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Boon's Lick times. (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, April 27, 1844, Image 1

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tiie noovs lick 'iim:$.
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One dollar per square, of twelve lines or less for
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Where the insertion of an advertisement is or
dered, without the number of insertion being spe
cified, it will be inserted, (at the discretion of the
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ingly. All advertisement from strangers, as well as
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convenient acquaintance.
rB-Vori Hunu'i,,c' r"-
' To the Independent Voters and Firemen of
Howard County.
Fellow Citizexs: Unasked and unso
licited from any quarter, I present my
name before you as a candidate to repre
sent the county of Howard in the lower
branch of the nest General Assembly; and
unacquainted as I am with many of you,
1 deem it just and right that I should state
to you those principles which have gov
erned me through life, and upon which I
hope to be the recipient of your suffrages.
1 claim to be a Democratic Republican
Whig, many of my principles having been
formed during the administration of that
great Apostle of Liberty, Tiios. Jeffersok,
and which have guided me ever since. In
relation to State politics the following are
my views upon several of the most im
portant subjects which engross the public
1st. Believing that population is the true
basis of representation in a Government,
I am in favor of the call of a Convention
to amend the Constitution, so as to pre
serve that vital and essential principle un
der the Constitution. As it now stands, rep
resentation is surely unequal and unless
changed, the large counties will soon be re
duced to a single Representative, whilst the
small counties will have the same number
and thus the Government will be in the
hands of a minority, composing not more
than one fourth of the population, and pay.
ing less than one third of the State taxes.
'id. I am decidedly opposed to the
odious Currency Bills which were at
tempted to be forced upon the people at the
last and previous sessions of the General
Assembly. I believe such legislation to be
lyranical, unjust, and an infringement upon
the most sacred rights of the citizens.
3d. I am in favor of the election of
members to Congress by single districts,
believing that this plan is more in accord
ance with the true theory of our govern
ment and that by this mode we will always
secure a belter representation and that it
will relievo us, to some extent, from the
odious caucus system by which a few in
triguing politicians are enabled to govern
and direct the destinies of the State. .
4th. I am in favor of a prudent and eco
nomical system of Internal Improvements,
always keeping the expenditures within
reasonable bounds, and commencing first
with those objects which will be of the
greatest advantage to the largest number of
6th. I am in favor of a wise and eco
nomical administration of the State Gov
ernment; of abolishing all useless officers;
of cutting down all high salaries, so as to
lessen the taxes of the People; of short
Legislative session; and of such legislation
t will aid and assist the people in every
laudable enterprise calculated to advance
and promote their interests and prosperity.
You may expect me to say something
upon public affairs and public men. Well:
1 am in favor of that great Statesman and
Patriot, HENRY CLAY, for the next
Presidency, and of that wise and whole
some system of policy of which he has
been the zealous advocate for the last thirty
years; I believe him to be in every respect
superior to Martin Van Burcn a better
man a greater Statesman and, tried by
their Principles, a far better Democrat.
FetLow-CiriZENs: I have been for
twenty years a resident of Moniteau Town
ship, in Howard county. I claim to be
nothing more than a plain, practical, every
day Farmer. For forty-one years, I have
labored with my own hands to support my
self and family, and I think I know some
thing of the interests, the feelings, and the
wishes of that large and respectable class
who have been similarly situated with
With this short avowal of my principles,
I throw lnyself upon your indulgence, and
if chosen one of your Representatives, will
serve you with that fidelity which I trust
has always characterized me in the private
walks of life.
Your friend and fellow-citizen,
Howard County, April 20, 1811.
B O O N'S L1C K T 1 M E S .
The Presidents of the Clay Clubs
With proud satisfaction and heart felt
thankfulness, we announce to you, that,
yesterday, your brethren in St. Louis
achieved a noble and most important tri
umph in the annual election of our City
Officers: noble, because it gave conclu
sive proof that the lofty Whig spirit which
led them through the struggles of the past,
still burns within them, most important,
as indicating most decisively the firm and
faithful adherence of St. Louis to sound
Whig principles. We have flung to the
breeze the stainless banner of HENRY
ICAN INDUSTRY, and the glory of a
well fought field and a complete and effec
tive victory beams upon and illumines its
graceful and ample folds!
