Boon's Lick times. [volume], December 11, 1847, Image 1

About Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848

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speech of inn. clay,
. AT THE MASS MEETING
AT IEXINGTON, KY.,
1 On Saturday November ISth, 1847.
i After the organization of the meeting, Mr.
. CIay rose and addressed it substantially at
follows :
Ladies and Gentlemen:
' The day is dark and gloomy, unsettled
nd uncertain, like the condition of our
country, in regard to the unnatural war
with Mexico. The public mind is agitated
and anxious, and is filled with serious op
prehensions as to its indefinite continuance,
and especially as tu the consequences
which its termination may bring forth,
menacing the harmony, if not the exis
tence, of our Union.
It is under these circumstances, I pre
sent myself before you. No ordinary oc
casion would have drawn me from the re
tirement in which I live; but, whilst a sin-
;le pulsation of the human heart remains,
t should, if necessary, be dedicated to the
service of one's country. And I have
hoped that, although I am a private and
humble citixen, an expression of the views
. and opinions I entertain, might form some
little addition to the general stock of infor
mation, and afford a small assistance in de
livering our country from the perils and
dangers which surround it.
I have come here with no purpose to at
tempt to make a fine speech, or any ambi
tious oratorical display. 1 have brought
with me no rhetorical bouquets to throw
into this assemblage. In the circle of the
year, autumn has come, and the seaon of
flowers has passed away. In the progress
of years, my spring lime has gone by, and
I loo am in the autumn of life, and feel the
frost of age. My desire and aim arc to ad
dress you, earnestly, calmly, seriously and
plainly, upon the grave and momentous
subjects which have brought us together.
And I am most solicitous that not a solita
ry word may fall from me, offensive to any
party or person in the whole extent of the
union.
War, pestilence, and famine, by the com
mon consent of mankind, are the three
greatest calamities which can befal our spe
cies; and war, as the most direful, justly
stands foremost and in front, residence
and famine, no doubt for wise although in
scrutable purposes, are inflictions of Prov
idence, to which it is our duty, therefore,
to bow with obedience, humble submission
and resignation. Their duration is not
long, and their ravages are limited. They
bring, indeed, great affliction whilst they
last, but society soon recovers from their
effects. War is the voluntary work of our
own hands, and whatever reproaches it
may deserve should be directed to our
selves. When it breaks out, its duration is
indefinite and unknown its vicissitudes
are hidden from our view. In the sacrifice
of human life, and in the waste of human
treasure, in its losses and in its burthens, it
affects both belligerent nations; and its sad
effects of mangled bodies, of death, and of
desolation, endure long after its thunders
are hushed in peace. War unhinges socie
ty, disturbs its peaceful and regular indus
try, and scatters poisonous seeds of disease
end immorality, which continue to germi
nate end diffuse their baneful influence long
after it has ceased. Dazzling by its glitter,
pomp and pageantry, it begets a spirit of
wild adventure and romantic enterprize,
and often disqualifies those who embark in
it, after their return from the bloody fields
of battle, from engaging in the industrious
and peaceful vocations of life.
We are informed by a statement which
it apparently correct, that the number of
our countrymen slain in this lamentable
Mexican war, although it has yet been of
only 18 months existence, is equal to one
half of the whole of the American loss du
ring the seven years war of the Revolution!
And 1 venture to assert that the expendi
ture of treasure which it has occasioned,
when it shall come to be fairly ascertained
and footed up, will be found to be more
than half of the pecuniary cost of the war
of our independence. And this is the con
dition of the party whose arms have been
every where and constantly victorious!
How did we unhappily get involved in
this wart It was predicted as the conse
quence of the annexation of Texas to the
United States. If we had not Texas, we
ahould have no war. The people were told
(hat if that event happened, war would en
eue. They were told that the war between
Texas and Mexico had not been termina
ted by a treaty of peace; that Mexico still
claimed Texas as a revolted province; and
that, if we received Texas in our Union,
mt took along with her, ihe war existing
between her and Mexico. And the Minis
ter of Mexico formally announced to the
s&overnracnt at Washington, that his nation
moiiU rnna'uler the annexation of Texas to
the United States as producing a state of
war.' But ail mis was aeniea ujr uia pui
titans of annexation. They insisted we
should have no war, and even imputed to
those who foretold it, sinister motives for
their groundless prediction.
