Springfield weekly Republican. [volume], February 29, 1912, Page 4, Image 4

About Springfield weekly Republican. [volume] (Springfield, Mass.) 1851-1946

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4
ROOSEVELT WILL RUN.
STATEMENT TO GOVERNORS
ISSUED IN COLONEL'S ABSENCE.
PLEADS FOR DIRECT PRIMARIES.
A BRIEF DEFINITE ACCEPTANCE.
Ex.PresYdent Says He Will Adhere to
Decision Until the Republican Con
vention Has Expressed Its Prefer
ence.
"I will accept the nomination for presi
dent if it is tendered me, and I will adhere
to this decision until the convention has ex
pressed its preference,” is Col Theodore
Roosevelt’s reply to the letter of seven re
publican governors asking him to stand for
nomination. The eagerly awaited reply was
given out Sunday at Col Roosevelt s of
fices in New York during his absence on a
trip to Boston. It was unexpectedly brief
but very definite. It was dated the 24th,
from New York, as follows: —
"Gentlemen: I deeply appreciate your let
ter, and I realize to the full the heavy re
sponsibility it puts upon me, expressing as
it does, tbe carefully considered convictions
of tbe men elected by popular vote to stand
as the head of government in their several
states.
“I absolutely agree with you that this
matter is not one to be decided with any
reference to the personal preferences or in
terests of any man. but purely from the
standpoint of the interests of the people as
a whole. I will accept the nomination for
president if it is tendered to me, and I will
adhere to this decision until the convention
has expressed its preference. One of the
chief principles for which 1 have stood and
for which I now stand, and which I have
always endeavored and always shall en
deavor to reduce, to action, is the genuine
rule of the people: and therefore I hope
that so far as possible the people may be
given the chance, through direct primaries,
to express their preference as to who shall
be the nominee of the republican presiden
tial convention. Very truly yours.
“Theodobe Roosevelt.”
Govs William E. Glasscock of West Vir
ginia, Chester H. Aldrich of Nebraska,
Robert P. Bass of New Hampshire,
Joseph M. Carey of Wyoming. Chase S.
Osborn of Michigan, W. R. Stubbs of Kan
sas and Herbert S. Hadley of Missouri,
to whom the letter is addressed, assembled
at Chicago two weeks ago and drafted a
letter to Col Roosevelt asserting that there
was a popular demand that he be presi
dent again, and urging him to declare him
self as to whether be would accept the
republican nomination if “it came unso
licited and unsought. " For two weeks Col
Roosevelt considered the letter, indicating
plainly that he hsd no intention of making
a hasty reply. The governors’ letter, dat
ed. Chicago, tbe 10th. follows :—
"We, the undersigned republican gov
ernors. assembled for the purpose of con
sidering what will best insure the continu
ation of the republican party as a useful
agency of good government, declare it onr
belief, after a careful investigation of the
facts, that a large majority of the repub
lican voters of the country favor your nom
ination. and a large majority of the people
favor your election, as the next president
of the United States.
“We believe that your candidacy will
insure success to the next campaign. Wc
believe that you represent, as no other
man represents, those principles and poli
cies upon which we must appeal for a ma
jority of the rotes of th° American peo
ple, and which, in our opinion, arc neces
sary for the happiness and prosperity of
the country.
“We believe that in view of this public
demand you should soon declare whether,
if the nomination for the presidency come
to you unsolicited and unsought von will
accept it.
"In submitting this request we are not
considering your personal interests. We
do not regard it aS proper to consider
either the interests or the preference of
any man as regards the nomination for
the presidency. We are expressing our
sincere belief and best judgment as to
what is demanded of you in the interests
of the people as a whole. And we feel
that you would be unresponsive to a plain
public duty if yon should decline to ac
cept the nomination, coming as the voltin
tarv expression of the wishes of a ma
jority of the republican voters of the
United States, through the action of their
delegates in the next national conveu
tion.”
Efforts by Col Rosevelt's friends to in
duce him to make an earlier declaration
of his attitude on the presidential ques
tion bad been unavailing. His laconic and
characteristic remark to a friend in Cleve
land last week Wednesday. "My hat is in
the ring—you will have my answer Mon
day.” was the first actual indication that
lie had in mind an affirmative answer to
the governors' letter. Upon promise that
the reply would be given out Sunday a
small army of newspaper men gathered
at the colonel’s offices early in the even
ing. Secretary Frank Harper met the re
porters punctually and pare out the
correspondence without comment. He said
he was in no position to comment, and
owing to the colonel’s absence in Boston,
where he will spend several days, it was
impossible to obtain an elaboration of the
statements made in the letter.
COLONEL EXPLAINS PLEDGE.
He Meant “Consecutive”—Day of
Books and Politics.
Col Roosevelt plunged into the thick of
the fight for the presidential nomination
at Boston Monday. He said unequivo
cally that he was in the fight to the end,
and was glad of it. He replied to the
charge that he would be breaking his
■'third-term'’ pledge if he accepted an
other nomination and asserted that wheth
er or not he shoulu be the choice of his
party at the Chicago convention he would
abide by its decision "I am perfectly
happy now.' said he, “because I am mak
ing a straight-out fight for a principle.
