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PUBLI8HED EVERY SATURDAY BY v BENSON' A; GKEEIV. Ojffltt Emteorntr of th Public Squar, Off oiittth Fayttt llottl. TERMS OF PUBLICATION. ! For one year, if paid in advance, $3 do If not paid before the cloie of the year, 8 Un : ' TERMS OF ADVERTISING. ' 1 Square of 13 linei, or less, one dollar for tb,e Arst, 60 pants for each subsequent insertion. ; ' Business and Professional Cards inserted at $10 jjttr annum. QZrTo Mercbantsand business men, whoadver .tteeby the year, liberal deductions will be made. , ; JOB PRINTING, Of erery description, executed with neatness and 'despatch, and on the most reasonable terms. 1 ' JUSTICES BLANKS Handsomely printed, kept constantly on hand,and Jur sale low. , . (r Messrs. Wm. D. Malone and N. B. Coaxes, re our authorized Agents, at Huntsville. 'ggjr 1 speech of inn. clay, . AT THE MASS MEETING AT IEXINGTON, KY., 1 On Saturday November ISth, 1847. i After the organization of the meeting, Mr. . CIay rose and addressed it substantially at follows : Ladies and Gentlemen: ' The day is dark and gloomy, unsettled nd uncertain, like the condition of our country, in regard to the unnatural war with Mexico. The public mind is agitated and anxious, and is filled with serious op prehensions as to its indefinite continuance, and especially as tu the consequences which its termination may bring forth, menacing the harmony, if not the exis tence, of our Union. It is under these circumstances, I pre sent myself before you. No ordinary oc casion would have drawn me from the re tirement in which I live; but, whilst a sin- ;le pulsation of the human heart remains, t should, if necessary, be dedicated to the service of one's country. And I have hoped that, although I am a private and humble citixen, an expression of the views . and opinions I entertain, might form some little addition to the general stock of infor mation, and afford a small assistance in de livering our country from the perils and dangers which surround it. I have come here with no purpose to at tempt to make a fine speech, or any ambi tious oratorical display. 1 have brought with me no rhetorical bouquets to throw into this assemblage. In the circle of the year, autumn has come, and the seaon of flowers has passed away. In the progress of years, my spring lime has gone by, and I loo am in the autumn of life, and feel the frost of age. My desire and aim arc to ad dress you, earnestly, calmly, seriously and plainly, upon the grave and momentous subjects which have brought us together. And I am most solicitous that not a solita ry word may fall from me, offensive to any party or person in the whole extent of the union. War, pestilence, and famine, by the com mon consent of mankind, are the three greatest calamities which can befal our spe cies; and war, as the most direful, justly stands foremost and in front, residence and famine, no doubt for wise although in scrutable purposes, are inflictions of Prov idence, to which it is our duty, therefore, to bow with obedience, humble submission and resignation. Their duration is not long, and their ravages are limited. They bring, indeed, great affliction whilst they last, but society soon recovers from their effects. War is the voluntary work of our own hands, and whatever reproaches it may deserve should be directed to our selves. When it breaks out, its duration is indefinite and unknown its vicissitudes are hidden from our view. In the sacrifice of human life, and in the waste of human treasure, in its losses and in its burthens, it affects both belligerent nations; and its sad effects of mangled bodies, of death, and of desolation, endure long after its thunders are hushed in peace. War unhinges socie ty, disturbs its peaceful and regular indus try, and scatters poisonous seeds of disease end immorality, which continue to germi nate end diffuse their baneful influence long after it has ceased. Dazzling by its glitter, pomp and pageantry, it begets a spirit of wild adventure and romantic enterprize, and often disqualifies those who embark in it, after their return from the bloody fields of battle, from engaging in the industrious and peaceful vocations of life. We are informed by a statement which it apparently correct, that the number of our countrymen slain in this lamentable Mexican war, although it has yet been of only 18 months existence, is equal to one half of the whole of the American loss du ring the seven years war of the Revolution! And 1 venture to assert that the expendi ture of treasure which it has occasioned, when it shall come to be fairly ascertained and footed up, will be found to be more than half of the pecuniary cost of the war of our independence. And this is the con dition of the party whose arms have been every where and constantly victorious! How did we unhappily get involved in this wart It was predicted as the conse quence of the annexation of Texas to the United States. If we had not Texas, we ahould have no war. The people were told (hat if that event happened, war would en eue. They were told that the war