But, notwithstanding a state of virtual
BOO N'B
' ERROR
Vol. 8.
war necessarily resulted from the fact of
annexation of one of the belligerents to
the United States, actual hostilities might
have been probably averted by prudence,
moderation and wise statesmanship. If
General Taylor had been permitted to re.
main where his own good sense prompted
him to believe he ought to remain, at the
point of Corpus Christi; and, if a negotia
tion had been opened with Mexico, in a
true spirit of amity and conciliation, war
possibly might have been prevented. But,
instesd of this pacific and moderate course,
whilst Mr. Slidell was bending his way to
Mexico with his diplomatic credentials,
General Taylor was ordered to transport
his cannon, and to plant them, in a warlike
attitude, opposite to Matamoras, on the east
bank of the Rio Bravo, within the very
disputed territory, the adjustment of which
was to be the object of Mr. Slidell's mis
sion. What else could have transpired but
a conflict of arms?
Thus the war commenced, and the Pre
sident, after having produced it, appealed
to Congress. A bill was proposed to raise
50,000 volunteers, and in order to commit
all who should vote for it, a preamble was
inserted falsely attributing the commence
ment of the war to the act of Mexico. I
have no doubt of the patriotic motives of
those who, after struggling to divest the
bill of that flagrant error, found themselves
constrained to vote for it. But I must say
that no earthly consideration would have
ever tempted or provoked me to vote for a
bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped on
its face. Almost idolizing truth, as I do, I
never, never could have voted for that bill.
The exceptionable conduct of the Feder
al party, during the last British War, has
excited an influence in the prosecution of
the present war, and prevented a just dis
crimination between the two wars. That
was a war of National defence, requfred
for the vindication of the National rights
and honor, and demanded by the indignant
voice of the People. President Madison
himself, I know, at first, reluctantly and
with great doubt and hesitation, brought
himself to the conviction that it ought to
be declared. A leading and perhaps the
most influential member of his Cabinet
(Mr. Gallutin,) was, up to the time of its
declaration, opposed to it. But nothing
could withstand the irresistible force of
public sentiment. It was a just war, and
its great object, as announced at the time.
was "tree trade and bailors nights.
against the intolerable and oppressive acts
of British power on the ocean. The jus
tice of the war, far from being denied or
controverted, was admitted by the Federal
party, which only questioned it on consid
erations of policy. Being deliberately and
constitutionally declared, it was, I think,
their duty to have given to it their hearty
co-operation. But ihe mass ot them did
not. They continued to oppose and thwart
it, to discourage loans and enlistments, to
deny the power of the General Govern
ment to march the militia beyond our lim
its, and to hold a Hartford Convention,
which, whatever were its real objects, bore
the aspect of seeking a dissolution of the
Union itself. I hey lost and justly lost the
public confidence. But has not an appre
hension of a similar fate, in a state of case
widely different, repressed a fearless ex
pression of their real sentiments in some of
our public men?
How totally variant is the present war!
There is no war of defence, but one neces
sary and offensive aggression. It is Mexi
co that is defending her fire-sides, her cas
tles and her altars, not we. And how dif
ferent also is the conduct of the whig par
ty of the present day from that of the ma
jor part of the federal party during the war
ot 1812! f ar irom interposing any ob
stacles to the prosecution ot the war, if the
Whigs mortice are reproachable at all, it is
for having lent too ready a facility to it,
without careful examination into the ob
jects of the war. And, out of office who
have rushed to the prosecution ot the war
with more ardor and alacrity than the
Whigs? Whose hearts have bled more
freely than the Whigs? Who have more
occasion to mourn the loss of sons, broth
ers, husbands, fathers, than whig parents,
whig wives and whig brothers, in this dead
ly and unprofitable strife?