The efforts of our opponents were of
unprecedented vigor, and were marked by
a desperation partaking largely in some
quarters, of ferocity. Never before, have
they presented so bold and resolute a
front, or seemed so confident of, and deter
mined upon success. We met them, how
ever, with equal ardor, courage, and reso
lution, and we have our reward in an
nouncing to you the election of every
members of the City Council. Our failure
to elect them, however, does not effect the
general result; as, having a majority in
both branches of that body, the govern
ment of the city is fully in Whig hands for
the coming year. Our candidate for Mayor
comes in with the very decided majority
of three hundred and sixty-two. The ma
jority last year having been one hundred
and fourteen against us, this is a gain,
within twelve months, of four hundred
and seventy-six! This, too, notwithstand
ing, within two or three weeks hundreds
of persons have taken the final step in
obtaining naturalization; eight out of every
ten of whom, we are persuaded voted
against us. In reference, however, to the
votes of naturalized citizens, it is only an
act of justice to our German friends, to
state, that many of them who have hereto
fore felt it their duty to oppose us, on this
occasion gave us their votes; and we are
pleased to believe that this is attributable,
in a large proportion of tho cases, to our
advocacy of the sound and beneficent
principle of Protection to American In
We feel that a result so signal and
cheering, justifies us in raising joyfully, but
in no spirit ot vindictive exultation, the
voice of congratulation and triumph. We
rejoice, fervently rejoice, in our success,
but no malignant feelings mingle with our
pleasure. We lose sight of the personal
defeat of our opponents, and the personal
success of our friends, in the nobler and
more auspicious triumph of our principles.
Those principles, we are now assured,
wherever known and understood, must
win the feelings, the judgment, and the
cordial support of patriotic and reflecting
men. Upon them, we, as the advance
guard of Missouri Whigs, have met and
overpowered the adversary. We hail the
great Whig army of Missouri, north, south,
and west of us, to follow our example!
Raise the standard of HENRY CLAY,
and Protection to American Industn,-hgl
on every plain and hill-top, let it float on
every stream, wave over every workshop,
light up every mine, and beam upon every
farm-house and log cabin, and we fear
lessly predict that 1841 will behold our
long wandering State returning, after
twenty years estrangement, with swelling
acclamations, to him who received her first
suffrage, and who is so worthy of her best
affections now.
Wnios of Missouri! This glorious re
sult can be attained only by effort such
effort as the object justifies, as the interests
of our State and our country demand, as
we can, we must make. Arouse, then, and
brace yourselves for the work. Relax
not! There is no time to waste. Our en
ergies are all in vigor let us apply them
at once. Our cause is just let us hasten
to place it fairly and urgently before the
people. Our friends elsewhere bid us on
to the contest let us answer their call, like
true hearted Whigs. Be persuaded that
brighter days are dawning, and that, if we
are faithful to ourselves, Missouri tcill be
redeemed !
President First Ward Clay Club.
President Second Ward Clay Club.
President Third Ward Clay Club.
1 . ti. CAMDEN,
President Fourth Ward Clay Club.
President Fifth Ward Clay Club.
President Sixth Ward Clay Club.
St. Louis, April 2, 1841.
One glass of liquor each day, says the
New York Washingtonian, at six and one
fourth cents, costs twenty two dollars and
eighty one cents a year. This amount
would pay the insurance of three thousand
dollars on a man's life.
A lady, who her love Ihx sold,
Ask'd if a reason could be told
Why wedding lings were made of gold ?
I ventured thus l' instruct her:
Love, Ma'am, and lightning are the same
On earth ihcyglaneo, from Heaven tlicy caiiie;
Loves is tlio soul's electric flame,
And gnhl its best ronductor.