between Texas and Mexico had not been termina ted by a treaty of peace; that Mexico still claimed Texas as a revolted province; and that, if we received Texas in our Union, mt took along with her, ihe war existing between her and Mexico. And the Minis ter of Mexico formally announced to the s&overnracnt at Washington, that his nation moiiU rnna'uler the annexation of Texas to the United States as producing a state of war.' But ail mis was aeniea ujr uia pui titans of annexation. They insisted we should have no war, and even imputed to those who foretold it, sinister motives for their groundless prediction. But, notwithstanding a state of virtual BOO N'B ' ERROR Vol. 8. war necessarily resulted from the fact of annexation of one of the belligerents to the United States, actual hostilities might have been probably averted by prudence, moderation and wise statesmanship. If General Taylor had been permitted to re. main where his own good sense prompted him to believe he ought to remain, at the point of Corpus Christi; and, if a negotia tion had been opened with Mexico, in a true spirit of amity and conciliation, war possibly might have been prevented. But, instesd of this pacific and moderate course, whilst Mr. Slidell was bending his way to Mexico with his diplomatic credentials, General Taylor was ordered to transport his cannon, and to plant them, in a warlike attitude, opposite to Matamoras, on the east bank of the Rio Bravo, within the very disputed territory, the adjustment of which was to be the object of Mr. Slidell's mis sion. What else could have transpired but a conflict of arms? Thus the war commenced, and the Pre sident, after having produced it, appealed to Congress. A bill was proposed to raise 50,000 volunteers, and in order to commit all who should vote for it, a preamble was inserted falsely attributing the commence ment of the war to the act of Mexico. I have no doubt of the patriotic motives of those who, after struggling to divest the bill of that flagrant error, found themselves constrained to vote for it. But I must say that no earthly consideration would have ever tempted or provoked me to vote for a bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped on its face. Almost idolizing truth, as I do, I never, never could have voted for that bill. The exceptionable conduct of the Feder al party, during the last British War, has excited an influence in the prosecution of the present war, and prevented a just dis crimination between the two wars. That was a war of National defence, requfred for the vindication of the National rights and honor, and demanded by the indignant voice of the People. President Madison himself, I know, at first, reluctantly and with great doubt and hesitation, brought himself to the conviction that it ought to be declared. A leading and perhaps the most influential member of his Cabinet (Mr. Gallutin,) was, up to the time of its declaration, opposed to it. But nothing could withstand the irresistible force of public sentiment. It was a just war, and its great object, as announced at the time. was "tree trade and bailors nights. against the intolerable and oppressive acts of British power on the ocean. The jus tice of the war, far from being denied or controverted, was admitted by the Federal party, which only questioned it on consid erations of policy. Being deliberately and constitutionally declared, it was, I think, their duty to have given to it their hearty co-operation. But ihe mass ot them did not. They continued to oppose and thwart it, to discourage loans and enlistments, to deny the power of the General Govern ment to march the militia beyond our lim its, and to hold a Hartford Convention, which, whatever were its real objects, bore the aspect of seeking a dissolution of the Union itself. I hey lost and justly lost the public confidence. But has not an appre hension of a similar fate, in a state of case widely different, repressed a fearless ex pression of their real sentiments in some of our public men? How totally variant is the present war! There is no war of defence, but one neces sary and offensive aggression. It is Mexi co that is defending her fire-sides, her cas tles and her altars, not we. And how dif ferent also is the conduct of the whig par ty of the present day from that of the ma jor part of the federal party during the war ot 1812! f ar irom interposing any ob stacles to the prosecution ot the war, if the Whigs mortice are reproachable at all, it is for having lent too ready a facility to it, without careful examination into the ob jects of the war. And, out of office who have rushed to the prosecution ot the war with more ardor and alacrity than the Whigs? Whose hearts have bled more freely than the Whigs? Who have more occasion to mourn the loss of sons, broth ers, husbands, fathers, than whig parents, whig wives and whig brothers, in this dead ly and unprofitable strife? But the havoc of war is in progress, and the no less deplorable havoc of an in hospitable and pestilential climate. With out indulging in an unnecessary retrospect and useless reproaches