But the havoc of war is in progress,
and the no less deplorable havoc of an in
hospitable and pestilential climate. With
out indulging in an unnecessary retrospect
and useless reproaches on the past, all hearts
and heads should unite in the patriotic en
deavor to bring it to a satisfactory close?
Is there no way that this can be doner
Must we blindly continue the conflict, with
out any visible object, or any prospect of a
definite termination? This is the impor
tant subject upon which I desire to consult
and to commune with you. Who, in this
free government is, to decide upon the ob
jects of a War, at its commencement, or at
any time during its existencer uoes me
power belong to the in at ion, to the collec
tive wisdom of the Nation in Congress as-
ssembled, or is it vested solely in a single
functionary of the government
A declaration of war is the highest and
most awful exercise of sovereignty. The
Convention, which framed our federal con
stitution, had learned from the pages of his
tory that it had been often and greatly
abused. It had seen that war had often
been commenced upon the most trifling
pretexts; that it had been frequently waged
to establish or exclude a dynasty; to snatch
a crown from the head of one potentate
and place it upon the head of another;
that it had been often prosecuted to pro
mote alien and other interests than those of
the nation whose chief had proclaimed it.
as in the case of English wars lor llanove
I C K
CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN
FAYETTE, IMSSOVIU, SATURDAY, DECEMItER 11, 18 17.
nan interests; and, in short, that such a
vast and tremendous power ought not to be
confided to the perilous exercise of one
single man. The Convention, therefore,
resolved to guard the war-making power
against those great abuses, of which in the
hands of a monarch it was so susceptible.
And the security, against those abuses
which its wisdom devised, was to vest the
war-making power in the Congress of the
United States, being the immediate repre
sentative of the people of the States. So
apprehensive and jealous was the Conven
tion of its abuse in any other hands, that
it interdicted tho exercise of the power to
any Stato in the Union, without the consent
of Congress. Congress, then, in our sys
tem of government, is the sole depository
of that tremendous power. The Consti
tution provides that Congress shall have
power to declare war, and grant letters of
marque and reprisal, to make rules con
cerning captures on land and water, to
raise and support armies, to provide and
maintain a navy, and to make rules for the
government of the land and naval forces.
Thus we perceive that the principle pow
or, in regard to war, with all its ancillary
attendants, is granted to Congress. When
ever called upon to determine upon the
solemn question of peace or war, Congress
must consider and deliberate and decide
upon the motives, objects and causes of
the war. And, if a war be commenced
without any previous declaration of its
objects, as in the case of the existing war
with Mexico, Congress must necessarily
possess the authority, at any time, to de
clare for what purposes it shall be further
prosecuted. If we suppose Congress does
not possess the controlling authority attrib
uted to it; if it be contended that a war
having been once commenced, the Presi
dent of the United States may direct it
to the accomplishment of any objects he
pleases, without consulting and without
any regard to the will of Congress, the
Convention will have utterly failed in
guarding the nation against the abuses and
ambition of a single individual. Either
Congress, or the President, must have tho
right of determining upon the objects for
which a war shall be prosecuted. There
is no other alternative. If the President
possess it and may prosecute it for objects
against the will of Congress, where is the
difference between our free government
and that of any other nation which may
be governed by an absolute Czar, Empe
ror, or fvingf
Congress may omit, as it has omitted in
the present war, to proclaim the objects
for which it was commenced or has been
since prosecuted, and in cases of such
omission the f resident, being charged with
the employment and direction ot the na
tional force is, necessarily, left to his own
judgment to decide upon the objects, to
the attainment ot which that torce shall be
applied. But, whenever Congress shall
think proper to declare, by some authentic
act, for what purposes a war shall be
commenced or continued it is the duty of
the President to apply the national force
to the attainment of those purposes. In
the instance of the last war with Great
Britain, the act of Congress by which it
was declared was preceded by a message
of President Madison enumerating the
wrongs and injuries of which we com
plained against Great Britain. That mes
sage therefore, and without it the well
known objects of the war, which was a
war purely of defence, rendered it unne
cessary that Congress should particularize,
in the act, the specific objects for which
it was proclaimed, the whole world
knew that it was a war waged for Free
Trade and bailors Itights.
