Springfield weekly Republican. [volume], October 26, 1911, Page 8, Image 8

About Springfield weekly Republican. [volume] (Springfield, Mass.) 1851-1946

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BPRINGFIELD, THURSDAY, OCT. 26, Wil.
SIXTEEN PAGES
Dr Cook nt Copenhagen,
Perhaps the queerest part of the psycho
logical puzzle which Dr Cook's case offers
is the intermittence of his nerve. It col
lapsed when he needed it most, and his
precipitate and quite unnecessary flight
and hiding completely ruined his chance of
winning confidence, and alienated those
who like The Republican were trying to
get him fair play. It was taken for granted
that he had dropped out of sight perman
ently ; he was likened to Benedict Arnold,
the Wandering Jew. and the Man Without
a Country, as though the world were too
small to cover his shame. Yet after a tem
porary eclipse, ascribed to a nervous break
down, we find him audaciously resuming
hie original role as the discoverer of the
north pole, and even going so far as to
appear at Copenhagen, which under the
circumstances can have remarkably little
use for him. The dispatches say :—
Owing to the threatening attitude of the
crowd. Dr Cook was escorted to his car
riage by a detachment of police. The mob
followed, jeering and hooting. The explor
er said he had given up his projected lec
ture tour of Europe and would lecture
only in this city. The newspapers de
nounce him. some of them recommending
demonstrations of disapproval at his lec
ture.
The “demonstrations” were duly made,
and the lecture was a fiasco, as might
have been expected. What a tragic
contrast to the reception which Co
penhagen had for him but two short
summers ago—bands playing, crowds
cheering, roses hung about his neck,
princes and savants uniting to honor the
great man. the man of the hour, the con
queror of the frozen North' The change
must have struck chill even upon a hard
ened Arctic explorer. This is the ulti
mate disaster. What hopes he may have
cherished in regard to this too long de
ferred Copenhagen visit can only be
guessed, but whatever they were he no
doubt now sees their futility. There has
throughout been something peculiar in his
attitude to Copenhagen—something not
wholly intelligible. Why did he go to the
trouble of shipping hie worthless records
for the university to examine? Why did
he immediately afterward take flight ? Why.
when it is too late does he reappear and
invite the approval of the Danish capital?
It is a problem for the psychologist to
solve—perhaps the psychiatrist.
As good a guess as another is that the
warm hospitality of the Danes and the
overwhelming honors heaped upon him
turned the head of the explorer just com
ing baek to civilization from a long exile
in the Arctic wastes. He was feted; show
ered with degrees and medals: his story
was taken at face value. Then he came
to New York to face an almost unparal
leled etorm of denunciation. Throughout
his appeal was always to Copenhagen. It
might be regarded as merely the bluff of
an impostor playing for time. But his
forwarding of his notes and his present
tardy return point the other way. It is
more likely that the impression made by
his reception in Denmark had unbalanced
his judgment. Whether he believed in him
self or not. he believed that Copenhagen
believed in him, that his good friends there
would see him righted. In whatever he said
or wrote, Copenhagen has recurred like a
fixed idea. It was bis one hope, his sheet
anchor. But—to complete the case—he
feared to put it to the test! It is a state
of mind not uncommon with monomaniacs
or with victims of overstrain—Browning
has described it admirably in his fanatic
who is goaded by jeers into testing his
boasted gift of levitation and falls to his
death.
In some such way the case of Dr Cook
may be explained to a certain extent,
whether one takes him for an impostor, a
madman, or a much maligned explorer.
Which of these he is it is too soon to de
cide. There is still a respectable minority of
scientific men and explorers who provision
ally accept his claims—the late Admiral
ochley. an Arctic expert himself, seems
to have kept his faith to the end. Dr
Cook has brought out his book at last—
a year too late to help his case—and re
asserts his claim in full, together with
charges against Peary which are likely
to recoil. His good temper was the doc
tor’s chief asset—that and the malice of
his enemies. This advantage he forfeits
by resorting to abusive language and to
insinuation of charges lie dares not make
directly. His one chance, a chance suffi
ciently remote, is that some future ex
ploration may vindicate his details of the
far North, the agreement of which with
Peary's Inter story is the strongest argu
ment in a case which be has done all in
! his newer to damage. Till more evidence
I is forthcoming the world has decisively re
jected his claims, and this Copenhagen
fiasco must have made even Dr Cook real
ize the fact.
('ompulMor^ Hygiene.
The law in New York state prohibiting
public cups has caused much inconvenience
and is now being denounced as lutsty and
ill-considered. Some have even gone so
for as to hint at a dark conspiracy of
brewers and saloon-keepers to give the
measure their secret support in order to
keep the public thirsty. A little consider
ation should show that no such malign
forces are needed for petty legislation of
this sort when it does not seriously inter
fere with vested interests. To require in
dividual cups would naturally arouse more
or less protest, but merely to forbid the
supply of general cups for the use of the
public costs nobody anything, pleases an
energetic minority of reformers, and of
fends only those who happen suddenly to
want a drink of water.
To a certain extent the law is not unrea
sonable. The risk of infection in drinking,
though trivial, is real enough. Compared
with the perils that lurk in drafts, unventi
iated rooms and contaminated water, to
be sure, it is one of the negligible per
ils of life, and it is doubtful whether
any statistician will be able to show any
statistical curve that has been deflected
by a hair's breadth by the abolition of
the common drinking cup. On the other
hand, it is not needful to "view with
‘alarm” the consequences of the law. The
Independent is quite unnecessarily agi
tated:—
It seems to us that a generous consump
tion of water between meals is so essen
tial to health that it is very dangerous to
interfere with it in any way. The ice
water tank is one of America's greatest
contributions to civilization. It is a most
powerful influence for temperance, much
more effective than purely negative and
restrictive measures. It has resulted in
a lesser consumption of aleoliol and a
larger proportion of abstinence than in any
other country outside of Islam.