The issue is in no way a personal one.”
"Do you intend to support the republican
nominee, whoever he may be?” was asked.
“Of course I shall,” he replied with em
phasis.
In response to inquiries os to the prifi
ciple for which he is fighting, Col Roose
velt referred questioners to his speeches iu
Columbus, 0., last week and before the
Massachusetts House Monday. In his
address yesterdav he defended his proposal
for limited recall of judicial.deeisions and
championed the right of popular opinion
to control the machinery or government.
Col Roosevelt's position in regard to tbe
“third term" was explained to a number
of his callers Monday. “My position is
perfectly simple." he said. “I stated it
as flearly as I could in 1804 and reiterated
it in 1907. I said that I would not ac
cept a nomination for a third term, under
any circumstances, meaning, of course, a
third consecutive term. I could not have
said less nt the time nor could 1 have
said more. Of course 1 could not then
know whether or not there would be a
I demand for me io accept a nomination at
some future time. Aud believing ks I
I do that the selection of candidates for
I the presidency rests entirely with the peo
ple. I cotilti not say that nt no time in my
। life would I accept another nomination.
It must be clear to any reasonable man
that the precedent which forbids a third
' term has reference solely to a third con
secutive term. It grew out of the fact
that a president of the United States, un
der the present convention system of elect
| ing delegates, can. if ho knows how to use
I the machinery at his disposal, renominate
himself, even though the majority of his
party is against him. But after he has
been out of office for a term be has lost
control of that machinery. He is in the
position absolutely of any private citizen.
The machinery is then in the hands of the
man occupying the office of president.
Col Roosevelt devoted a large part of
the day to conferring with the men who
are forming the Roosevelt organization in
Massachusetts. He told them that he
would not identify himself actively, for
the present at least, with the organization.
He talked for some time with Gov Robert
P. Bass of New Hampshire. After taking
lunch with Mrs Roger Wolcott, widow of
a governor of Massachusetts, lind Mar
garet Deland, the novelist, he went to the
1 state house, and thence to the home of
Speaker Grafton Cushing, with whom he
spent the night. Tuesday the colonel paid
andother visit to Harvard. and
also met a few more politicians. Mr
Roosevelt promised Monday to send a
letter to be read at a Roosevelt rally
which will be held at Boston Saturday
night by the progressive republican league.
Gov Stubbs of Kansas. ex-Gov Fort of
New Jersey and Senator Clapp of Minne
sota are expected to speak.
UNDERWOOD ENTERS RACE.
FORMAL ANNOUNCEMENT MADE.
Bankhead I* the Manager—Say* Hi*
Candidate is in the Race to Stay.
Representative Oscar W. Underwood of
Alabama, majority leader of the House,
was formally entered Saturday in the
race for the democratic nomination for the
presidency. In making the announcement
I
QfeWßt. &
*
OSCAR W UNDERWOOD OF ALABAMA.
IHis candidacy is announced for presidency.]
at Washington. Senator Bankhead also
announced the opening of Underwood head
quarters in that city. Mr Bankhead will
act as chairman of the Underwood cam
peign and as the representative’s man
ager. The statement follows: "To set at
rest auy question in the public mind as
to the actual candidacy of Representative
Underwood of Alabama. I desire to say
that alt we are doing in his behalf has
his full and hearty concurrence. He is a
candidate and is in the race not only to
win the nomination, but also for the elec
tion in November.”
The Underwood headquarters are
situated in the Woodward office building
in the upper part of the business section.
Desks, tables and other office fixtures have
been installed. "Headquarters will be con
ducted." Mr Bankhead’s statement con
tinues. "in a strictly systematic and busi
ness-like way with ns ranch regard for de
tail as is exercised by the most complex
and minutely organized business concern.
Every moment of the day will be filled
with zealous activities, carried on by my
enthusiastic and trained assistants.
"I wish the people of the country to
know that we expect to go in on the
strength of our candidate, his high charac
ter. his well-tried leadership, his perfect
sanity and poise, and his fidelity, both to
his friendships and also to the great and
time-honored principles of the democratic
party. If we are unable to win, save
through anonymous and unsigned attacks
on other candidates, then we do not ex
pect. or even care, to win. Indeed, under
such circumstances we would not deserve
to win. In all we do, it will never be for
gotten that there is a certain comity due
between candidates of the same party and
that after the nomination we must be in
position to fight a common political enemy.”
TAFT CONFIDENT OF SUCCESS.
President Says to Intimate Friend)
“I Know That We’re Right"—Blow
Apparently Unexpected —- Joy in
Wilson and Harmon Headquarters.
President Taft was given a copy of
Roosevelt's letter of acceptance, but he
would make no comment Sunday. White
House officials were also reticent, but they
made no attempt to disguise their interest.