Speech ofiTIr. Stewart, of'Fenii.
Delivered in the House of Rspresenlaluts of the
V. ., March 13, 1814.
Mr, Stiwabt, of Fenn., rose to inquire of
me inair wneiner tne previous question, which
had been called on the engrossment of the bill,
would preclude discussion on the question now
propounded by the Chair, "Shall this bill pass."
The Speaker having replied in tho negate
Mr. Stewart said: However unprepared,
I am nevertheless glad, sir, of the oppor
tunity thus unexpectedly acquired of say
ing a few words on this important measure
before its final passage. On coming into
tho hall a few minutes since, I was Sur
prised, sir, to learn that this bill to repeal
the Distribution Law, reported by the
Committee of Ways and Means within
the last hour, had been already read a first
and second time under the previous ques
tion, and was now on its final passage. Sir,
is this fair? is it right, that this bill, by far
the most important that has occupied the
attention of the present Congress, should
thus be hurried through all its stages, and
finally passed, under the gag, without
amendment or debate? Why this hurry
and haste? Why post with such dexterity
to this destructive deed? Why is this im
portant measure to be thus despatched in
an hour, when days and months have been
spent in the dicussion of matters of com
parative insignificance? The motive can
not be mistaken: its friends are afraid of
discussion; they fear the development of
facts which must prostrate them before the
people; but they cannot escape, sir. They
may, by the gag, suppress debate here, but
they cannot, thank God, gag the people
and the press; they can and will speak out,
in tones of thunder against the doings of
this day.
The proceeds of the sales of the public
lands of this country belonged to the States
of this Union. It is a fund which this
Government holds in trust for the people of
the States; and a period has arrived in our
history when, by the mal-administration of
this Government, a state of things has been
brought about in which the States arc in
volved in debt, a debt which was not only
crushing the people of the country under
taxation, but was driving some of the
States to repudiation and bankruptcy. Is
this Government to furnish no relief to
the States of this Union? Does it owe no
obligations to the States and to the
Are we to sit here calmly and sec the
States and the people of the Union crushed
under the weight of direct taxation, sec
the character of the country disgraced,
see repudiation stalking forth throughout
the land, and this House and this Govern
ment, which had the power to relieve the
people from their burdens and redeem this
Government from disgrace, do nothing?
This was a matter in which this Govern
ment was deeply interested. The interest
and honor of this Government must be
sustained or destroyed with the interest
and honor of the States they are insep
arable wc are ono people in the estima
tion of mankind, and share in the same
Sir, you will have a surplus in the Treas
ury, at the end of the year, derived from
the existing tariff, if let alone. And what
will you do with it? Why not give the
proceeds of the land to the States, to which
it justly and fairly belongs? If you do
not, you will be driven to the necessity of
another Distribution Law to divide the
surplus revenue among the States.
General Jackson in favor of Distribution.
This policy was stronly recommended
and urged by Uen. Jackson, not in one,
but in three of his annual messages, and it
had been adopted in Congress by a major
ity of more than four to one, 155 to 8S in
the House, and 24 to 6 in the Senate.