This puts the cart before the horse. The
American ice-water tank is quite as much
the result as the cause of the national
habit of water drinking, and this again
has various causes, among them the des
sicating climate and the practice (also
partly due to climate) of overheating
houses, offices, hotels, railway trains,
etc. Those who are thirsty will find a
way to drink —plenty of pure water is the
vital thing. As for the regulation of
drinking cups, it is not so important in
itself as in its suggestion of larger re
forms. If such trivialities are accepted
in lieu of vital legislation they are detri
mental: if each small reform is made a
precedent for something more important
we shall see substantial progress. To for
bid the common drinking cup and to try to
suppress the Chicago vice report is to
strain at the gnat and swallow the camel.
The Centenary of the Birth of Franz
Liszt, which fell Sunday, must be
counted among the notable anniversaries
of a year remarkable for such events. As
a virtuoso he was unparalleled with the
single exception of the violinist, Paganini,
whose life overlapped his. As a com
poser his place is yet to be determined
unless we take the view of the wit who
declared that his place as a composer is
the last number on the program. As a
man he has been rated variously accord
ing to the moral standard used, but all
agree as to his unselfish kindness to other
artists. He helped Chopin, he helped
"Wagner, lie gave his services to multitudes
of young artists, some of whom proved
worthy. As a pianist lie had the world at
as a composer he has suffered,
like Rubinstein, from his enormous repu
tation as a virtuoso. This rejection of
what he considered his greatest g*ft was
the tragedy of Ids life, hut he bore it
with smiling irony, confident that his time
would come. As a composer he was long
known mainly by his showy fantasias for
the piano, medleys from operas, transcrip
tions of songs, arrangements of national
tunes. They were popular, but the clas
sical minded pronounced them trashy and
superficial, and in the meantime his beau
tiful songs and his great orchestral works
were rarely heard. But the last few
years have seen a great change; like
Berlioz, Liszt is coming into his own.
Not only is his music played, but it is
liked and is recognized as ultra-modern.
Quite as much as Berlioz or Wagner "was
Liszt the musical pioneer of the 19th cen
tury. Whether his music has enduring
quality remains to he seen; there is much
gold in it, but much alloy as well. But
no change of taste ean disturb his place
in musical history: the main line of evolu
tion from the 19th century to the 20th
runs through the symphonic poems of
Franz Liszt.
A CHARITABLE INSTITUTION.
Some Remarks Abont Onr Philippine
Investment.
[From the Boston Herald.]
Vice-President Sherman has just enter
tained the Mohonk conference on the In
dian and other dependent peoples with an
account of the costlessness of our pos
session of the Philippine archipelago. He
says it costs us only for the soldiers who
are there; but since we should not have
too large an army for a country of this
size anyhow, even this item cannot prop
erly be entered. There remains, then, ns
the total charge, the slight difference of
$250 a year between the cost of keeping
a soldier in tbe two places, applicable to
irOOO men! How simple!
But naval experts say that our estab
lishment, ship for ship, is two-thirds as
effective as a national defense with the
Philippines as it would be without them.
It takes three ships to guard our imperial
domain, with the necessity of protecting a
transpacific course, to perform the service
of two ships under the old regime A third
of the cost of maintaining the United
States navy would better be entered as a
trivial item in Mr Sherman's "Nothing."
1 he terrible losses incurred hv the post
al department in doing a two-cent Phil
ippine business might he mentioned, even
though they appear in postal deficits. The
extra rate at which Phiiinpine service
counts toward retirement of soldiers, the
contribution of I nclc Sam toward geodetic
surveying and other scientific service in the
archipelago, are further Incidents. But
the greatest factor remains: Upon what
terms would we allow a piece of old Amer
n an territory to keep its own customs nnd
internal revenue, while deriving the nd
vnntages of nationality which these sources
of income maintain? One of the hrightest
nunded s>f republican members of the ap
piopriatious committee, when this Sher
man absurdity was once passed up to him
replied rather petulantly: "The Philippine
islands - they are a charitable institution."
Mhy should we not all acknowledge it,
and thereby offer ww excuse for (he
aoubliUK of ( nclp Sam'n expengrsi ah a re
sult of the Spanish war?
THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN: THURSDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1911.
THE DEMOCRATIC CANVASS.
NORTH ADAMS GREETS FOSS.
GREAT RALLY TUESDAY EVENING.
Governor Attacks* Frothinffham —
Democrats Show Much Enthusiasm
—C'aMidy Gets an Ovation.
A rally which was larger in point of at
tendance than the republican rally of a
few <lays ago was held Tuesday night in
Odd Fellows' hall in North Adams, under
the auspices of the democratic party, with
Gov Foss as the principal speaker. With
him were David I. Walsh, candidate for
lieuteuant-governor, Frank J. Donahue,
candidate for secretary of state, and ex-
Senator Thomas F. Cassidy of Adams,
who was Gov Foss's running mate last
year. Probably the greatest enthusiasm of
the evening was shown when Mr Cassidy
was introduced, and at the conclusion of
his address, be being the last speaker and
not a man leaving the hall while he was
speaking, he was accorded tremendous ap
plause when lie said: “If there be auy
doubting Thomas here, I wish to say when
I speak of the democratic administration
or the democratic principles, 1 speak for
the men who stand for that kind of an
administration and that kind of princi
ples, and drawing as a schoolboy would
draw, that means that I say vote the dem
ocratic ticket from top to bottom or bot
tom to top, whichever way you prefer.”