The Taft campaign bureau was dark Sun
day, Director William B. McKinJev hav
ing left Washington Sunday for Chicago.
The only remark by the president during
the day which at all bore upon the tense 1
political situation was made to a senator
who asked that his name be not used. It
was this: “I know that we're right, and
I am confident that we will Ire success
ful.” It has been only in the last fort
night that President Taft has been willing
to admit to his closest friends that he be
lieved Col Roosevelt would enter the race
against him for the nomination. It is
doubted whether up to the last minute he
was fully convinced that any announce
ment coming from his predecessor would
be without a proviso.
That President Taft was deeply hurt
to learn that from now on he must engage
in an open contest against the man under
whom he served for some years became
known soon after tbe Roosevelt letter was
made public. The relations between Col
Roosevelt and Mr Taft when the latter
served as secretary of war were excep
tionally close. For months President Taft
| refused to believe that Col Roosevelt
would oppose him for a renomination and
that he was certain the colonel would turn
। a deaf ear to all the urging that he him
self should become a candidate was known
| to all Mr Taft's friends.
Weekly Review From Toft Bureau.
Notwithstanding the exciting news from
New- York, the usual optimistic weekly re
view of the last week was issued Sunday
by the Tuft bureau. It was stated that
44 delegates for Taft had thus far been
elected. No account was taken of the sev
eral contesting delegations. the statement
being made that no republican delegates
opposed to Mr Taft had been chosen. It
was also reiterated Sunday by friends
.2—KEHL HLLUAIX: IHLKbUAi, t^KIAKI WU-
of the president that he was willing to let
stand his announcement of several weeks
ago that nothing but death would take him
out of tbe tight for the nomination.
Mr Roosevelt's letter was read to Sen
ators La Follette and Cummins, both
avowed candidates for the republican nom
ination, but neither would make any com
ment. The Woodrow Wilson and the Jud
son Harmon headquarters issued state
ments expressing their delight at the mud
dying of republican waters, and several
prominent democratic leaders took occa
sion to predict an easier task for their
party in the coming campaign.
NO THIRD PARTY SCHEME.
Roosevelt Manager Suva Colonel Doe*
Not Favor Sach a Move in Event of
Failure at Chicago.
At the national Roosevelt committee
headquarters in Washington, tbe director
of which is Medill McCormick, the fol
lowing statement was given out Sunday
"Col Roosevelt has no intention whatso
ever of forming a third or ‘people’s party’
in tbe event the Chicago convention
fails to name him as the candidate of the
republican party. Statements recently
made that tbe former president would take
such action are declared to be without
foundation.
"That such a proposition has been made
to Co] Roosevelt, is not denied. It is
stated that the activity of the administra
tion nomination campaign managers in
making use of the ‘steam roller’ caused
several admirers of Col Roosevelt to fear
the Chicago convention would be ‘packed’
and that the popular will of tbe people
would find no expression there.
"In this event, it was asserted, it would
be well to give the people a chance to ex
press their sentiments at the polls, an in
dependent party being formed to place Col
Roosevelt’s name before them. From an
authoritative source it was learned to-day
that Col Roosevelt did not look upon the
proposition with favor, and in effect stated
that such a proceeding was out of the
question.”
TAFT ISSUES A DENIAL.
Calls Report ••Falsehood"—Gives
What He Really Said.
President Taft denied at Washington
Saturday emphatically that in a speech in
New York on Lincoln's birthday be said
that "the people are not fitted for self
government.” In the first official state
ment of this kind that the White House
has ever issued during the Taft adminis
tration it calls the circulation of this story
a "falsehood.” Tbe White House state
ment follows:—
"Among the falsehoods that are being as
siduously circulated by persons and papers
opposed to the president is one that in his
Lincoln’s day speech the president argued
'that tbe peimle are not fitted for self-gov
ernment.’ President Taft said nothing
upon that occasion which could possibly
be tortured into any such construction.
The speech in which the president made
reference to popular government was deliv
ered at the banquet of the state bar asso
ciation in New York on tbe night of Jan
uary 20. What he then said on this sub
ject and it was correctly quoted in the
newspapers the following day, was this:
•Popular government we all believe in.
There are those of us who do not believe
that all people are fitted for popular gov
ernment. The fact is we know they are
not. Some of us do not dare say so, but
1 do; and the question whether a people
is fitted for popular self-government so as
to make that government best for that
people is determined by the ability of the
majority of that people to place upon itself
tbe restraint by which the minority shall
receive justice from the majority. It is
tbe question of self-imposed restraint that
determines whether, a people is fit to gov
ern itself.’ ’
While it is not admitted by anyone at
the White House who has authority to
speak for the president, that his correction
of the interpretation placed by some people
upon his New York speech included Col
Roosevelt, political leaders at Washington
believe such to be the case. Many of
President Taft’s friends assert that Col
Roosevelt had Mr Taft in mind when in
his Columbus speech he said: “Many emi
nent lawyers, who more or less frankly
disbelieve in our entire American system
of government for, by and of the people,
violently antagonize this proposal. They
believe and sometimes assert that the
American people are not fitted for popular
government and that it is necessary to
keep the judiciary independent of the ma
jority or of all the people, that there must
be no appeal to the people from the deci
sion of a court in any case, and that there
fore the judges are to be established as
sovereign rulers over the people. I take
absolute issue with all those who hold
such a position.”