Yet gentlemen now contend that this meas
ure is not only highly inexpedient, but un
constitutional; and Mr. Van Buren, in his
Indiana letter, declares that the people
would "stultify" themselves by its adoption,
declaration by which he not only stulti
fies Gen. Jackson, but himself also. Gen. 1
Jackson, in his first message, advocates
the policy of distribution, and says, "the
most safe, just, and federal disposition that
can be made of the surplus revenue will be
its distribution among the States according
to their ratio ot representation. In Ins
next messago of 1830, he renews this re
commendation, and takes up and answers,
at great length, and with great ability, all
the objections that had been urged against
the policy of distribution the very same
objections that are here urged by Mr. Van
Buren and his friends, he answered and
overturned, in their order, No. 1,2,3,4,
occupying several pages of his message, to
which he commended the gentleman trom
Virginia, (Mr. Dromgoole.) who had re
ported this bill. In his message of 183 2,
Gen. Jackson again took up and discussed,
at great length, the subject of the public
lands: he says they ought to "cease, as soon
as practicable, to be a source of revenue;"
that "the idea ef raising revenue from them
ought to be abandoned;" that they would
endanger the "harmony and union of the
States;" and he expressly declares, what is
unquestionably true, that these lands were
pledged to the Ucneral (government to pay
the revolutionary war debt, and that that
debt being now discharged, the "lands were
released from the pledge, and it is in the
discretion of Congress, he says, "to dis
pose of them in such way as may seem to
them best, such are the sound and delib
erate opinions of Gen. Jackson; yet Mr,
Van Burcti, who concurred w ith hjiu at the
time, now says, in his Indiana letter, that
the people would "stultify themselves by
the adoption of a proposition so prepos
terous." These are his words a high
compliment to his "illustrious predeces
sor" "a preposterous proposition," which,
Mr. Van Buren says, no one but a fool
would think of, and that "its agitation, he
regrets to say, is calculated to degrade the
character of the American people in the
estimation of mankind."
These, sir, are perhaps some of the de
velopments which gentlemen intended to
suppress by tho previous question.
Why not give the land proceeds to the
States? We arc now receiving under the
tariff of '12 more revenue than wc want;
during the last month we have received
more than two millions of dollars in the
single port of New York. Suppose wc
receive in all the other ports in the Union
no more than is received in New York, and
it will amount to four millions per month.
equal to forty-eight millions per year.
Still gentlemen are not satisfied, and a bill
has been reported by the committee of
Ways and Means to repeal the tariff of '42,
because it has destroyed the revenue, and
they have substituted one which they say
will increase the revenue. Yes, sir, the
Globe also, in an editorial article of the
lOthlast month, stated that the last Whig
Congress had "doubled the expenditures of
the Government, and reduced tho revenue
one-half" a statement made in the face of
official documents showing that the reverse
was much nearer the truth. Yes. sir, the
report on the finances at the opening of this
session shows that the ordinary expendi
tures during Mr. Van Buren's administra
tion amounted to nearly thirty-four mil
lions in one year, and averaged more than
twenty-eight millions; while in 1812 and
'43, under a Whig Congress, the average
was little over twenty-three, and that the
revenue had been increased by the Whig
tariff of '42 from less than fourteen mil
lions in 1840 and '41 to more than eighteen
millions in 1842 and 1843, and it would
be more than twenty-five, and might possi
bly reach thirty millions the present year.
Yet the Globe says in the face of these
facts that the Whigs have "doubled the ex
penditures and reduced the revenues one
From present prospects, am I not justi
fied, sir, in saying that wc shall have a
large surplus over and above the current
expenditures? Why not then give the
proceeds ot the lands to the states to re
lieve the people of the indebted Slates
from the loads of taxation bv which they
are now ground down to the earth? This
fund justly belongs to the States in the
language of Gen. Jackson, this Govern
ment now holds it in trust for the States
after the paying of the revolutionary debt
for which it was pledged, and a court of
chancery, upon a bill filed, would decree
this fund to the States on proof of the
payment of the debt for which it was
pledged. You have no use for this fund,
then why I repeat, sir, not give it to the
Stales to which it rightfully belongs?
What better use can you make of it?
Mr. Dromgoole said, pay off the Whig
debt with it !
The Whig debt! I thank the gentleman
for the suggestion the Van Burcn debt he
should have said. Yes, sir, the existing
debt was inherited by the whigs from the
gentleman nnd his party; it was the only
legacy Mr. Van Buren had left to his coun
try when he retired from office. He had
found the treasury with a surplus of more
than sixteen millions of dollars over and
above the amount deposited with the
States, to which add the proceeds of the
bank stock, and the amount he received
exceeded twenty-four millions. Well, sir,
he not only expended this 24 millions with
all the revenues of the Government, but he
left the peoplo saddled with a debt of
817.356.998, consisting of treasury notes,
unpaid appropriations, and debts outstand
ing; and this was tne acot me gcniicman
(Mr. Dromgoole) is pleased to call the
whig debt it is ours, but we got it by de
scent, it came from that gentleman and his
parly; but the whigs could pay it, and
would pay it, it gentlemen would let tne
present tariff alone a few years longer.