on the past, all hearts and heads should unite in the patriotic en deavor to bring it to a satisfactory close? Is there no way that this can be doner Must we blindly continue the conflict, with out any visible object, or any prospect of a definite termination? This is the impor tant subject upon which I desire to consult and to commune with you. Who, in this free government is, to decide upon the ob jects of a War, at its commencement, or at any time during its existencer uoes me power belong to the in at ion, to the collec tive wisdom of the Nation in Congress as- ssembled, or is it vested solely in a single functionary of the government A declaration of war is the highest and most awful exercise of sovereignty. The Convention, which framed our federal con stitution, had learned from the pages of his tory that it had been often and greatly abused. It had seen that war had often been commenced upon the most trifling pretexts; that it had been frequently waged to establish or exclude a dynasty; to snatch a crown from the head of one potentate and place it upon the head of another; that it had been often prosecuted to pro mote alien and other interests than those of the nation whose chief had proclaimed it. as in the case of English wars lor llanove I C K CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN FAYETTE, IMSSOVIU, SATURDAY, DECEMItER 11, 18 17. nan interests; and, in short, that such a vast and tremendous power ought not to be confided to the perilous exercise of one single man. The Convention, therefore, resolved to guard the war-making power against those great abuses, of which in the hands of a monarch it was so susceptible. And the security, against those abuses which its wisdom devised, was to vest the war-making power in the Congress of the United States, being the immediate repre sentative of the people of the States. So apprehensive and jealous was the Conven tion of its abuse in any other hands, that it interdicted tho exercise of the power to any Stato in the Union, without the consent of Congress. Congress, then, in our sys tem of government, is the sole depository of that tremendous power. The Consti tution provides that Congress shall have power to declare war, and grant letters of marque and reprisal, to make rules con cerning captures on land and water, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to make rules for the government of the land and naval forces. Thus we perceive that the principle pow or, in regard to war, with all its ancillary attendants, is granted to Congress. When ever called upon to determine upon the solemn question of peace or war, Congress must consider and deliberate and decide upon the motives, objects and causes of the war. And, if a war be commenced without any previous declaration of its objects, as in the case of the existing war with Mexico, Congress must necessarily possess the authority, at any time, to de clare for what purposes it shall be further prosecuted. If we suppose Congress does not possess the controlling authority attrib uted to it; if it be contended that a war having been once commenced, the Presi dent of the United States may direct it to the accomplishment of any objects he pleases, without consulting and without any regard to the will of Congress, the Convention will have utterly failed in guarding the nation against the abuses and ambition of a single individual. Either Congress, or the President, must have tho right of determining upon the objects for which a war shall be prosecuted. There is no other alternative. If the President possess it and may prosecute it for objects against the will of Congress, where is the difference between our free government and that of any other nation which may be governed by an absolute Czar, Empe ror, or fvingf Congress may omit, as it has omitted in the present war, to proclaim the objects for which it was commenced or has been since prosecuted, and in cases of such omission the f resident, being charged with the employment and direction ot the na tional force is, necessarily, left to his own judgment to decide upon the objects, to the attainment ot which that torce shall be applied. But, whenever Congress shall think proper to declare, by some authentic act, for what purposes a war shall be commenced or continued it is the duty of the President to apply the national force to the attainment of those purposes. In the instance of the last war with Great Britain, the act of Congress by which it was declared was preceded by a message of President Madison enumerating the wrongs and injuries of which we com plained against Great Britain. That mes sage therefore, and without it the well known objects of the war, which was a war purely of defence, rendered it unne cessary that Congress should particularize, in the act, the specific objects for which it was proclaimed, the whole world knew that it was a war waged for Free Trade and bailors Itights. It may be urged that the President and Senate possess the treaty making power, without any express limitation as to its exercise; that the natural and ordinary