In the same connection Col Roosevelt
also said: t “lf the American people are
not fit for popular government and if they
should of right be tbe servants and not
the masters of the men whom thev them
selves put in office, then Lincoln’s work
was wasted and the whole system of gov
ernment upon which this great democratic
republic rests i\a failure?’ After speak
ing at length of the "position which these
eminent lawyers take and applaud’’ Col
Roosevelt said: “The only tenable excuse
for such a position is the frank avowal
that the people lack sufficient intelligence
and morality to be fit to govern them
selves.”
TAFT TO ANSWER ROOSEVELT.
Presidential Trip Will Be Extended to
Chicago.
President Taft will reply to Co] Theo
dore Roosevelt’s Columbus speech. Al
though the president will make no direct
attack on Mr Roosevelt, and although ad
ministration officials at Washington re
fused to discuss his Columbus speech, it
became known Thursday that the presi
dent would answer the speech and present
a clean-cut issue between his political creed
and th At of his predecessor. Mr Taft’s
answer will not be made all in one speech
| but between now and the last of March
I he has many sneaking engagements that
will be utilized for this purpose.
The president Thursday extended his
forthcoming trip to Chicago. He will stop
in Toledo. 0., and speak to the chamber
of commerce there the night of March 8.
In Toledo he will probably make the first
speech of a series that will reply to Mr
Roosevelt. President Taft, it was said
Thursday, felt that Mr Roosevelt had at
last given him an opportunity Io make his
position clear without indulging in anv
personal attack.
To many of the doctrines the former
president enunciated at Columbus Presi
dent Taft is in agreement; to others he is
known to be unalterably opposed. Among
these are the initiative and referendum
the recall of Judges and the recall of ju
dicial decisions. The president has speak
ing engagements in New York. Ohio, Chi
cago and New England, and it is possible
that others will be made for him. Many
that others will be made for bim.
BRYAN FAVORS GOV SHAFBOTH.
Says He Prefers Colorado Man to Any
Other Candidate for President.
Gov John F. Sha froth was projected into
the ring of democratic presidential possibil
ities Saturday night by William J. Bryan,
who said in a public address at Greeley,
Col.: "I would rather see Gov Shafrotb of
Colorado nominated for the presidenev
than any democrat yet mentioned.” Mr
Bryan added that he did not wish to be
understood as criticizing any democratic
candidate.
TAFT AND ROOSEVELT COMPARED
HOW THEY LOOK IN WASHINGTON.
Element* of Their Strength and
Weoknene—An Incident Affording a
Typical Comparison Between 'Their
Adiniuiatration*.
brom Our Special Correspondent.
WAsmnaTON. D. C.. Monday, Feb. 10.
Tbe question uppermost in the minds of
those who support President Taft for re
nomination is whether Ibu coming an
nouncement by Mr Roosevelt will result in
a stampede to his banner, or whether the
transparency of his attitude for weeks past
will prove to have discounted the effect
which tbe announcement might otherwise
have bad. The logic of the situation would
seem to point toward the latter result; but
logic bus not always been a safe guide in
endeavoring to determine tbe course of Mr
Roosevelt’s amazing career.
The elements of strength and weakness
to be found in the two contestants, who
are now entering upon an unprecedented
chapter in political history, are obvious.
But they are not as distinct as may ap
pear on the surface, since on each side
there, is at least one element of apparent
sirength which, when closely examined, re
veals a degree of weakness which may
prove of much importance in the final re
sult. On the oue hand is Mr Taft, with
the nominal advantage possessed by the
president in office, through having control
of the regular party organization and of
the federal administration. In addition be
clearly has the support of a growing body
of public opinion among those more sober
and intelligent people who have begun to
see with increasing clearness and enthusi
asm that, despite attack and his own in
capacity to advertise his achievements. Mr
Taft has steadily been adding to a record
of definite accomplishments for the public
welfare, which, when it is summed up, is
surprising In its impressiveness. But the
question is, how large a proportion of the
whole people is constituted by those who
have thus come to recognize how well Mr
Taft deserves the public approval?