The whigs had paid part of it, and would
soon pay the whole. But if gentlemen
succeeded in reducing the tariff as pro
posed by the Committee of Ways and
Means, to which the gentleman (Mr. Drom
goole) belonged, (seven out of nine of that
committee were an Buren men.) this
debt will soon be again doubled, especially
if you superadd the extravagance and
prodigality of another Van Burcn admin
ISiranon or which uuwevur, sir,
I am
happy to believe there
is not the slightest
But whv, let me ask gentlemen, repeat
the distribution law? it is not now in oper
ation, and it cannot operate till all the du
ties are brought down to 20 per cent.
Why repeal it then, unless the Committee
of Ways and Means contemplate the re
duction of the duties to 20 per cent., for
till this is done there can be no distribution
ander the existing law. But 1 have another
question to ask tho committee if you re
peal a part, why not repeal the whole of
the law? This law gives to each of the
new States 500,000 acres of choice land
over and above their distributive share.
This part of the law is left unrepealed, and
in full force, while all the rest of the States
are deprived of all the benefits of this law
now and forever. As to the old States the
law is repealed, but the new Stales arc left
to enjoy the benefits of its provision. Why
is this so? This certainly requires expla
nation, and it was perhaps partly to avoid
this also that the previous question has been
No. r.
The revenue plans of the Committee of
ays and Means are wholly unintelligible
to me precisely the same measure is pro
posed at one time to reduce, and at another
time to increase, the revenue; whether
there be too much or too little revenue,
the same remedy is recommended, a "re.
duction of tlie tariff down with the tariff."
o these political doctors have, it seems,
the same remedy for all diseases. In 1832,
when we had a surplus revenue of up
wards of $17,000,000, to relieve the treas
ury, Mr. McDuffie, then chairman of the
Ways and Means, reported just such a bill
as this reducing duties, and it was then sup
ported by tho present chair (Mr. McKay,
of N. C.) as a measure calculated to re
duce the revenue. Now that honorable
gentleman reports a similar bill reducing
the duties for the contrary purpose, the
increase of the revenue; how the same
measure is to have opposite effects at dif
ferent times, I am at a loss to discover,
perhaps the honorable chairman can ex
plain it. This bill proposes to reduce the
duties to about what they were in 1840
and '41, when the revenue from imports
was about fourteen millions of dollars.
Now, under the present law, (the act of '42.)
the revenue would probably be about dou
ble that amount, yet the Committee of
Ways and Means propose to repeal ihe act
of '42, and reduce the duties to about
what they were in 1840 and '41 for the
avowed purpose of increasing the revenue.
This surely requires explanation; 1 cannot
understand it, nor do I sec how any body
else can. But how, I ask, is a general re
duction of duties to increase the revenue?
Clearly this could only be done I y a cor
responding increase of imports. If you
reduce your duties one-half, you must cer
tainly double your imports to get the same
amount of revenue. Ihc Secretary of
the Treasury says we will have twenty
millions of revenue under the existing law,
and he wants five millions more, ami the
Committee of Ways and Means to accom
plish this object, instead of increasing the
duties one-fourth, reduce them one-fourth;
clearly then they must increase imports
one-half. Our imports have averaged for
some years past about one hundred mil
lions; on this, with the present tariff, the
Secretary says wc will this year have
twenty millions of revenue; reduce it one
fourth and wc will have but fifteen. To
make up this loss, we must import twenty
five millions more goods; and to add five
millions, the required amount to the reve
nue, we must import twenty-five millions
additional, making an increased importa
tion of fifty millions, to get five millions of
revenue which is not wanted, and would
never be acquired by this measure if it
Effects on Farmers and Mechanics.