Foss Flays Frot h inulin m.
An abstract of the formal part of Gov
Foss's address follows:—
My opponent seems possessed by the de
lusion that he is running for a national
office and apparently a very high one. He
has taken upon himself the burdens of the
whole country and presumes to save the
national government and the whole Amer
ican people from the results of their own
folly. The republican candidate is as anx
ious that his own state record lie forgot
ten as he is to avoid mine. I am running
for re-election as governor of Massachu
setts and for nothing else. I base my
claim to re-election solely upon my record.
What the republican party appears to fear
most is the untrammeled exercise of the
right of the people of Massachusetts to
choose their own public servants for their
own good reasons. His speeches are made
out of whole doth, woven apparently by
a mind not concerned with the general
welfare, and are a tissue of errors, mis
representations and falsehoods. A com
parison between my opponent's principle
assertions and the known truth shows a
continued aversion to facts. The tariff
issue has been brought in only as a basis
for bad logic and false conclusions.
The republican candidate says that I, be
ing an advocate of downward revision, am
opposed to the boot and shoe industry. Yet
he knows that it was the Payne-Aldrieh
law that reduced the tariff on boots and
shoes. He says that the reduction of the
tariff on boots and shoes permitted the sale
of small lots of English shoes in the Unit
ed States, but he conceals, first, that the
reduction was made By republicans, and
that it was followed by an increase in an
nual exports of boots and shoes of $3,000,-
000. He says that the wages of textile
workers are much less in England than in
the United States, yet the reports of this
state, of Rhode Island, of the state depart
ment at Washington, and the recent inves
tigations of Prof Scott Nearing of the pro
tectionist Wharton school of finance of the
university of Pennsylvania, ail show that
the nominal wages in both countries are
about the same, and that the real wages
are much higher in England than in the
United States. These authorities are, with
out exception, republicans.
He says that I am opposed to protection
for Massachusetts industries and Massachu
setts workmen, yet he knows that what I
am opposed to is the high cost of living
caused by the superfluous protection in the
I’ayne-Aldrich tariff, which reduces both
the real wages of workmen and the real
protection for Massachusetts industries
generally. He says that my election will
endanger the wages of textile workmen, yet
the state reports show that in 1908, a year
of republican triumph and of remarkable
textile dividends, Massachusetts mill own
ers reducetj the wages of 93,643 employes
an aggregate of $9(5,708.73 a week, or $5,-
028,864.36 for the year.
The Textile Industry.
My opponent says that I am an enemy
of Massachusetts manufacturers, and par
ticularly of textile manufacturers. But
the republican candidate is neither a tar
iff expert nor a manufacturer. One of the
most widely recognized experts in the
United States is Walter 11. Langshaw.
He is a successful textile manufacturer,
and is president of the Dartmouth mills
of New Bedford, one of the largest and
most profitable plants in the world. Mr
Langshaw rose from the ranks and worked
his way up from dyer to president. He
is a man whose opinion is worth some
thing to the voter. Mr Langshaw agrees
with me that the trouble with the textile
industry is that it depends on an inse
cure foundation, superfluous protection,
which allows the producer to charge high
prices in the United States, hut keeps
him out of foreign markets and reduces
the purchasing power of the people at
home. Mr Langshaw has indorsed my po
sition that what American manufacturers
need is expansion of their markets.
Mr Langshaw’a indorsement of me ought
to be a complete answer to those who say
my position on this question is for politi
cal advantage. This successful manu
facturer says that the republican party is
dominated by a corrupt trading combine,
and that to kill it is tbe vital thing for
American manufacturers. Whether sin
cerity lies in my position or in that of
my opponent it ought to he easy to de
cide.
1 charge the republican candidate with
a complete laek of sincerity on the tariff
issue. He says that he is not fighting
against tariff revision. The following evi
dence shows that he is: First, His plat
form is noncommittal as to downward
revision. Second, his managers. Lodge,
Crane. Draper, the Home Market club,
and others, are the leaders of the stand
patters. The Massachusetts senators have
even canseil the old barber of the United
States Senate, n man over 70 years of
| age. and a resident of Washington, to
<ome to Boston to he registered to vote
in this election. Third. The editor of
Collier's Weekly, the great organ of the
progressive republicans, says: "The truth.
I as any Investigator may find out by in
quiring in confidence at the right places,
is this: It is the secret intention of the
Massachusetts machine anil all the forces,
both in and out of the state, that are
hacking the republican ticket, ta stand pat
on the Payne-Aldrich tariff hill, to oppose
that measure of tariff revision which is pro
posed by President Taft.and particularly to
fight any change in the woolen tariff that
may be based on the .report which the tar
iff board is to make in December. If they
win the coming election they will an
nounce this intention openly.” Fourth,
the New York Journal of Commerce, the
inspired organ of Wall-street interests,
"ay," ’''Hl the tariff is not to he touched.
Fifth, the American protective tariff n«-
soeiation. the various organizations of tex
tile nmnufactiirera. and all the forces flint
are supporting the republican candidate
have enlisted tn prevent any revision of
the Payne-Aldrich rates. Sixth, the only
«>gicnl conclunfon to bo drawn from tho
republican candidate's speeches is that ho
is enlisted in the same eauae, nnd every
thing that ho says proves it.
After u careful scrutiny of all the
speeches of the republican candidate, I
say that he has not during thia whole enm
i paipn uttered a single pertinent truth vith I
resppef to the public affnirs of this s’ <te,
or given the slightest evidence of sincer
ity. but has gone on from day to day form
ing a habit of misconception, misstate
incuts and misrepresentations.