On the other hand is Mr Roosevelt with
his unquestioned genius for dramatic ap
peal, the potency of which in the presept
situation time alone will show. Already
ranged under the Roosevelt banner are all
the disgruntled politicians of the party
who have not been able to secure appoint
ments for themselves or for their friends
from the present administration, and who
hope to fare better at the public crib it
there is a change. In this category are in
cluded such men as William Ward, tbe
New Y'ork politician, who is now re
ported to be running the Roosevelt cam
paign in that state and who has been
estranged by failure of the Taft adminis
tration to appoint his candidates for post
masterships. Combined with this class are
a variety of wealthy men who have been
caught m tbe net of the administration's
fearless trust prosecutions and who, in
retaliation, have turned to the task of de
stroying it. Reports have previously gone
out from Washington to the effect that the
administration was served with notice that
it could escape hostility in such quarters
by consenting to call off the prosecutions,
which Mr Taft stoutly refused to do, and
these reports appear to accord with the
facts. To such animus may be attributed
much of the intensity of the fight which
is being waged on Mr Taft, in Ohio par
ticularly.
An element of more apparent than real
value to Mr Roosevelt is the “sore-toe
crowd,” as it has been expressively de
scribed by one of Mr Roosevelt’s own sup
porters, who has recognized that what
might appear to be an element of strength
has actually become one of weakness.
This is the 'group of which the Pinchots
are typical, find is to be distinguished'from
the category ctf disgruntled politicians by
the fact that It is made up of what may
be called a more "high-brow” class, men
who may be freely conceded to have higher
ideals than those of tbe average politician
in regard to government, although they
have descended in their warfare upon Mr
Taft to methods which many an average
politician would scoru to follow. Finally,
there is an undoubtedly great body of
those whom Lincoln described as the plain
people, who have been led by misrepre
sentation and specious argument into dis
trust of Mr Taft and who, unable as yet to
appreciate that there has always been
more thunder than actual achievement in
Mr Roosevelt’s performances, regard him
as the man called for by the needs of the
hour to again take the helm. How large a
proportion of the whole people is consti
tuted by those who are of this mind is the
crucial question of the moment.
Much has been said of the administra
tion's hold upon southern republicans
through federal officeholders, but most of
it has been said witbout an appreciation
of the true conditions. That the republican
party in the South is an unedifying
spectacle no one will deny. The condition,
however, is one which was inherited by
Mr Roosevelt when president as well as
by Mr Taft and for which neither is re
sponsible, while both have made some
progress towards a betterment. But when
it is said that Mr Taft can count upon
all the southern delegates through the
power of federal patronage, not onlv is
more strength attributeci t 0 him in that
section than he is likely to have, but the
fact is overlooked that some 75 per cent
of the present federal officeholders were
appointed by Mr Roosevelt and have mere
ly been continued in office by President
Taft. To a considerable extent there is,
in consequence, a divided allegiance. More
over their keen scent for political spoils
will lead them in many cases to be only
too ready to throw their support to Mr
Roosevelt if they conceive bim as likely
to be the ultimate victor. In such a pe
culiar situation as that which exists to
day, the southern delegate is an unsub
stantial reed to lean upon and no one real
izes it bettor than President Taft. If Mr
Roosevelt were not in the field, the south
ern delegates would of course be the will
ing tools of the administration. Thus
the whole affair only adds one more po
tent argument against a third term wheth
er consecutive or not. Until, in the slow
course of time, political conditions shall
have undergone a radical change, a presi
dent seeking a third term, or a fourth, or
a fifth, would have no difficultv in control
res the delegates from the southern states,
since they, instead of representing a great
mass of the voting population as do the
delegates from the northern states repre
sent a party which is practically kept
alive for and by the federal offices.
Mr Taft has been sneered at because cer
tain of the southern conventions have al
ready begun to declare for him. But it is
thoroughly characteristic of the man that
he has given comparatively little attention
to furthering his own political fortunes in
that Quarter and has subordinated them
to the public walfare. For example, in
the case of Texas he has done what, to
the ordinary politician, would seem to he
flying in the face of providence. Cecil
Lyon, a blustering person, who was at
tached long since to the Roosevelt admin
istration. has been the republican man
ager and referee in Texas and was con
tinued in that position by Mr Taft. But
when the question of appointing a federal
judge came up. Mr Taft went out of the
republican ranks and appointed a demo
crat for the altogether foolish and improp
er motive that he wanted to put a good
man on the bench. Thereupon Lyon be
came offensive in his criticisms of the ad
ministration for failing to appoint a repub
lican and proceeded to stir tip trouble
through the very officeholders whom the
Taft administration bad previously allowed
him to select. Notice was served upon
Lyon by the administration that if he
didn't like things as they were he coiild
quit being referee. The redoubtable Lyon
then became eager to have bis former pow
er restored to him and while this was
nut dune ju full be was given some share
iu it. The report now is that only m
Roosevelt doos Lyon see the savior of an
imperiled nation. Under these clrcnm
stances Mr Taft hardly expects a solid
delegation from Texas, but he will have
the satisfaction of knowing that be ap
pointed a man whom he considered fit for
that judgeship.