It may be urged that the President and
Senate possess the treaty making power,
without any express limitation as to its
exercise; that the natural and ordinary tor
mination of a war is by a treaty of peace;
and therefore, that the President and Sen
ate must possess the power to decide what
stipulations and conditions shall enter into
such a treaty. But it is not more true that
the President and Senate possess the treaty
making power, without limitation, than
that Congress possesses the war making
power, without restriction. These two
powers then ought to be so interpreted as
to reconcile the one with the other; and,
in expounding the constitution, we ought
to keep constantly in view the nature and
structure of our free government, and es
pecially the great object of the Conven
tion in taking the war-making power out
of the hands of a single man and placing
it in the safer custody of the representa
tives of the whole nation, ihe desirable
reconciliation between the two powers is
effected by attributing to Congress the
right to declare what shall bo the objects
of a war, and to the President tho duty of
endeavoring to obtain those objects by
the direction of the national force and by
diplomacy.
I am broaching no new and speculative
theory. The Statute book of the United
Slates is full of examples of prior declara
tions by Congress ot the objects to be at
tained by negotiations with Foreign Pow
ers, and the archives of the Executive
Department furnish abundant evidence of
the accomptisnmeni oi inose oujecis, or
the attempt to accomplish them, by subse
quent negotiation, l'rior to tne declara
tion of the last war against Great Britain,
in all tho restrictive measures which Con
aress adopted, against the two great bel
ligerent Powers of Europe, clauses were
in the several acts establishing them, ten
derine to both or either of tho bellincr
enU the abolition of those restrictions if
they would ropeal ihoir hostile Berlin and
Milan decrees and Orders in Council, op
REASON IS LEFT FREE TO CO MBAT
erating against our commerce and naviga
tion. Anu ineso acts ot Congress were
invariably communicated, through the Ex
ecutive, by diplomatic notes, to France and
Ureal lintain, as the basis upon which
it was proposed to restore friendly inter
course with them. So, after tho termina
tion of the war, various acts of Congress
were passed, from time to time, offering to
Foreign Powers the principle of recip
rocity in the commerce and navigation of
the United States with them. Out of
these acts have sprung a class, and a large
class, of treaties (four or five of which
were negotiated, whilst I was in the de
partment of State,) commonly called recip
rocity treaties concluded under ell the
Presidents, from Mr. Madison to Mr. Van
Buren, inclusive. And. with regard to
commercial treaties, negotiated without the
sanction of prior acts of Congress, where
mey contained either appropriations or
were in conflict with unrepealed statutes,
it has been ever held as the republican
doctrine from Mr. Jav's treaty down to
the present time, that the oassaso of acts
of Congress was necessary to secure the
execution of those treaties. If in the mat
ter of Foreign Commerce, in reacted to
which the power vested in Congress lo
regulate it and the treaty making power
may be regarded as concurrent, Congress
can previously decide the objects lo which
negotiation shall be applied, how much
stronger is the case of war, the power lo
declare which is confided cxclusivclu to
Congress?
I conclude, therefore. Mr. President and
Fellow-Cilizens, with entire confidence, that
Congress has the right, either at the be
ginning, or during the prosecution of any
war, to decide tho objects and purposes for
which it was proclaimed, or for which it
ought to bo continued. And, I think, it is
the duty of Congress, by some deliberate
and authentic act, to declare for what ob
jects the present war shall be longer prose
cuted. 1 suppose the President would not
hesitate to regulate his conduct by the
pronounced will of Congress, and to em
ploy the force and tho diplomatic power
of the nation to execute that will. But, if
the President should decline or refuse to
do so, and, in contempt of the supreme
authority of Congress, should persevere in
waging the war, tor oilier objects than those
proclaimed by Congress, then it would be
the imperative duly of that body to vindi
cate its authority, by the most stringent,
and effectual, and appropriate measures.
