And all children born of slaves within the said
Territory, shall be free, but may bo held to ser
vice until the ago of twenty-five years." This
amendment was decided as follows: yeas 75, nays
73. So the last clause of the amendment was
carried. General Harrison voted nay. Mr. Bjs
sett, of Virginia moved a recommitment of the
bill to a select committee. He invoked "the min
ority to sustain their constitutional rights, which
he considered to be assailed in the amendment
just adopted." The motion to recommit was
lost by a vote of 77 for, and 79 against it. Gen.
Harrison voted with Mr. Bassclt, to recommit.
Subsequently u motion to recommit the bill was
made ,by Mr. Robertson of Kentucky,) "to a
select committee, with instructions lo strike out
these words: "And nil children born of slaves
within the said Territory, shall bo free, but may
be held to service until the aic of tweniy.five
years." The vote stood 88 to 88, and the Speak,
er (II. Clay) decided ihe question, and voted to
recommit. Here, again, General Harrison deci
ded this important question he voted in the af
firmative, and thus made a tie.
The committee reported tho bill, amended as
inslructcd. The question was then taken oa a.
greeing to the bill, as amended, and was decided
in the affirmative, yeas 89, nays 87. General
Hamsun voted yea. So Congress finally deier
mined not to impose restrictions upon slaveiy in
the Territory of Arkansas
Mr. Taylor moved an amendment, viz: "That
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should
hereafter be introduced into the said Territory,
otherwise than for the punishment of crimes
wheieol the party shall havo been duly convic
led." This amendment was determined In the
negative yeas 80, nays 99. General II,.' .-rison
again voted in the negative, See Nilea' Heels
ter, vol. 16, p 81.
Fellow citizens: These voles and these s; je, h
es caused the defeat of General Haerison when
next a candidate for Congress in 18'2. J i his
previous election, he hud received a itiajoi 'y
about 13U0 of the voters, over all other ,mili.
dates (and ihoro were 5 orC) yet when a ,.audi
dato a second limo ho was beaten by a s ngL
competitor about 3UU.
The only charge against him was, that had
given the votes, and pursued tho com- - i;(;d
above. In vain he declared to tho peon - ih,(,
llieoaih he had taken lo support the Con- i;0
of ihe United Stales, compelled linn to c ihe
votes; that lhat iusliument guaranteed lo ihu
Southern Stales tho institution of slavery, if they
willed il so; uud us he could not swear falsely,
he was compelled to sustain, by Ins votes, ihe
nghlof Missouri to recognize slavery, f i,e peo
pie ol his Congressional District might have been
induced to pardon this o He nee, as ho was told
but he had voted to admit slavery in Arkansas.
This ihey could not forgive. They contended
that there was no constitutional obligation resting
upon him to vote to establish slaveiy in a Ttrr.
lory. He contended, but in vain, that ".is Louis
iana had been purchased out of the common fund
ol the Union, the Southern States had a right to
an equal share of its Territory as an outlet for
their imputation, and that the exclusion of slaves
Irom Missouri and Arkansas would, in clltcl, ex
elude emigrants from every Southern Slate."
Gen. Har ison, for that opinion, was represent,
ed, in a carricaiure in Ohio, leading a train of
negroes in chains. FOR THIS ue was beaten
, l nujic, yei uo me leaders oi me pirty tn
Missouri attempt lo fix upon this man the char"c
ol uiiinenuiiuess io mo siavo oiaies, aim if nwak.
en tho 'cars and tho prejudices of less ir.forrnud
cttuens in respect to ih's delicate interest, Fel
low citizens What confidence do tho statements
of such men deserve, in any respect, win L in vol
ves their point al hopes or political interests?
Fellow citizens Let it not be Buppo.;d that
Gen. Harrison was unadvised as lo the ct'eot of
his couist. upon his election. He well krew that
t would, in all probability, defeat hiiii, and he ,0
expressed himfelf at the time to an intimule frrt.d
a cdoborer in the cause, (now a Senator in Cot:.
!?;) Out Ills construction oi we ivusuiuiwii
left him no alternative, and nerved him for the
conflict and, in the end, his prospects for hon
orable preferment have been, and are now, great.
ly enhanced.
In reference to the deleat ol Uen. Hamsun
for Congress, tho Richmond Enquiier of Novem
ber 1st, 1822, copied from tho National Intelli
gencer the following paragraph:
"It i confirmed to us, thut Mr. Guslcy is elec
ted in opposition to Gen. Harrison. A Iriend in
forms us, which wo are soiry to near, that Uen.
Harrison was opposed as a friend to the Gcticral
Government, (Mr. Monroo was then President,)
but particularly on account of his adherence to
that principle of the constitution wmcn secures
to the people of the South their pre existing
In the Enqui.er of the 5th of November, 1822,
Mr. Ritchie says: "We regret the failure of Gen.
Harrison," to which we may add that the whole
republican party of that day joined in regretting
the failure of such a man for such a cause.