As for the “sore-toe crowd.” which has
been described as a more apparent than
real element of strength in Mr Roose
velt's support, it is clear from reports
from different parts of the country that
Gifford Pinchot has lost heavily .in >n
fluence by going up and down the line de
nouncing Mr Taft and praising Mr Roose
velt, and that the point lias been reached
at which his denunciations have become
so discounted as those of a man with a
grievance that they are an asset to Mr Taft
and a harm to Mr Roosevelt. Mr Pinchot
has bad in the past such a large and sin
cere following, that at first it seemed im
possible to accept tills statement of pres
ent conditions, even though it represented
what would be the obvious justice of the
matter. But in view of the reports which
come from different quarters it can hard
ly be doubted as a statement of exact fact.
Mr Pinchot baa come to be regarded East
and West as a man who is not merely a
poor loser hut one with an obsession, and
there are none who regret his course more
than those who. while failing to approve
of his present position, yield to none in
giving him credit for the large public serv
ices which he accomplished before he fell
out with Mr Taft and let bis judgment
be distorted.
In connection with Mr Pinchot attem
tion may be called to a specific contrast
between the methods of the present ad
ministration and that of Mr Roosevelt,
which is but typical of the comparison to
be made all along the line. Very recently
a responsible government official having
to do with the public domain in the far
West made the statement that, while he
disliked certain high officials now under
fire in his department, he was ready to
say that, as a matter of personal experience
affairs had been put progressively on a
clearer and sounder legal basis under the
present administration, and that this had
brought about an avoidance of confusion
and better achievement of final results.
As an example, instance was given of a
question which upon coming up might be
found to be covered by no law or regula
tion, although in the existing circumstances
tho theoretically desirable thing to do
might seem clear. Under the previous ad
ministration the thing would nave imme
diately been done in spite of the lack of
legal authority, and, while possibly de
sirable when considered by itself, it could
only result, when the same performance
was repented under different circum
stances, in piling up awkward precedents
and in creating final confusion. Under the
present regime such a contingency is met
by a demand for a departmental ruling or,
if that is not sufficient, for legal enact
ment, and the result is that when either
one or the other has been secured a defi
nite procedure is established and there is
no time lost in the investigation or over
hauling of past performances. In this one
incident there is told much of the story of
tbe Taft administration as compared with
that of Mr Roosevelt.
WILSON SPEAKS IN KANSAS.
His Hat is Also in the Ring;—Says
His Head Is in It, Too.
The arrival of Woodrow Wilson in Kan
sas and his speech Thursday at the ban
quet of the Kansas democratic club in
Topeka brought out one of the largest
gatherings of democrats since the visit
of William Jennings Bryan in 1905. The
entire afternoon was spent in holding an
informal reception. Long before the day
was over, every available seat at tbe
banquet table had been taken and de
mands for, more were turned down. The
banquet was held at Masonic hall, one
of tho largest halls in the city, and it
proved too small to accommodate all who
wanted to hear the guest of honor.
“My hat has been in tbe ring a long time
and my head has been in it,” Gov'Wilson
said at Kansas City, when his attention
was called to Col Roosevelt's statement
made Wednesday night to W. F. Eirick
at Cleveland. Gov Wilson laughed hearti
ly at his epigram and was cheered by
members of the Wilson-for-President club,
who formed his reception committee. When
shown an Associated Press dispatch tell
ing of the proposed division of the Okla
homa delegation between himself and
Speaker Clark, Gov Wilson said: "I pre
fer to make no statement concerning a
matter of that kind, in which I myself am
so delicately concerned. Wait until Okla
homa. has decided.”
After a breakfast and reception by a
committee of his Kansas City supporters,
Gov W ilson made a brief address to the
association . Kansas grain dealers.
"Irade,” he .said, “is one thing in this
country that is not standpat. Its currents
cannot be controled. They have put a
straitjacket tariff on it, but it will burst
forth sooner or later. My idea of a pro
gressive is a man who keeps up with the
world. A standpat is one who stands
still with his eyes shut and ears stuffed
with cotton and refuses to concede that
the world is moving on.” Gov Wilson de
parted for Topeka at noon, where he spoke
in tbe evening.’
Gov Wllaon’a Address.
Gov Wilson said in part: “We look
back to-day to a great example—the ex
ample set us by a great practical genius,
wbqae gift it was to look forward and
plan the life of a nation. It is the singu
lar distinction of Washington and of his
associates that they conceived their own
fortunes and the fortunes of Virginia In
tlie terms of the development of the na
tion. When we, in our generation, look
upon the circumstances of America we
must try to see tlie facts as they are and
to see them broadly. America is a busi
ness nation, a nation of material enter
prise and commerce on a large scale. It
we ^'ould heed the example
of Washington and the men in his gen
eration, to ask ourselves what must we
do for America as she is?
“The cry of the hour seems to be that
business has grown as formidable in Its
independent organization as to have set
itself up in rivalry to the government
itself and that it therefore must be re
garded; that the whole force of govern
ment must be bent to the restraint of
business. I venture to suggest that what
we are really after is not the restraint of
business, but the restraint of individuals
who are putting business upon a false and
selfish footing. We do not wish to ham
per the great processes of our economic
life, but to free them where they have
been made wrong use of by men who
have ignored tbe common interest and
sought to promote their own private and
selfish purposes by means that were nei
ther public spirited nor honorable.