And, if, on the contrary, the enemy should
refuse to conclude a treaty, containing
stipulations securing the objects, designated
by Congress, it would become the duty ot
the whole government to prosecute the
war, with all the national energy, until
those objects were obtained by a treaty
of peace. There can be no insuperable
difficulty in Congress making such an au
thoritative declaration. Let it resolve,
simply, that the war shall, or shall not, be
a war of conquest; and, if a war of con
quest, what is to be conquered. Should a
resolution pass, disclaiming the design of
conquest, peace would follow, in less than
sixty days, if the President would conform
to his constitutional duty.
Here, fellow-citizens, I might pause, hav
ing indicated a mode by which the nation,
through its accredited and legitimate repre
sentative in Congress, can announce for
what purposes and objects this war shall
be longer prosecuted, and can thus let the
whole people of the United States know
for what end their blood is lobe further
shed and their treasure further expended,
instead of the knowledge of it being locked
up and concealed in the bosom of one man.
We should no longer perceive the objects
of the war varying, from lime to lime, ac
cording to the changing opinions of the
Chief Magistrate, charged with its prosecu
tion. But I do not think it right to stop
here, it is the privilege ot the people, in
their primitive assemblies, and of every
piivateman, however humble, to express
an opinion in regard to the purposes for
which the war should be continued; and
such an expression will receive just so
much consideration and consequence as it
is entitled to, and no more.
Shall this war be prosecuted for the pur
pose of conquering and annexing Mexico,
in all its boundless extent, to the United
Slates?
I will not attribute to the President of
the United Stales any such design; but I
confess that I have been shocked and
alarmed by manifestations of it in various
quarters. Of all the dangers and misfor
tunes which could befall this nation, I
should regard that of its becoming a war
like and conquering power the most dire
ful and fatal. History tells the mournful
talo of conquering nations and conquerors.
The three most celebrated conquerors, in
the civilized world, were Alexander, Cossar
and Napoleon. Tho first, after overrun
ning a large portion of Asia, and sighing
and lamenting that there were no more
worlds to subdue, met a premature and ig
noble death. His Lieutenants quarrelled
and warred with each other, as to the
spoils of his victories, and finally lost them
all. Cicsar, after conquering Gaul, return
ed, with his triumphant legions to Rome,
passed the Rubicon, won the batlle of Phar
salia, trampled upon the liberties of his
country, and expired by the patriot hand of
Brutus. Hut Koine ceased lo bo free.
War and conquest had enervated and cor
rupted the masses. Tho spirit of true lib
erty was extinguished, and a long line of
Emperors succeeded, some of whom were
tne most execrauie monsters mat ever ex
isted in human form. And that moBt ex
traordinary man, perhaps, in all historv,
after subjugating all continental Europe,
TIMES.
iV-JEFFEnaoa.
io. AO.
and occupying almost all its Capitals, sc
riously threatening, according to Mr.
Thiers, proud Albion itself, and decking
the brows of various members of his fam
ily, with crowns torn from the heads of
other monarchs, lived lo behold his own
dear France itself in the possession of his
enemies, and was made himself a wretched
captive, and far removed from country,
family, and friends, breathed his last on
Iho distant and inhospitable rock of St.
Helena. The Alps and the Rhine had been
claimed as the natural boundaries of France,
but even these could not be secured in ihe
treaties to which she was reduced to sub
mit. Do you believe that the people of
Macedon or Greece, of Rome, or of France
were benefitted, individually or colleciivly,
by the triumphs of their great Captains?
Their sad lot was immense sacrifice of life,
heavy and intolerable burdens, and the
ultimate loss of liberty itself.