tor mination of a war is by a treaty of peace; and therefore, that the President and Sen ate must possess the power to decide what stipulations and conditions shall enter into such a treaty. But it is not more true that the President and Senate possess the treaty making power, without limitation, than that Congress possesses the war making power, without restriction. These two powers then ought to be so interpreted as to reconcile the one with the other; and, in expounding the constitution, we ought to keep constantly in view the nature and structure of our free government, and es pecially the great object of the Conven tion in taking the war-making power out of the hands of a single man and placing it in the safer custody of the representa tives of the whole nation, ihe desirable reconciliation between the two powers is effected by attributing to Congress the right to declare what shall bo the objects of a war, and to the President tho duty of endeavoring to obtain those objects by the direction of the national force and by diplomacy. I am broaching no new and speculative theory. The Statute book of the United Slates is full of examples of prior declara tions by Congress ot the objects to be at tained by negotiations with Foreign Pow ers, and the archives of the Executive Department furnish abundant evidence of the accomptisnmeni oi inose oujecis, or the attempt to accomplish them, by subse quent negotiation, l'rior to tne declara tion of the last war against Great Britain, in all tho restrictive measures which Con aress adopted, against the two great bel ligerent Powers of Europe, clauses were in the several acts establishing them, ten derine to both or either of tho bellincr enU the abolition of those restrictions if they would ropeal ihoir hostile Berlin and Milan decrees and Orders in Council, op REASON IS LEFT FREE TO CO MBAT erating against our commerce and naviga tion. Anu ineso acts ot Congress were invariably communicated, through the Ex ecutive, by diplomatic notes, to France and Ureal lintain, as the basis upon which it was proposed to restore friendly inter course with them. So, after tho termina tion of the war, various acts of Congress were passed, from time to time, offering to Foreign Powers the principle of recip rocity in the commerce and navigation of the United States with them. Out of these acts have sprung a class, and a large class, of treaties (four or five of which were negotiated, whilst I was in the de partment of State,) commonly called recip rocity treaties concluded under ell the Presidents, from Mr. Madison to Mr. Van Buren, inclusive. And. with regard to commercial treaties, negotiated without the sanction of prior acts of Congress, where mey contained either appropriations or were in conflict with unrepealed statutes, it has been ever held as the republican doctrine from Mr. Jav's treaty down to the present time, that the oassaso of acts of Congress was necessary to secure the execution of those treaties. If in the mat ter of Foreign Commerce, in reacted to which the power vested in Congress lo regulate it and the treaty making power may be regarded as concurrent, Congress can previously decide the objects lo which negotiation shall be applied, how much stronger is the case of war, the power lo declare which is confided cxclusivclu to Congress? I conclude, therefore. Mr. President and Fellow-Cilizens, with entire confidence, that Congress has the right, either at the be ginning, or during the prosecution of any war, to decide tho objects and purposes for which it was proclaimed, or for which it ought to bo continued. And, I think, it is the duty of Congress, by some deliberate and authentic act, to declare for what ob jects the present war shall be longer prose cuted. 1 suppose the President would not hesitate to regulate his conduct by the pronounced will of Congress, and to em ploy the force and tho diplomatic power of the nation to execute that will. But, if the President should decline or refuse to do so, and, in contempt of the supreme authority of Congress, should persevere in waging the war, tor oilier objects than those proclaimed by Congress, then it would be the imperative duly of that body to vindi cate its authority, by the most stringent, and effectual, and appropriate measures. And, if, on the contrary, the enemy should refuse to conclude a treaty, containing stipulations securing the objects, designated by Congress, it would become the duty ot the whole government to prosecute the war, with all the national energy, until those objects were obtained by a treaty of peace. There can be no insuperable difficulty in Congress making such an au thoritative declaration. Let it resolve, simply, that the war shall, or shall not, be a war of conquest; and, if a war of con quest, what is to be conquered. Should a resolution pass, disclaiming the design of conquest, peace would follow, in less than sixty days, if the President would conform to his constitutional duty. Here, fellow-citizens, I might pause, hav ing indicated a mode by which the nation, through its accredited and