But our present amount of foreign im
ports, viz., one hundred millions, is sufficient
to supply the demand; how th;n are you to
make room for fifty millions more? this
can only be done by destroying fifty mil
lions of dollars of our own domestic pro
ductions, to make way for that amount of
the productions of foreign industry. We
must, according to this financial scheme,
not only destroy fifty millions of dollars
worth annually of our productive industry,
but we must send fifty millions of dollars of
hard cash to foreign countries, to purchase
what we now do produce, can produce, and
ought to produce at home; and for what?
to raise five millions of revenue bv taxa
tion, which is not wanted! Now, sir, I sub
mit, is this a wise, is it an American policy!
Is it not rather a British policy, a plan "to
reduce the duties and open our ports to the
importation of British goods, to the sacri
fice and destruction of our own mechanics,
farmers, and manufacturers? Yes, sir, and
this is to be done by an American Congress,
and by the representatives of the American
people! Can such an anti-American such
a British system as this, stand for a mo
ment before this free and enlightened peo
ple? Pass this bill sir, take five dollars off
bar iron, and still more off iron in all its
other forms, and, sir, you will go far to ex
tinguish the fires of every furnace and of
every torge in rennsvlvania. Uv this bill
you will strike down your own mechanics
your hatters, your shoemakers, your black-!der England and her statesmen were nnx
smiths, your tailors, vour saddlers; iniious for the reduction of the American
short, all vour mechanics; you will paralyze
and prostrate your glass works, paper mills,
tanneries, salt works, collieries. lead mines
your woollen and cotton factories; but
above all, you aim a death blow at the
American farmers, not only by destroying
their home markets, almost the only mark
ets they now have, but what is still worse,
you will convert the mechanics and manu
facturers thus thrown out of emulovmcm
into agriculturists, into producers instead j
ot consumers ot agricultural productions.
hen you double production and dimi
nish consumption one-half, do you not ruin
and destroy the farmers of this country?
And, sir, allow me to say, that in a country
like this, where seven-eights of the entire
population is engaged in agriculture, when
agriculture is destroyed, the country itself
is destroyed. Agriculture is the great basis
and foundation on which every thing else
depends; when the farmer prospers, all
prosper; when he sinks, all the rest, profes
sional men, mechanics, and all go down
with him. It is the great object therefore
to take care of agriculture, make this pros
perous and the whole country will prosper;
and how is agriculture to be made pros
perous but by building up and sustaining
home markets. It is therefore not for the
manufactures, but for the mechanics and
farmers, yes, sir, for the farmers, that I ad
vocate the protective policy. There is one
important fact which lies deep at the foun
dation of the whole subject, to which I am
anxious to attract the attention of the far
mers and politicians of this country, and
it is this, that half, and more than half, of
the entire price of the hundred millions of
dollars a year of foreign goods imported into
this country is agricultural produce raised
on a foreign soil, worked up and manufac
tured into goods, and then sent here for sale;
ard that the farmers and people of this
country send in this way fifty millions of
dollars a year to purchase foreign agricul
tural produce, in the shape of goods, white
foreigners take little or nothing from us;
our whole agricultural exports to all the
world (excepting cotton and tobacco) do
not amount to ten millions of dollars a Year:
thus, sir, we purchase five dollars' worih of
toreign agricultural produce to every dol
lar's worth we sell; this may seem strange,
but it is strictly true; I defy contradiction
I challenge investigation. Let gentle
men disposed to contest it select an article
of foreign goods, a yard of cloth, a ton of
iron, a hat, a coat, a pair of shoes, any
thing, "from a needle to an anchor," exam
ine its constituent parts, the raw material,
the clothing and the subsistence of the la
bor employed in its manufacture, and it
would be discovered that more than half,
often three-fourths, of the whole price is
made up of agricultural produce. It is
a well known fact that farmers often make
hundreds of dollars worth of domestic
goods, cloths, &.C., without using a dollar's
worth of any thing not produced on their
own farms; oods and cloth thus made are
therefore entirely agricultural; and are not
the same materials used in the manufacture
of goods, whether made on a fatm or in a
factor) ?