That tho power of ihe United States i
competent to the conquest of Mexico, is
quiio probable. But it could not be
achieved without frightful carnage, dread
ful sacrifices of human life, and tho crea
tion of an onerous national debt; nor could
it be completely effected, in all probability,
until after the lapse of many years. It
would be necessary lo occupy till "its strong
holds, to disarm its inhabitants, and to
keep them in constant fear and subjection.
To consummate tho work, I presume that
standing armies, not less than a hundred
thousand men, would be necessary, to be
kept perhaps always in the bosom of their
country. These standing armies, revelling
in a foreign land, and accustomed to tram
ple upon the liberties of a foreign people
at some distant day, might be fit and ready
instruments, under the lead of some daring
and unprincipled chieftain to return to
their country and prostrate the public
liberty.
Supposing the conquest to be once made,
what is to be done with ii? Is it to be
governed, like Roman Provinces, by Pio
consuls? Would it be compatible with
i he genius, character, and safely of our
free institutions, to keep such a great coun
try as Mexico, with a population of not
less than nine millions, in a state of con
stant military subjection?
Shall it be annexed to the United Fttitct?
Does any considerate man btiieve it possi
ble that two such immense countries, with
territories of nearly equal extent, with
populations so incongruous, so different in
race, in language, in religion and in laws,
could be blended together in one harmoni
ous mass, and happily governed by one
common authority? Murmurs, discontent,
insurrections, rebellion, would inevitably
ensue, until tho incompatible parts would
be broken asunder, and possibly, in the
frightful struggle, our present glorious
Union itself would bo dissevered or dis
solved. We ought not to forget the warn
ing voice of all history, which teaches the
difficulty of combining and consolidating
together, conquering and conquered na
tions. After the lapse of eight hundred
years, during which the Moors held their
conquest of Spain, the indomitable courage,
perseverance and obstinacy of the Span
ish race finally triumphed, nnd expelled
the African invaders from the Peninsula.
And, even within our own time, the colos
sal power of Napoleon, when at its loftiest
height, was incompetent to subdue and sub
jugate the proud Caslilian. And herein
our own neighborhood, Lower Canada.
which near one hundred years ago. after
the conclusion of the seven years war,
was ceded by France to Great Britain,
remains a foreign land in the midst of tUa
British provinces, foreign in feelings and
attachment, and foreign in law.-), language
and religion. And what has been the fact
with poor, gallant, generous nnd oppressed
Ireland? Centuries have passed away,
since the overbearing Saxon overrun and
subjugated the Emerald Isle. Rivers of
Irish blood have flawed, during the long
and arduous contest. Insurrection and
rebellion have teen the order of the day;
and yet, up to this time, Ireland remains
alien in feeling, affection and sympathy,
towards the power which has so long bon e
her down. Every Irishman hates, with a
mortal . hatred, his Saxon oppressor. Al
though there are great territorial differ
ences between the condition of Lngland
and Ireland, as compared to that of the
United Slates nnd Mexico, there arc some
points of striking resemblance between
them. Both the Irish and the Mexicans
are ot the same Cellic race. Uoth the
English and the Americans are of the same
Saxon origin. The Catholic religion pre
dominates in both the former, the Protes
tant among both the latter. Religion has
been the fruitful cause of dissatisfaction
and discontent between tho Irish and the
English nations. Is there not reason to
apprehend that it would become so be
tween the people of the United States and
ihose of Mexico, if they were united to
gether? Why should we seek to interfere
w'uh them, in their mode of worship of
a common Saviour? We believe that they
are wrong, especially in tho exclusive char
nctcr of their faith, and that we are right.
They think that they are right and we
wrong. What other rule can there Le
lhan to leavo ihe followers of each reli
gion to their own solemn convictions of
conscientious duty towards God? Who,
but the great Arbiter of the Universe, can
judge in such a question? For my own
part, I sincerely believe and hope, that those,
who belong to oil the departments of ihe
great church of Christ, if, in truth nnd
purity, they conform to the doctrines which
they profess, will ultimately secure an abode
in those regions of bliss, which all aim
finallv to reach. I think thai there is no
potentate in Europe, whatever his religion
may be, more enlightened or at this moment
so interesting as the liberal head of the
I'apal See.