FOSS AT BIG BOSTON RALLY.
Democratic State Ticket Accorded an
Enthusiastic Ratification — Speech
by Uon^reßMinan Peters.
An enthusiastic ratification was accorded
। the democratic state ticket, headed by
(lov Foss, at a meeting in Tremont tem
ple, Boston. Saturday night. An overflow
meeting was held at Faneuil hall. Tariff
revision was the burden of all the evening
addresses. Gov Foss devoting himself to
the subject exclusively. The other speak
ers. besides the candidates for office, in
cluded Louis D. Brandeis, Congressman
Andrew J. Peters, James M. Curley and
W illiam F. Murray of Boston and John
Alden Thayer of Worcester, former As
sistant Secretary of me Treasury Charles
S. Hamlin. Mayor John F. Fitzgerald and
Janies H. Vahey. one time candidate for
governor on the democratic ticket.
Gov Foss’s discussion of the tariff was
largely devoted to consideration of argu
ments by the republican campaigners. The
governor asserted that “it is a well
known fact that the wages in the Ameri
can textile industri are very little higher
than those in the English mills. In fact
the textile workers are the most poorly
paid class of operatives in the United
States.” After quoting some statistics,
the governor mentioned a recent inter
view attributed to former Gov Draper, in
which occurred the statement that $1.38
in this country buys no more of the neces
sities of life than $1 in England, as show
ing that American textile wages are rela
tively lower than those of England. In
connection with a discussion of the shoe
industry Gov Foss said that the wages are
the highest of any staple industry, and
argued that if the duty were taken off sole
leather and shoe findings the industry
would not suffer.
Gov Foms'n Tour Thin Week.
The itinerary for Gov Foss for this
week is as follows:
Monday—Dhy time, towns of Berkshire
county, including Great Barrintgon. Lee and
Lenox Night, monster rally hi Pittsfield.
1 uesday—Berkshire county towns, daytime.
At night, monster rallies at Adams and
North Adams. On these two dates the gov
ernor was accompanied by the candidates
on the state ticket.
" ednesday—Tour of the towns of Hamp
den and Hampshire counties by the gover
nor and the other candidates of the state
ticket. At night, big rallies at Springfield.
Holyoke and Chicopee. Besides the above
speakers, Messrs Vahey. Hamlin and Whip
ple will speak.
Thursday—Middlesex and Essex cities and
towns. At night, big rallies in Lowell. Law
rence and Haverhill. In these three 'cities
Messrs Foss and Walsh will be accompanied
by Mayor Fitzgerald and others.
Friday—Towns in Norfolk county. At
night, rallies at Brookline. Dedham. Hyde
Park, Natick and Walpole.
Saturday—General conference of campaign
managers and town and city chairmen dur
mg day. Saturday night, rallies at which
the governor will attend.—to be announced
Inter.
MR LUCE TO THE GOVERNOR.
The Candidate for Lieutenant-Gover
nor Propounds Some Questions,
Robert Luce is asking Mr Foss a series
of questions, one at a time. So far, he
says, the governor has answered but one.
There remain, as follows, an even dozen
which republicans think Mr Foss should
answer. Here they are:—
Relating to the tariff, which Mr Foss
says is the big issue:—
How would you determine the right duty
to pu-t on any article of American muaii
fueture:
Do you agree with ex Gov William L.
Douglas that talk us revising tile tariff
acbeilide by schedule is ,-iU Posh?
Do you believe President Taft did the
right thing when Bq^VetoM the hili putting
boots and shoes’ on dhei free list .'
Do you believe it will be well for Massa
chusetts to ahi in lowering either the aver
age profit or the average wage in the texliie
industry?
Do you believe that n vote for you will
help to galvanize the corpse nf rianadtan
reciprocity, anil if go, bow will that come
about ?
Relating to the money devil:—
Do yon approve the Course of 'he repub
lican administration in prosecuting tile great
trusts of the laud?
Do you believe the Sheriii in antitrust law
ought to be repealed?
Do you agree with ex-Gov Douglas that
railroads nre so harassed bv law and regula
tion that they cannot develoo as tbev
should?
Relating to state affairs:—
Do you believe the affairs of Massachu
setts would be administered more cfrleientlr
and nure honestly 'f all Its emiblcaii
oSkials should be replaced by democrats?
Do yon desire that the a'dndnistrarbni of
the prisons of Massachusetts shall lie put o n
a level with the administration of Deer Isl
and?
Why did you approve a special appropria
tion for a baker) and laundry at the North
ampton Insane hospital, against the advice o f
your experts, a month after you said you
could not approve it?
Which horn of the democratic state plaf
form dilemma will you take—complete home
rule for cities, or the interference of a state
finance commission?
Lieutenant-Governor Talks on the
Cotton Schedule,
Lieut-Gov Frothingham, republican can
didate for governor, and Robert Luce,
candidate for lieutenant-governor, ad
dressed a republican rally at Newton Sat
urday night. Mr Frothingham said in
part:—
“Massachusetts is the greatest cotton
manufacturing state in the Union. Massa
chusetts Ims more spindle and spins more
cotton than any other state. A hundred
thousand people earn wages in the cotton
industry, probably 500,000 people are de
pendent upon these wages in this state.
If we include in addition to the operatives
everyliody directly or indirectly connected
with the industry probably three-quarters
of a million of our people are supported by
•cotton manufacture. A blow to the cotton
industry, a serious injury to it, would
mean grave harm to the entire state.