legitimate repre sentative in Congress, can announce for what purposes and objects this war shall be longer prosecuted, and can thus let the whole people of the United States know for what end their blood is lobe further shed and their treasure further expended, instead of the knowledge of it being locked up and concealed in the bosom of one man. We should no longer perceive the objects of the war varying, from lime to lime, ac cording to the changing opinions of the Chief Magistrate, charged with its prosecu tion. But I do not think it right to stop here, it is the privilege ot the people, in their primitive assemblies, and of every piivateman, however humble, to express an opinion in regard to the purposes for which the war should be continued; and such an expression will receive just so much consideration and consequence as it is entitled to, and no more. Shall this war be prosecuted for the pur pose of conquering and annexing Mexico, in all its boundless extent, to the United Slates? I will not attribute to the President of the United Stales any such design; but I confess that I have been shocked and alarmed by manifestations of it in various quarters. Of all the dangers and misfor tunes which could befall this nation, I should regard that of its becoming a war like and conquering power the most dire ful and fatal. History tells the mournful talo of conquering nations and conquerors. The three most celebrated conquerors, in the civilized world, were Alexander, Cossar and Napoleon. Tho first, after overrun ning a large portion of Asia, and sighing and lamenting that there were no more worlds to subdue, met a premature and ig noble death. His Lieutenants quarrelled and warred with each other, as to the spoils of his victories, and finally lost them all. Cicsar, after conquering Gaul, return ed, with his triumphant legions to Rome, passed the Rubicon, won the batlle of Phar salia, trampled upon the liberties of his country, and expired by the patriot hand of Brutus. Hut Koine ceased lo bo free. War and conquest had enervated and cor rupted the masses. Tho spirit of true lib erty was extinguished, and a long line of Emperors succeeded, some of whom were tne most execrauie monsters mat ever ex isted in human form. And that moBt ex traordinary man, perhaps, in all historv, after subjugating all continental Europe, TIMES. iV-JEFFEnaoa. io. AO. and occupying almost all its Capitals, sc riously threatening, according to Mr. Thiers, proud Albion itself, and decking the brows of various members of his fam ily, with crowns torn from the heads of other monarchs, lived lo behold his own dear France itself in the possession of his enemies, and was made himself a wretched captive, and far removed from country, family, and friends, breathed his last on Iho distant and inhospitable rock of St. Helena. The Alps and the Rhine had been claimed as the natural boundaries of France, but even these could not be secured in ihe treaties to which she was reduced to sub mit. Do you believe that the people of Macedon or Greece, of Rome, or of France were benefitted, individually or colleciivly, by the triumphs of their great Captains? Their sad lot was immense sacrifice of life, heavy and intolerable burdens, and the ultimate loss of liberty itself. That tho power of ihe United States i competent to the conquest of Mexico, is quiio probable. But it could not be achieved without frightful carnage, dread ful sacrifices of human life, and tho crea tion of an onerous national debt; nor could it be completely effected, in all probability, until after the lapse of many years. It would be necessary lo occupy till "its strong holds, to disarm its inhabitants, and to keep them in constant fear and subjection. To consummate tho work, I presume that standing armies, not less than a hundred thousand men, would be necessary, to be kept perhaps always in the bosom of their country. These standing armies, revelling in a foreign land, and accustomed to tram ple upon the liberties of a foreign people at some distant day, might be fit and ready instruments, under the lead of some daring and unprincipled chieftain to return to their country and prostrate the public liberty. Supposing the conquest to be once made, what is to be done with ii? Is it to be governed, like Roman Provinces, by Pio consuls? Would it be compatible with i he genius, character, and safely of our free institutions, to keep such a great coun try as Mexico, with a population of not less than nine millions, in a state of con stant military subjection? Shall it be annexed to the United Fttitct? Does any considerate man btiieve it possi ble that two such immense countries, with territories of nearly equal extent, with populations so incongruous, so different in race, in language, in religion and in laws, could be blended together in one harmoni ous mass, and happily governed by one common authority? Murmurs, discontent, insurrections, rebellion, would inevitably ensue, until tho incompatible parts would be broken asunder, and possibly, in the frightful struggle, our present glorious Union itself