Hut I suppose it to be impossible that those
who fuvor, if ihere be any who fnvorthean.
nexation of Mexioo to the United States, can
iliink thnt it ought to he perpetually E"verned
hy military sway. Certainly no votary of hu
man liberty could deem it right thai a violation
hould ba perpetrated of the great principles
of our own revolution, according to which,
laws ought not to be enacted and taxes ought
not to be levied, without representation on the
part of those who nro to obey tho one, and pay
the other. Then, Mexico is to participate in
ur councils and equally shara in our legisla-
ion and government. But, suppose sho would
not voluntarily choose representatives to ihe
naiional Congress, is our soldiery to follow ihe
electors to the ballot-box, and by force lo com
pel them, at tho point or the bayonet, to deposit
their ballots? And how arc tho nine million
of Mexican people to da represented in ihe Cuii'
ffress of ihe United States of the Itepublicof
Mexico combined? is cery .Mexican, without
regard to color or caste. pr eaptum, to exer
cise the elective franchise? How is the quota
of representation between the two Republics,
to l-s fixed f Where is their Seat of Common
Government to he established? And who can
foresee or foretell, if Mexico, voluntarily or Ly
force, were lo share in the common govern
ment what would be tho consequences to her
or to us? Unprepared, as I fear her population
yet is. for llio practical enjoyment of salf gov
ernment, nr.d of habi's, rustoms, language.
laws and religion, so totally different from our
own, we should present the revolting spectaclo
of a cen fused distracted, and motley govern,
merit. V.'o should have a Mexican Partv. a
Pacific O ran Pnrty, and an Atlantic Party, in
addition to the other I'nrtie, which exist, or
with which we are threatened, each striving to
execute rs own particular views and purposes,
and rrproueliiri'j ihe otlic. r with thwarting an i
disr.ppniniir'5 them. The Mexican represen
tatives, in Congress, would probably form a
spprrnle and impenetrable corps, always ready
;o throw i'stlf into ihe scilo o! any other par
ty. to adv.irce tin ! remote Mexican interests.
C'ucli a sia e i f thit g3 could not longendure
Those, w hom tied and Geography hive pro.
r.ounced sh.ml I live asundur, cnuld never ba
permanent y and hai moniously united togelh
tr. Do we win: for our ov.-n happiness or great"
r.css th.i a Idi ion rf Mexico to the existing
Union f i ur S'ti'.es If ctir population wa3 too
dense for c tir territory, and there was a dlfli
cully in obtxiniiig honorable the means of sub
sistence, there mi'it be fomo excuse f r an
attempt to enlarge our dominion?. But vvc hava
rosucii aj'. i mv. We l.r.ve already, in our
IplorinU' ciiin'ry , n vast an J ulnest boundless
i terri'cy. ii.-iriiii.inp; at tlv; Nyrtli, in tii9 fro
jzen regions .f the BriiU:i Provinces, i: stretch
es thousands of miles nlon-t the coa.-ts of the
I At'atilic ' ,-i an nnd the Mexican Gulf, until it
Hln '-t rrT'il'-i il.o ''.:
It ex'en-Js to tha
1'acifi : 0'"r- t.ird'.'ts or. v-n great inland
("as, the Luiies, which sojnrate U3 from tho
pisesMen id' Great Bri.iiiii. r. nd it enibrcces tho
grer.t facers rf rivers, fiorn i:s uppermost
! s-.uict '.i the lia.izMii:d the s'.i'l ! pg-jr Mis
1 s'ui fron its mouth lo the gorges of the E,,cky
Muuntsii'is. It comprchenJ the greatest van
j ety i t' tl'e r-ciiest soil, enj able of almost all the
; pndivo'! of the ear'h. except tea and coli'ea
j "d the -pic.-s. and it ii.elu Jes every variety of
ronint , ni, ii t:ie he.iri c. ind wish or desire.