"The rules that we now seek to set up
are that tho men who are making use of
our corporation laws for their own ad
vantage shall not employ them to estab
lish monopoly; that they shall not use
them to limit credit to those whom thev
draw into their own enterprises: that they
shall not, if they do wrong, find covert
and concealment within the corporation
whose power they emplov.
“In respect of the restraint of wrong,
we should deal with individuals rather
than with corporations. It should be laid
hare of whom business combinations con
sist and those of whom they consist should
be directly and individually dealt with
whenever a wrong is done, either to an
individual, or to the freedom of business
itself. The movement back to the people
in Hie field of politics must precede the
movement, nwny from monopoly hnck to
free opportunity. Business can be free
only when the nation is free. America’s
nrq^ram of popular government is Amer
ica s hope for prosperity. Political free
dom and commercial freedom go hand in,
baud. Where there is monopoly in the
one there will be tyranny and special priv
ilege in the other.”
FOR THE NATION TO FOLLOW.
UNDERWOOD MAKES SPEECH.
Addresaca Pennsylvania Cincinnati at
Philadelphia.
Congressman Oscar W. Underwood of
Alabama, chairman of tbe ways and means
committee of the House, delivered an ad
dress in Philadelphia last week at Um
auuual banquet of the state society of the
Cincinnati. His subject was George
Washington, and he said iu part:—
“Washington did not foisee all the per
plexing problems with which we have to
deal to-day, in our tariff or in our great
corporations, in our currency, in our for
eign possessions, or in a reconciliation of
the rights of labor aud capital; he did not
forsee the vast task we all have, whether
native or foreign born, of taking the uew
material coustuntlv' coming to our shores
and assimilating it into our growth aiid
luoldiUß.it into a .loyal aud intelligent sup-
Port of our institutions: lie did not see
lie menace of destructive soelhlism nor
the extent to wbtcb, unfortunately, we
were to go in substituting party interest
for political principle, though as to this
he gave us paternal warning. Neverthe
less he did forsee sufficient of our problems
to be able to commend to us a course, the
principles of which, if steadily adhered
to, should bring us safely through all the
perils to which we may be exposed.
"While he did not outline the by-laws,
so to speak, that must, 'join time to time,
be framed uud adopted for tbs detailed lire
of this country, lie did understand, as no
one else understood, the organic principles
upon which were to rest the security and
the welfare of our national life. And
subject always to his urgent advice
against permanent alliances with foreign
powers, like a high priest among men, he
preached the gosppl of tpleyance, or be
nevolence, of peace, of reasonableness aud
of rightdousness toward all peoples.
"Washington’s distinguishing common
sense aud practical turn of. mind served
him well in the administration, of his high
office. Few, if any, mem generalities or
quixotic schemes for action were suggested
by him: but, on tbe contrary, he seemed to
be master of the underlying principles of
tbe business needs of the country as be
had been of tile 'plans of his campaigns.
At a time when so many of ue are dis
posed to put upon the. statute books
nostrums for relief from . our industrial
and financial and economic evils, ft will
be well for us to call to mind the striking
contrast between the moderate volume and
temperate character of laws enacted dur
ing his presidency and so much of our
present day legislation of the experimental
sort, reflecting often merely a view - -of to
day that is likely to be the heresy of tor
morrow, and attempting to deal with tbe
objectionable tendency before it is' seen
that it will not be arrested of itself, or
before we have sufficient understanding of
it to be in a position to know or apply the
appropriate remedy. Accordingly the
recommendations' and the legislation of
Washington's administration were not
along guesswork lipes; but the elements
of soberness, patience and wisdom which
he so invariably manifested were typical of
the plans he favored and adopted to bring
order out .of financial and industrial chaos,
promote industry among the people and
restore their energies by opening up new
sources of revenue and prosperity, and by
assuring men that they should gather and
be secure in the possession of the harvest
of their labor.
A Need of To-day.
“There is a great need, too. for ns in this
day when constitutional restraint has be
come irksome to many, never to turn a
deaf ear to the stirring appeal of Wash
ington to his people—that the departments
into which our government ih constitution
ally divided shall be kept with determined
hand within their respective boundaries.
Speaking here, not as a party man, but as
a citizen of the republic, my observation
and reflection have shown me how trqaehr
eroqsly easy is.the transition from.central--
ization of government—which piose of the
repUblicdii party set'so much store by and
which a good many of us democrats ale
inclined to acquiesce in—to a personaliza
tion of government and then to usurpation
of government. Washington in all his
career uttered no greater truth than when
he declared that a constitutional govern
ment, under such circumstances, becomes
almost, as a matter of course, a despotism.
For a long time, fortunately, this was
the view of the American people; and
when they have departed from it a long
and ominous .step has been taken, uot only
in the commission of error, but toward
establishing evil precedent.