"V\ hat did the democratic party in the
House propose to do to the industry of
manufacturing cotton? They passed a bill
which ent tin- duties from 42 per cent to
15, 20 and 25 per cent. On an average
they have cut the duties 50 per cent.
That is, the; have cut them in halves.
There is no compensation to the industry
on the raw material, for that is free now,
to us as tn the whole world. The result
ol this mil would be to stop in largo
measure the manufacture of fine goods,
in which Massaehnsetts is largely en
gaged. \Vc Jiould be forced to 'make
coarse goods' in competition with the south
ern mills, and this would result in an
overstocking of the market for coarse
goods while tine goods would 1»c imported
from England and Germany,- the fine
goods which you make now. If this bill
were to become law we should either
eease to make tine goods and all the people
engaged in that work now would fiud
themselves without employment, or we
should be compelled to pay foreign wages,”
JOHN n. LONG IS ROUSED.
1 1'nun n Sptech tn Worcester Saturday.)
lou all know that Gov Foss is some
what of a plunger in the stock market.
I suspect that he has done some plunging
in his administration of state affairs. You
2 a nO rV " f bis never ful-
hled. He plunged when he told qf graft
and crooked administration of the state
departments and even with his SSO-a day
experts Im Ims failed to bring any of these
things to light. He has utterly failed.
But we owe him something, I am sure,
I for proving to the world that the state
department,, are conducted honestly aud
efficiently. We owe him something for
showing m- that everything is all right.
1 think that this state will on November
7 put an end tn this plunging admlnlstra-
I tion of Gov Foss.
DAVID I. WALSH MAKES REPLY
IN FARR ALPACA CONTROVERSY.
Makes Answer to Treasurer Metcalf's
Challenge—Tells Where He Got His
Information Abont the Company.
David I. Walsh, democratic candidate
for lieutenant-governor, continued at con
<onsiderable length this week the contro
versy which has arisen between Joseph
Metcalf, treasurer of the Farr alpaca com
pany of Holyoke and Gov Foss and Mr
W alsh over the question of dividends paid
by the Farr alpaca company. Mr Walsh,
passing through Springfield Saturday on
his way to Pittsfield to begin stumping
rlie western part of the state stopped off
in Springfield just long enough to hand
out a reply To the proposition which Mr
Metcalf made Saturday morning to both
the governor and Mr Walsh, in which he
said that if Gov Foss or Mr Walsh will
('rove that the company is paying $57(5,
i or year dividends for each
dollar of capital ever paid in, as they
have stilted, he will personally agree to
forfeit $.»OOO to the Briglitside orphan
age in Holyoke, provided, they or either
of them will make a like forfeit if he
<Mr Metcalf) cannot prove that the state
ments made by the candidates are false.
Mr Mulsh's reply is as follows:—
Mr Joseph Metcalf, Treasurer, Farr Al
paca Uo. Holyoke. Mass.:—
Dear Sir: Iu reply to your statement of
October 21. published as a political adver
tisement in the newspapers to-day the
information regarding the financial history
of the Farr alpaca company is found in
the American Wool and Cotton Reporter
of August 31, HUI, a journal of which
Senator Frank I’. Bennett. Jr., of Saugus
is one of the publishers. Senator Bennett
bus been stumping the state with Lieut-
Gov Frothingham within the past 10 days.
The article in his journal was wholly
friendly to the Farr alpaca company,
written by one who states he had talked
with you. The accuracy of the article
has not been called in question. My infor
mation. therefore is obtained from a
source entirely friendly to you and the re
publicau party. Your reply to it is an
offer to forfeit SSOOO to a pharitable insti
tution you name if I will prove that your
corporation is “paying ss*6 a year divi
dend for each dollar of capital ever paid
in.” The fact is that neither I. nor any
one else so far as I know, ever made the
statement you escribe ro us. The infor
mation given by Senator Bennett's jour
nal, on which my statement was based,
was that the Farr alpaca company is pay
ing annuaUv in regular dividends $576 for
every SIOO in eash capital ever paid in.
Tims by your changing this hundred dol
lars to one dollar your offer becomes one
of the most ridiculous bluffs that has ever
come to my notice.
Even if you hail based your offer on the
statement actually made by me, the propo
sition would be absurd coming from you
at a time like the present. The financial
records of the Farr alpaca company are
in your possession in your capacity as
treasurer. All that yon need to do is to
give the word and you can place before the
people of Massachusetts at once the doc
umentary proof of the cash paid into, the
profits made, and the stock and cash divi
dends declared by the Furr alpaca com
pany since its incorporation in 1873. Why
do you not do this to-morrow, Monday. Oc
tober 23. and thus give the voters of Mas
sachusetts as much time as possible in
which to study the financial record of your
company before they cast their votes next
month at an election in which tariff re
vision has been made the issue by a re
publican president of the United States?
Until wo have an official statement of
this financial record from you. the voters
will be justified in relying on the informa
tion already obtained from sources entire
ly friendly to yon. Let us examine this
information. The cash capital and stock
dividends are given as follows:—
Total capital.
1873, cash paid in SIOO,iX»
1880. too per cent stock dividend... 200.000
1887, looper cent stock dividend... 4<»\<XlO
181*4, 50 per cent stock dividend... 600.000
1901. wo per cent stock dividend... 1.3XM100
1900. 100 per .'ent stock dividend... 2,400.000
Senator Bennett's journal and the
financial prospectus of your company is
sued by Turner, Tucker & Co, state that
the Farr Alpaca company paid a dividend
of 24 per cent on $2,400,00 or $576,000 in
1910. That is 576 per cent, or $576 for
every SIOO dollars of the only cash which,
according to the above statement, has ever
been paid into your company.