We 1 in v,' more than leu '.hnufrand millions of
iicr?s of waste a:d unset tlod lands, enough for
the sublicence nf ten or twenty times our
preset'.'. ; r u'i'tion. Uuuht we not to be satis
fied tti.h si. eli a c untr ? Ooght we not to ba
profoundly tl'.anUl'jl to the G.ver of all good
thii.gi (or sueh a vast t.:id bountiful land? Is il
not the lai:.t of iegr.i'.i'udc to Him to seuk,
by war and c"ii(;ues:, ind;:!j;nz i:i a spirit of
rnpacity, to ucquiin tth-T finds, the hoinjs and
hul'itiitinns of a large portion of bi9 common
children? If .c pur'no ilia object of such n.
conquest, besi I'M luortt'igiug ihe revenue ond
resources ol this country i'.t 02ps lo come, in
ihu furm of ar. i nert us uv.i.mul dob!, we should
have ereuilv to aumci:t that deb! by an as
sumption of the s'xty or seventy mil 1 ions of the
national d.l'. of.Mixicn. F t I nlo it that
nothing i more certain than that, if wo obtain,
vjlttniari'y tr l.y conquest, a foreign r.aticn,
we acquire il with all the h.'-uoibranci-i at'ach
ed to ir. In my humble i-pmi"n, we ura now
hound, in imnr and morality, to pay the just
debt of Texas. And we bhou'.d be equally bound
by tho same obligations, u pay tha debt of Mex
ico, if il wero annexed lo the United States.
Ol'all the possessions which appertain to
man, in In eoi'.e. ttva or indivilu-.il condition,
none should ba prserved nnd cherished, with
more sedulous and unremlting cire, than that
of an unsullied character. 1: is impossible to
estimate it N highly, in soci-ty, when attach
ed to an indivdual, nor can it be exonerated
or too greatly magnified in a nation. Thcso
who lose cr are iiidilfiirerit lo it become just ob
jects of scorn und contempt. Of all tho abomi-
nnble transactions, which sullv the pn"es of
tory i o i exceed in ennrmitv that of '.ho
dismemberment and partition of Poland, by tha
;liree grent Continental Powers of Kuss.a, Aus
tria und Prussia. Ages mav pass owav, and
centuii'S roll around, but as Ions as human
records endure ail mankind will unite in exs-
crating the rapacious and delsstab'e deed.
Tl at wus accomplished by overwhelming force,
and the unlorumate ex s'.ence of luial dissen
sions and divisions in ihe bosom ol Polan). Let
us uvoij alhxint; to rurj name ual national
character a similar, if tu t worse, stigma. I
am a 'raid that we do not now stand well in tha
opinion of other parts of Christendom. Repu
diation has brought upon us much reproach
All the im'ions, 1 apprehend, loot; upon c, in
ihe prosecjtion of ihe preetit war, end ao. in.
ordinate d -tiie for tprritorial aggrandizenunt.
Let unnoi lorlnt altogether their good opinions.
Let us c muiiuid their applause by a noble ex-
ercis ; ol loroenrance ami justice. In ihn ele
vate 1 station which wo hold, wa can safely af
ford lo practice the G.)dlike virtues of modera
tion ami magnanimity. I he long series of
glorious triumphs, achieved by our gallant com
mande. and their brnva armies, unattended bv
a single reverse, jus ify us, without lha least
Jangor ol tarnishing Hie national honor, indis
interesledly holding cut the olive branch of
peace.
We do not want tha niine, "h9 mountains,
tha morasses, and the sterilu lands of Mexico.
To bar the loss of them would be humiliating,
mid bo a perpetual source ot regret and mortification-
To us thev might prove a fatal ae
ijuisition, producing ilistiaction, dissensii n, di
vision, ponsilily disunion. Let, therefore, tha
integrity i f the national exis'euc national ter
litury ol' Mexico remain undisturbed. For una
I deire to see no pan of her territory torn
from her by war. bjine of our people bavo
placed thru hearts I'p'ui the acquisition of tha