Mr. S. said he had ascertained the fact
from his own books kept at a furnace, that
more than three-fourths of the price of cv
cry ton of iron sold, was paid to the neigh
boring farmers for their domestic goods,
their meat and flour, that clothed and fed
his hands; for their hay, corn, oats, &-C,
that sustained his horses, mules, and oxen,
employed about his works. In England,
iron is made of the same material that con
stitute it here; well, we now import, man
ufactured and unmanufactured, eight mill
ions of dollars worth of iron and steel; say
only half its value is agricultural produce,
converted into iron, and sent here for sale,
while our own country is filled with ore and
coal, buried and useless, and the produce of
our fanners left without markets. Will
the fanners of this country submit to such a
system as this openly advocated anil
adopted to favor foreign industry at the ex
pense of our own? Will they tamely and
silently agree thus to be crushed and sac
rificed.' N'o, sir, they will not; they will
speak out against the unjust and ruinous
measures; your tables will soon groan un
der the weight of their remonstrances
against it. 1 call on them to do so; I call
on them to come to the rescue before it is
too late.
The avowed object of this bill is to open
our ports to the importation of British
goods to favor foreign farmers and me
chanics, and destroy our own. Sir. give
the people time to be heard, and this bill
cannot pass: let it be discussed, and it never
can pass an American Congress. There is
one way in which it can pass send it to
the British Parliament, and it will be passed
by acclamation. England would give mill
ions to secure its passage. It had recent
ly been slated in an official report, read in
the House of Commons, that unless the
American Tariff of 1342 was modified and
reduced, Great Britain would have to pay
the United States cash for their cotton, in
stead of paying in goods as she formerly
had done; and this bill accordingly modi
lies and reduces the Tariff of 1812 to suit
the w ishes of the British Chancellor, who,
while he recommends free trade and low
duties to us, takes special care to adhere to
his own prohibitory system. While this
bill proposes greatly to reduce the duties on
foreign distilled spirits, England exacts a
duty of 2,700 per cent, on ours; and this
is reciprocity! This bill reduces the duties
nn tobacco and its manufactures, while
England demands 1,200 per cent, on ours,
and actually collects 22 millions dollars of
revenue annually from our tobacco, equal
to the whole revenue of this Government
' sue!
such is British reciprocity and tree trade.
Since the Tariff of 1812, the tables with
England have been turned; last year
the balance of trade with Great Britain
exceeded SI 3,000,000. The imports of
specie had in the last year reached the un
precedented amount, as appears by official
reports, of more than 23 millions ot dollars.
! most of it from Great Britain. No won
Whig Tariff of '42. No wonder her Chan-
ccllor exclaims against the Tariff, and says
it will oblige them to send us specie instead
of goods hereafter to pay for cotton. No
wonder our country is rapidly recovering
from its late depression that its course is
again onward and upward that its former
prosperity is returning a prosperity it al
ways had and always would have under an
efficient protective system, but which it
never had and never would have without
it. No wonder specie had become abun
dant that the banks had resumed that
exchanges had become equalized ami in
terest reduced that manufactures had re
vived that agriculture was recovering
that the mechanic and everv other branch
of the national industry was fully and prof-
tabty employed. All these were the ne
cessary nnd undeniable fruits of the exist
ing tariff policy results seen, felt, and ac
knowledged throughout the land yet in
the face of all these facts shutting their
eyes to these great lights blazing up before
them the Committee of Ways and Means
have reported a bill to repeal this benefi
cial act of 184, and bring us back lo tho
low duties and low condition of 1810
They have struck a death blow at this pol
icy a policy which had vindicated its
adoption by all its fruits, which had fu'.
filled all the hopes of its friends, and falsi
fied all the predictions of its enemies; but
shall this biow be unavailing? No, sir, it
will rccod and overwhelm its author. The

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