Let us look a little more closely nt this
amazing financial record. In the state
ment published in Senator Bennett's Jour
nal I find the following: “Taking 24 per
cent as the average cash dividend, we are
very safe. It has been, in some cases.
66 2-3 per cent, and in other years 40
per cent, so that figuring 24 per cent an
nual dividends is very conservative.”
On this basis we find that in addition
to the stock dividends your company has
paid since 1873 cash dividends amount
ing in the aggregate to $5,640,000. We
also learn on the same authority that the
present market value of the Farr Alpaca
company’s stock is 410, making the total
market value of the stock of the comnany
$9,840,000. Adding to this the dividends
of $5,640,000, we find that the original
cash capital of SIOO,OOO in 1873 has re
turned to the holders in dividends and in
creased valuation the sum of $15,380,000.
It will be no answer to the voters of
Massachusetts for you to assert that the
above statement is not correct. Whether
your stock has grown in 38 years from
SIOO,OOO to $10,000,009 or $12,000,000 or
$15,000,000 is immaterial. One ’■ate of
increase is practically as bad for the
public ns the other. In order to prevent
any possibility of useless quibbling over
exact figures I ask that you gave the
voters a statement of the official record of
your, corporation.
But the issue in the election is not alone
these enormous profits which are indeed
beyond the dream of avarice. The issue
includes the reason for such profits nnd
the remedy. Accordingly I ask you when
giving an official statement of the financial
history of the Farr alpaca company, to
answer the following questions:—
1. Is it not a fact that the Farr alpaca
company is protected by a tariff on its
products of more than 100 per cent?
2. Is it not a fact that the products of
the Farr alpaca company are sold at
prices from 80 to 100 per cent above the
prices of like goods in England?
3. Is it not a fact that the compensa
tory tariff on the products of the Farr al
paca company is based on the assumption
that four pounds of wool are used for one
pound of goods, whereas yon actually use
approximately only one pound of wool for
one pOtind of goods?
4. The woolen hill vetoed by President
Tuff provided for a duty nf 29 per cent
on wool and 49 per rent on the Farr al
paca company's products. Is it not a fact
that those rates would have given your
corporation n not protection of approxi
mately 35 per cent?
5. Is it not a fact that 35 per cent
would more than cover the difference be
tween your cost of production and what
you believe to be the foreign cost of pro
duction?
6. Is it nnt a fact that an official of
the Furr alpaca company named Metcalf,
has boasted in recent years that his cor
poration had attained a position where it
could compete with foreign mills without
the protection of any tariff?
7. Do you indorse the statement made
to Robert Luce, republican candidate for
lieut emint-governor, by Frank Metcalf, as
sistant treasurer of the Farr alpaca com
pany, that if the woolen tariff bill had
been signed by President Taft, you could
not have run your mill at a profit if every
one of your employes had worked for
nothing?
The voters of Massachusetts should have
nt once the information called for by these
questions. They are not interested in a
comini risen of railroad dividends with the
percentage your dividends bear to your
sales The issue is the revision of the
PnyHo-Aldrich tariff bill, and especially
schedule K. I therefore ask you to give
the voters your reply without delay.
In conclusion let me add. as you seem
to be anxious “not to waste further time
on the subject, as denial seems useless,'*
that as I have not had the benefits of the
profits coming from the great protection
that the tariff laws have given yon. I
am not in a position financially to accept
your offer of $501)0 to the Brightside or
phanage in rhe city of Holyoke. Instead
of devoting my time to the accumulation
of an immense fortune to make wagers
for the benefit of charitable institutions,
I am devoting my strength and ability in
this campaign to keep out of charitable or
phanages thousands of American children
which the nefarious nnd unjust tariff laws
are driving to these institutions by reason
of discriminating benefits which the tariff
affords to you and others at the sacrifice
of the health and prosperity of the toiling
mothers and fathers who are deprived of
their honest share of the profits which
these industries afford them.
Don't misunderstand my position, I am
not attacking the industry, hut am op
posing unfair discriminations which the
wool tariff lias given such industries as
yours for the last 40 years.
Y’ours respectfullv,
„ David I. Walsh,
Boston. October 22. JMI.
MR METCALF WRITES AGAIN.
Tells David I. Walsh That Figures
He Has Taken Front Cotton and
Wool Reporter Are Based on False
Assumption.
Joseph Metcalf, treasurer of the Farr
alpaca company of Holyoke, Monday
added to the list of open letters with re
gard to the affairs of that company by
writing the following to David I. Walsh,
candidate for lieuteuant-governor:—
I will nor follow you through the mass
of figures you quote from the Wool and
Cotton Reporter, as they are based on a
false assumption, and 1 warned you in
my advertisement that an excuse that you
saw the figures in some paper would 'not
hold, as you had been notified that they
were untrue. I can’t be held responsible
tor unfounded statements published by
any paper, and I will not publish our pri
vate business affairs to refute such ab
surdities ns appear in the article you
quote from. Furthermore, if you will not
believe me when I say the statement you
have circulated is untrue, what reason
have I to expect different treatment for
auy other statement unless it happens to
suit your purpose? You excuse yourself
for not accepting my "dare” on the ground
of inability to thus spend money. Is not
that equivalent to au admission that you
are unable to prove your case and will
not take the risk of losing? Perhaps I
was reckless in making such an offer, but
I had no fear of losing. "Thrice armed
is he who hath his quarrel just.”