But, fellow citizens, determined as we have
done to put to shame and disgrace the party lead
ers who fulminate this foul charge, we will so far
ren h on the space which remains to us, as to
copy, in extenso, the remarks made by Gcneial
llariison in his speech at Vincennes in 1835,
which, being published at the time in the Whig
papers, and repeatedly since his nomination, have
only failed to find their way amongst the great
mass of the people, not only by the studied ne
glect, but the absolute refusal of the presses of
the administration to aumit then into their col
umns! It is by this systematic plan of closing
the columns of the (so called) Democratic news
papers ogainst every thing which may defend or
vindicate an oppone.il, or exposea partizan friend;
and by poisoning the public mind against any
and every thing which may appear in the Whig
Journals, that par. y wrong and party delusion has
so long borne swjy in Missouri. "I never saw
General Harrison's Vincennes Speech" (said a
respectable f iend of the administration, to a
member of this committee, but three or four days
3'ince at Glasgow) "and really I should be pleased
to read it if it be such as you describe it." For
the information of all citizens alike candid and
honorable with this one, we here incorporate it.
Il will be found alike just and eloquent atonce
vindicating its distinguished author from the
charge under consideration, nnd establishing hia
claims to tank as one of the first debaters and
statesmen of tho age:
Extract from General Harrison's Vincennes Speech.
"I have now, fellow citizens, a few words more
to say on another subject, which is, in my opinion
of more importance than anu other that is now in the
course of discussion in any part of the Union. I
allude to the societies which have been lormec, and
the movements of certain individuals in some of the
-Siates in relation to a portion of the population in
others. I am certain lhat there is not, in this
iseinbly, one of these deluded men. and that there
are few within the bounds of the State. If there
are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forbear;
.o pause in their career and deliberately consider
the consequence of their conduct to the whule Union,
lo those for whose benefit they profess to act.
That the latter will be the victims of the weak, inju
dicious, presumptious and unconstitutional efforts
to serve them, a thorough examination ot the sub
ject must convince them. The struggle (and strug
gle there must be) may commence with horrors
such as I have described, but it will end with more
rirmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpa
tion of tho-e whoso cause they advocate.
"Am 1 wrong fellow-citizens, in applying the
terms weak, presumptuous and unconstitutional to
the measures of the emancipators 1 A slight exam
ination will, I think, show that I am not. In a
vindication of the objects of a Convention which
was lately held in one of the to.vns of Ohio, which
I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more
was intended than to produce a state ot public reel
ing which would lead to an amendment of tho Con
stitution, authorizing the abolition of Slavery in U'.e
C- mica oiuies. now can an amendment or the
Constitution be effected without the consent of the
Southern Stales ! What then is the proposition to
be submitted to them 1 It is this : " The present
provisions of the Constitution secure to you the
right (a right which you held before it was made
which you have never given up) to manage your
domestic concerns in your own way, but as we are
convinced that you do not manage them properly,
wc want you o put it in the hands of the General
Government, in the councils of which we have the
majority, th" control over theso mutters, the effect
of which will be virtually to transfer the power from
yours into our bands. Again! in some of the
Mates, and in sections of others, the black popula
tion fur exceeds that of the white. Some of the
emancipators propose an immediate abolition.
What is the proposition then, as it rerrards these'
Slates and parts of States, but the alternatives of
amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange of
situations) Aith tlicm ? Is there any man of com
mon sense, who does not believe that the emanci
pated blacks, heine a niniority, will not insist uuon
a full participation of political rights with the whites
and when possessed ot these, they will nut contend
for a full share of social rights also ! What but
the extremity of weakness and fully could induce
any one to think, that such propositions as these
could be listened to by a people so intelligent as the
Southern Slates 1
"But the course pursued by tlie emancipator is
uwxnstilutionul. I do not say that there are any
words in the Constitution which forbid the discus
sions they are engaged in ; I know that there are
not. And there is even on article which secures to
thu citizens the right to express and publish their
opinions without restriction. But in the construc
tion of the Constitution it is always necessary to
refer to the circumstances under which it was
framed, and to ascertain its meaning by a compari
son of its provisions with each other, and with the
previous situation of the several States who were
parties lo it. In a portion of these, slavery was
recognized, and Ihey took care to have the right se
cured to them, to follow and reclaim such of them
as were fugitives to other States. The laws of Con
(rress passed under this power, have provided pun
ishment of any who shall oppose or interrupt Ihe ex
ercise of this right. Now, can any one believe that
the instrument which contains a provision of this
kind, w hich authorizes a master to pursue his slave
into another State, take him back, and provides a
punishment for any citizen, or citizens of the State
who should oppose him, should, at the same time,
authorize the latter to assemble together, to pass
resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to encour
age tho slaves to leave their masters, but to cut
their throats before they do sol"
"I insist that if the citizens of the non slave
holding States can avail themselves of the article
of the Constitution, which prohibits the restriction
of speech or the press to publish any thing injurious
to the rights of the slave-holding Stutes, that they
can go to the extreme that I have mentioned, and
effect any thing further which writing or speaking
oiild effect. But, fellow citizens, these aru not the
principle of thu Constitution. Such a construction
would defeat one of the great objects of its forma
tion, which was that of securing the peace and har
mony of the Slates which were parlies to it. The
liberty of speech and of the press, were given as
the most elfei'tuitl means to preserve to each ahd
every citizen their own right, and to the States the
rights which appertained to thnm at the time i.f
their adoption. It could never have been expected
that it would be used by the citizens of one portion
of the States for the purpose of depriving those of
another portion, of ihe rights which they had re
served at the adoption of thn Constitution, and in
'In exercise of which, none but themstlies lm

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