would bo dissevered or dis solved. We ought not to forget the warn ing voice of all history, which teaches the difficulty of combining and consolidating together, conquering and conquered na tions. After the lapse of eight hundred years, during which the Moors held their conquest of Spain, the indomitable courage, perseverance and obstinacy of the Span ish race finally triumphed, nnd expelled the African invaders from the Peninsula. And, even within our own time, the colos sal power of Napoleon, when at its loftiest height, was incompetent to subdue and sub jugate the proud Caslilian. And herein our own neighborhood, Lower Canada. which near one hundred years ago. after the conclusion of the seven years war, was ceded by France to Great Britain, remains a foreign land in the midst of tUa British provinces, foreign in feelings and attachment, and foreign in law.-), language and religion. And what has been the fact with poor, gallant, generous nnd oppressed Ireland? Centuries have passed away, since the overbearing Saxon overrun and subjugated the Emerald Isle. Rivers of Irish blood have flawed, during the long and arduous contest. Insurrection and rebellion have teen the order of the day; and yet, up to this time, Ireland remains alien in feeling, affection and sympathy, towards the power which has so long bon e her down. Every Irishman hates, with a mortal . hatred, his Saxon oppressor. Al though there are great territorial differ ences between the condition of Lngland and Ireland, as compared to that of the United Slates nnd Mexico, there arc some points of striking resemblance between them. Both the Irish and the Mexicans are ot the same Cellic race. Uoth the English and the Americans are of the same Saxon origin. The Catholic religion pre dominates in both the former, the Protes tant among both the latter. Religion has been the fruitful cause of dissatisfaction and discontent between tho Irish and the English nations. Is there not reason to apprehend that it would become so be tween the people of the United States and ihose of Mexico, if they were united to gether? Why should we seek to interfere w'uh them, in their mode of worship of a common Saviour? We believe that they are wrong, especially in tho exclusive char nctcr of their faith, and that we are right. They think that they are right and we wrong. What other rule can there Le lhan to leavo ihe followers of each reli gion to their own solemn convictions of conscientious duty towards God? Who, but the great Arbiter of the Universe, can judge in such a question? For my own part, I sincerely believe and hope, that those, who belong to oil the departments of ihe great church of Christ, if, in truth nnd purity, they conform to the doctrines which they profess, will ultimately secure an abode in those regions of bliss, which all aim finallv to reach. I think thai there is no potentate in Europe, whatever his religion may be, more enlightened or at this moment so interesting as the liberal head of the I'apal See. Hut I suppose it to be impossible that those who fuvor, if ihere be any who fnvorthean. nexation of Mexioo to the United States, can iliink thnt it ought to he perpetually E"verned hy military sway. Certainly no votary of hu man liberty could deem it right thai a violation hould ba perpetrated of the great principles of our own revolution, according to which, laws ought not to be enacted and taxes ought not to be levied, without representation on the part of those who nro to obey tho one, and pay the other. Then, Mexico is to participate in ur councils and equally shara in our legisla- ion and government. But, suppose sho would not voluntarily choose representatives to ihe naiional Congress, is our soldiery to follow ihe electors to the ballot-box, and by force lo com pel them, at tho point or the bayonet, to deposit their ballots? And how arc tho nine million of Mexican people to da represented in ihe Cuii' ffress of ihe United States of the Itepublicof Mexico combined? is cery .Mexican, without regard to color or caste. pr eaptum, to exer cise the elective franchise? How is the quota of representation between the two Republics, to l-s fixed f Where is their Seat of Common Government to he established? And who can foresee or foretell, if Mexico, voluntarily or Ly force, were lo share in the common govern ment what would be tho consequences to her or to us? Unprepared, as I fear her population yet is. for llio practical enjoyment of salf gov ernment, nr.d of habi's, rustoms, language. laws and religion, so totally different from our own, we should present the revolting spectaclo of a cen fused distracted, and motley govern, merit. V.'o should have a Mexican Partv. a Pacific O ran Pnrty, and an Atlantic Party, in addition to the other I'nrtie, which exist, or with which we are threatened, each striving to execute rs own particular views and purposes, and rrproueliiri'j ihe otlic. r with thwarting an i disr.ppniniir'5 them. The Mexican represen tatives, in Congress, would probably form a spprrnle and impenetrable corps, always ready ;o throw i'stlf into ihe scilo o! any other par ty. to adv.irce tin ! remote Mexican interests. C'ucli a sia e i f thit g3 could not longendure Those, w hom tied and Geography hive pro. r.ounced sh.ml I live asundur, cnuld never ba permanent y and hai moniously united togelh tr. Do we win: for our ov.