You fire off a string of questions at me
which I am told is the second list you
have uttered. There are seven questions,
but they run so into each other I will
condense the answers into one. We do
not have a protection on our products of
more than 100 per cent. The duty is com
pound, and on some lines will figure equal
to 100 per cent ad valorem. But it is
not all protection to us because we pay a
heavjj, duty on wool and cotton warps as
well as other materials, and it is more
properly called a protection to labor, as
we are by reason of this tariff enabled to
pay and do pay our help 150 per cent
more than the employes of our competitors
in England receive, that is to say. we pay
2% times the wages paid in England for
the same work. We do not claim that
four pounds of wool are used for one
pound of goods of our make. We use
wools of various shrinkages, some losing
twice as much as others, but not one class
shrinks so little as to enable us to make
one ‘pound of goods with one pound of
wool. The compensatory duty is made to
cover the long line of fabrics under the
head of dress goods and coat linings, and
must protect the weakest link in tbe chain,
but I can say most positively that our prices
are below the cost of similar English goods
plus the duty, as I can prove by the testi
mony of a New York importer who filed a
brief with the ways and means committee
against the adoption of the Payne-Aldrich
tariff.
It is not a fact that tbe hill vetoed by
President Taft would have given us a net
protection approximating 35 per cent. It
is not a fact that any responsible official
of the Farr alpaca company of any name
ever said his corporation could compete
with foreign mills without the protection
of any tariff, hut I say now at equal cost
of materials and wages we can compete
with any foreign mill. In reply to your
las', question I quote from a reply to a
letter I received from Gov Foss asking
me practically the same question: “I have
been asked that question by some of otir
stockholders, but I have consistently de
clined to guess. I have, however,' told
theni our experience under the Wilsou
tariff and left them to draw their infer
euce. I have said the Wilson bill gave
us free wool and 40 to 50 per cent ad
valorem on goods. Under that we had to
cut wages, and then for 13 months of the
2i,g years the tariff existed we did not
run over 25 )>er cent of our capacity, hut
did 'ti that time import from England
over 2.000X100 yards of goods in one of onr
lines, in the gray, to dye and finish here
and thus try to hold our trade. A now
tariff came into effect July, 1897, and
we restored the cut in wages, since which
we have raised wages at various times
an aggregate of 34 per cent. The vetoed
bill offered us a duty of 29 per cent on
wool with 49 per eent on goods, so with
very much less net protection, much high
er wages and ad valorem in place of part
specific duties, thus facilitating customs
frauds, who can doubt the result.
Walsh on Farr Alpaca Statemento.
In his Colonial theater address at
Pittsfield Monday night Mr Walsh
said: My attention was called before
coming upon the platform this even
ing to a public statement issued to-day by
Joseph Metchlf, treasurer of the Farr
alpnea company of Holyoke. This is the
third statement made by representatives
of the Farr alpaca company since this
campaign began. The first was made to
Robert Luce, republican candidate for liett
tenant-governor, while being entertained at
Mr Metcalf's residence in Holyoke, which
statement Mr Luce made public at the
republican rally held in Holyoke that even
ing. Mr Metcalf has never affirmed or
denied that statement, though Mr Luce,
in later speeches, modified and apologized
for it. The second statement was issued
by nay of a political advertisement pub
lished in Springfield and Boston papers
last Sunday. That statement was an
swered in a letter written by me and
printed in the morning papers to-day.
This afternoon another statement ap
peared in the press, and this one is the
most remarkable of all in that it withdraws
all previous statements and informs us that
Mr Metcalf desires to correct his advertise
ment of Sunday and makes a new proposi
tion which he describes as “more explicit
and broader." What nn evasion of the issue
is this last statement! In the newspapers
of Saturday, October 4, was published a
request that the treasurer answer certain
questions as to the financial condition of this
company. Again in this morning’s press
certain direct and explicit questions were
propounded, the answers to which would
accurately inform the public as to where the
truth lies in this controversy. I do not
wonder that, instead of answers to our
questions, this company is resorting to the
not uncommon bluff of ward politicians to
make some charitable institution a bene
ficiary if the impossible should happen.
There is no need of Mr Metcalf's requesting
Gov Foss or myself to acknowledge that wo
have misstated the financial history of Illis
company. The people of the commonwealth
whose intelligence can be relied upon, will
vindicate this company from any false ac
cusation if the Farr alpaca company hou
estly disclose their condition and open their
books to iuspection.
I do übt wonder at the -heeitancj end
evasiveness, for I find in the article on
the Farr alpaca company, written in the
American Wool and Cotton Reporter of
August 31, 1911, which paper is pub
lished by n repuhlieau senator of the
Massachusetts legislature and others. The
article was intended to be wholly friendly
hut It contained the following:—
"The Farr alpaca company is probably
the most retire corporation in th*
I nited States." If the Farr alpaca com
pany have no official who can write an
exnlieit and broad political advertisement
which conveys to the public what they in
tend to say, how can the publip place any
confidence in the hooks of this company?
Mr Walsh in his formal address com
pared the republican and democratic pat
forms, taking up the tariff especially, and
said in conclusion: I have presented to von
the substance of the two platforms. The
democratic is pointed, constructive, aggres
sive, progressive and timely. The repub
lican platform is noteworthy simply for
the tilings it omits. It presents scarcely a
single vita! issue. What intelligent voter
after careful comparison can hesitate in
his Choice between them, or can doubt that
the democratic party stands for the tost
interests of state and nation?
NOMINATION EXPENSES.
Walker and "White Spend the Largest
Sums— Frothingham Just $2500—
Fobs Not in, But One Mail Grace—
Langtry's Contributions.
From Our Special Reporter.
Boston. Monday. October 23.