-n happiness or great" r.css th.i a Idi ion rf Mexico to the existing Union f i ur S'ti'.es If ctir population wa3 too dense for c tir territory, and there was a dlfli cully in obtxiniiig honorable the means of sub sistence, there mi'it be fomo excuse f r an attempt to enlarge our dominion?. But vvc hava rosucii aj'. i mv. We l.r.ve already, in our IplorinU' ciiin'ry , n vast an J ulnest boundless i terri'cy. ii.-iriiii.inp; at tlv; Nyrtli, in tii9 fro jzen regions .f the BriiU:i Provinces, i: stretch es thousands of miles nlon-t the coa.-ts of the I At'atilic ' ,-i an nnd the Mexican Gulf, until it Hln '-t rrT'il'-i il.o ''.: It ex'en-Js to tha 1'acifi : 0'"r- t.ird'.'ts or. v-n great inland ("as, the Luiies, which sojnrate U3 from tho pisesMen id' Great Bri.iiiii. r. nd it enibrcces tho grer.t facers rf rivers, fiorn i:s uppermost ! s-.uict '.i the lia.izMii:d the s'.i'l ! pg-jr Mis 1 s'ui fron its mouth lo the gorges of the E,,cky Muuntsii'is. It comprchenJ the greatest van j ety i t' tl'e r-ciiest soil, enj able of almost all the ; pndivo'! of the ear'h. except tea and coli'ea j "d the -pic.-s. and it ii.elu Jes every variety of ronint , ni, ii t:ie he.iri c. ind wish or desire. We 1 in v,' more than leu '.hnufrand millions of iicr?s of waste a:d unset tlod lands, enough for the sublicence nf ten or twenty times our preset'.'. ; r u'i'tion. Uuuht we not to be satis fied tti.h si. eli a c untr ? Ooght we not to ba profoundly tl'.anUl'jl to the G.ver of all good thii.gi (or sueh a vast t.:id bountiful land? Is il not the lai:.t of iegr.i'.i'udc to Him to seuk, by war and c"ii(;ues:, ind;:!j;nz i:i a spirit of rnpacity, to ucquiin tth-T finds, the hoinjs and hul'itiitinns of a large portion of bi9 common children? If .c pur'no ilia object of such n. conquest, besi I'M luortt'igiug ihe revenue ond resources ol this country i'.t 02ps lo come, in ihu furm of ar. i nert us uv.i.mul dob!, we should have ereuilv to aumci:t that deb! by an as sumption of the s'xty or seventy mil 1 ions of the national d.l'. of.Mixicn. F t I nlo it that nothing i more certain than that, if wo obtain, vjlttniari'y tr l.y conquest, a foreign r.aticn, we acquire il with all the h.'-uoibranci-i at'ach ed to ir. In my humble i-pmi"n, we ura now hound, in imnr and morality, to pay the just debt of Texas. And we bhou'.d be equally bound by tho same obligations, u pay tha debt of Mex ico, if il wero annexed lo the United States. Ol'all the possessions which appertain to man, in In eoi'.e. ttva or indivilu-.il condition, none should ba prserved nnd cherished, with more sedulous and unremlting cire, than that of an unsullied character. 1: is impossible to estimate it N highly, in soci-ty, when attach ed to an indivdual, nor can it be exonerated or too greatly magnified in a nation. Thcso who lose cr are iiidilfiirerit lo it become just ob jects of scorn und contempt. Of all tho abomi- nnble transactions, which sullv the pn"es of tory i o i exceed in ennrmitv that of '.ho dismemberment and partition of Poland, by tha ;liree grent Continental Powers of Kuss.a, Aus tria und Prussia. Ages mav pass owav, and centuii'S roll around, but as Ions as human records endure ail mankind will unite in exs- crating the rapacious and delsstab'e deed. Tl at wus accomplished by overwhelming force, and the unlorumate ex s'.ence of luial dissen sions and divisions in ihe bosom ol Polan). Let us uvoij alhxint; to rurj name ual national character a similar, if tu t worse, stigma. I am a 'raid that we do not now stand well in tha opinion of other parts of Christendom. Repu diation has brought upon us much reproach All the im'ions, 1 apprehend, loot; upon c, in ihe prosecjtion of ihe preetit war, end ao. in. ordinate d -tiie for tprritorial aggrandizenunt. Let unnoi lorlnt altogether their good opinions. Let us c muiiuid their applause by a noble ex- ercis ; ol loroenrance ami justice. In ihn ele vate 1 station which wo hold, wa can safely af ford lo practice the G.)dlike virtues of modera tion ami magnanimity. I he long series of glorious triumphs, achieved by our gallant com mande. and their brnva armies, unattended bv a single reverse, jus ify us, without lha least Jangor ol tarnishing Hie national honor, indis interesledly holding cut the olive branch of peace. We do not want tha niine, "h9 mountains, tha morasses, and the sterilu lands of Mexico. To bar the loss of them would be humiliating, mid bo a perpetual source ot regret and mortification- To us thev might prove a fatal ae ijuisition, producing ilistiaction, dissensii n, di vision, ponsilily disunion. Let, therefore, tha integrity i f the national exis'euc national ter litury ol' Mexico remain undisturbed. For una I deire to see no pan of her territory torn from her by war. bjine of our people bavo placed thru hearts I'p'ui the acquisition of tha