Five o'clock this afternoon was the eud
of the time for filing returns of the luoney
spent to secure nominations for office. But
the office will allow till the morning mail
without holding those whose returns come
by that time to be criminals. Gov Foss
is in the list of those who had not been
heard from at the close of business to
night, Surprising facts about the returns
are that Speaker Waiker and Norman H.
White, both of whom had to do with the
passage of the law, are the largest sjiend
ers of money for nominations. Speaker
Walker’s return is for $8839, and Norman
IL White's is for $7778, including $3736
to the Bucks printing company, S2IBO
for jmstage, SSOO to George F. Howell,
$145 to the McKinnon pxinting company,
and various sums to individuals.
Louis Frothingham reports that he spent
just $2500. On September 16 he sub
scribed SISOO to tbe Frothingham cam
paign committee, and bn September 25,
the day before the primaries, lie gave the
same con-mittee SIOOO more. There is no
statement further of the uses for which
the money was spent. Robert Luce re
turns that he spent $39.33, of which $8.33
was for mnltigraphing, $6 for getting sig
natures to Ins nomination papers, and not
exceeding $25 for postage.
Frank J. Donahue, democratic candidate
for secretary of state, returns that he spent
$24. including $17.50 for printing 10,000
postal cards. Herbert IV. Burr, republican
candidate for auditor, spent $399, which he
returned itemized only after his lump sum
of S4OO had been returned to him as irregu
lar and a revised return requested. George
W. Anderson, democratic candidate for at
torney-general, spent $232, the largest item
being $57 for circulating nomination papers.
Thomas L. Hisgen spent one sum of $7 and
another of $6 for printing and minor things.
Joseph J. Leonard, democratic candidate
for attorney-general, spent SBS, of which
went to the Wright & Potter printing
company for printing.
State Treasurer Stevens sets forth in
some emphasis of detail that he spent noth
ing and promised nothing whatever for any
purposes. Secretary of State Langtry re
turns that he spent $265, of which SIOO
went to the republican state committee and
SSO to the republican city committee of
Springfield, which would Seem to make the
question timely whether or not these com
mittees used the money to promote Lang
try's nomination. Edward O. Skelton, dem
ocratic candidate for secretary of state,
says that he spent nothing. Attorney-Gen
eral James M. Swift says that he spent
nothing for his nomination. Some have
hastily concluded that Messrs Walker and
White have violated the law, but close read
ing shows that the limit of <5009 is only
upon gifts to a political committee. They
may spend an unlimited amount for per
sonal expenses, which are defined by law
and admits large range of such outlays as
are usually made.
FOSS SPENT NOTHING.
Accordingly He Made No Return of
■ Caucus Expenses.
The morning mail at Boston Tuesday
brought no return from Gov Foss to the
secretary of state's department of the gov
ernor's primary expenses. Time for these
returns under the corrupt practices act ex
pired at 5 o’clock Monday night, but the
secretary of state announced that if the
governor's return should come in Tuesday
morning in the first mail he would re
ceive it.
A circular issued recently in the interest
of Gov Foss’s candidacy gives him credit,
among other things, for the passing of this
corrupt practices act. limiting campaign
expenses. Some surprise was expressed,
therefore, when he made no return at all
by 5 o'clock Monday evening, as the law
demands.
At the executive department it was
stated by Assistant Secretary Harlow,
in explanation of the governor's failure to
file a return, that the governor incurred
no personal or other expenses, nor did he
give or promise anything to any person
or committee. Even in cases, however,
whore a candidate spends nothing the sec
retary of state's department holds that
the candidate must send iu a return to
that effect. Thus Monday Attorney-Gen
eral .Tames M. Swift of Fall River filed a
formal return that ip his candidacy for
the republican nomination for attorney
general he had expended "nothing." So
Charles B. Strecker of Brookline, candi
date for . the democratic nomination for
auditor, returned that bo had expended
‘nothing." It is too late for the governor
to make even one of these "nothing” re
ports. If any kind of a return should
be sent to the secretary of state's depart
ment now, it would be immediately turned
over to the attorney-general. There is no
way the secretary of state’s department
can know whether a candidate in his ex
penditures has violated the corrupt prac
tices act nr whether he has spent abso
lutely nothing unless he sends in some
kind of a return.
«10,178 VOTERS IN NEW YORK.
Registration for the election in New
York on November 7, when a fusion tick
et will oppose Tammany hall’s nominees
for several important New York county
offices. are complete. The total of the
four-days’ registration is 619,175 for the
greater city, compared with 617.707 last
year, when state officers were elected.
BALDWIN ON THE SHERMAN LAW.
[From the Brooklyn Eagle.]
Simeon Eben Baldwin of Connecticut is
probably regarded by lawyers as the great
est jurist now serving as governor of any
American state. He has never been a
theorist, never a politician. His works on
American law are accepted authorities.
Therefore Gov Baldwin's analysis of the
Sherman law may be considered a strictly
nonpolitical statement, worthv of the
closest attention. It calls attention to
the blindness of the stature, which has
cost some $2,000,000 to have interpreted.
It shows that the law added nothing to
the common law notion of restrictions on
trade and production. It points out the
despotic power of ordering or stopping
prosecutions virtually invested in the
president of the Ignited States. It notes
the thousands of apies employed to col
lect evidence.' It adds:—
Let hr not em'nuruge Congress to create
obstacles. Let the states taun.
ngo their own eonceVnM. Let ns have bus!
ness neace hr the rule, ami business disturb
nU< ^k lßl as the
o The gkat business public of the United
* “Amen!” to these utterances
of Goy Baldwin. It is high time for poli
ticiuns and demagogs to take a back seat
and for sanity to resume its normal sway
in our economic system.