"We have, however, problems of a seri
ous nature confronting us for solution, and
doubtless they will increase as time goes
on. Wo. as people, have tolerated the
doing of things which must bo undone or
made right and. not poudpned; we have
at times, set too much store by mere ma
terial success and judged as of minor con
sequence things which broaden and elevate
and ennoble a nation; we have made com
promise with things of evil import. We
have, at times, been unmindful of the
rights of others ns wo have hurried on to
tlio realization of ambitious plans, und, in
our indifference to the demands of good
citizenship, we bavejieen gtiilty of or ac
quiesced m a course of conduct’ that has
given rise to sullen expressions of an un
rest to which we cannot afford to be un
concerned listeners; for unchecked unrest
is likely to breed disebnteut and discon
tent in its turn disorder. And, unless we
frankly recognizee this, we shall have no
reasonable hope of correcting the condi
tions which arouse, if they do not alto
gether justify those expressions, and which
are a menace not only to our continuing
prosperity but to our self-respect and our
repute in the world. Again and again, as
time goes on; in obedience to popular
clamor, wp shall be tempted to enact
statutes unjust to labor or capital and not
representing reflection and conviction, or
statutes which are fairly certain to be in
capable of enforcement and to bring the
administration of the law into contempt.
We shall be tempted to hesitate and tem
porize concerning things demanding, prompt
and courageous action for tlie public wel
fare.
“Again and again we shall stand per
plexed in which direction to go when we
shall have come to the crossroads of public
duty mid mere party- expediency or even
self-interest; our way will be so shut in
by doubt that we shall hesitate even as
to a single step forward and upward. But
there is one thing above all things
to which we may cling with a cer
tain faith—that so. long as we keep
with ourselves a convenant to return to
and abide by the principles of Washing
ton’s farewell address, so long as his char
acter shall be remembered amJ revered by
us, so long as we shall set his life and his
devotion before us as tlie best type and
example of American citizenship to ad
mire and emulate, this country cannot
falter in true progress nor in the end come
short of its high mission in the world. For
then, during all times to come, we shall
have for our political guidance as a people
the inspiration of bis presence. which will
be to us what,, for the moral guidance of
men, the word of the Lqrd was to the
psalmist of old—a lamp unto the feet and
a light uqto the path.”
ISSUE NOT TO BE ESCAPEO.
(From the New York Evening Post.J
The outstanding fact is that Mr Roose
velt has forced upon the republican party
a conflict which is now irrepressible. It is
not Simply a tight between Taft and Roose
velt', though that cannot now be avoided.
The president must, nt least know that
Roosevelt means to beat him if he can.
and there is no longer a reason why
either sbouW take refuge belling vague
phrases about "eminent, lawyers” or "it
lias been suggested." Iwt both come out
into the open apd.say plainly' what they
think of,each other. But above uny such
rivalry for the presidency rises the bold
challenge which Mr Roosevelt has put be
fore the country- Is liis party ready to
abandon with Mr Roosevelt all that it has
stood for iu tbe past, and go hi blindly for
a program of Upheaval and revolution?
That is tbe question which will have to
be fought out between now and the Chi
cago convention.
GLEANINGS AND GOSSIP.
Having nn avenge of on.ootl resident*
to the square mile, Manhattan island i>
the most densely populated place in ths
world.
city \ * dCa being urged in
t. neiigo as n remedy f or bad housing. It
/ B ’ ie «’’^l'l there, for there ii
,l ” f '‘? d i eve ‘’h? 1 |al " 1 within the city
I r e e V!lsil y accessible by
tiolly. 11m congestion of the citv is due
bUt t 0
■warauws
lemons and oranges. Seventy-five car-loude
&wX t ’ I 0 ?“ taini,,s oranges and
total of SIO,OOO st the rate of one car-
ft minute. The growers got spot canh,
I be oranges- brought an average of SI.BB
y° rk i ci U’ is uot oversunplied with
hitectural relies of colonial days, and it
* ,at t' l ” Plan to acquire for
l on of Alexander Ham-
' n ‘ « n own as The Grange.” will bo
successful. At present it is being used
ns the parish house of St Luke's church,
on Ono Hundred and Forty-first street. It
>s proposed eventually to place it in tbe
women ° U6 th<? 11atr ^ ot * c societies of
Horse racing is coming to be so widely
banned that enthusiasts have to go far
ntield. One- Kentucky horseman has taken
bis valuable strinp to tbe.Philippines, and
nil. effort.is now being made to establish
horse racing m Bermuda on a grand scale
It is it great center for tourists, and the
board of commerce is anxious to bring
in some sporting enterprise. In many
ways Bermuda is well suited for the pur
pose. and horses do well there when ac
climated.
Missouri purists are rebelling against
■gotta” in the Ozark classic which ends
'j'-fbey gotta quit kickin’ by dawg nroun’.”
"Gotta,” they insist, is a neologism, n
dugoism;' the real tiling is "got a-quit.”
In song this may be so; the ‘‘got” ceases
and the “t” is not repeated. But in speech
"gotta” was seized upon by dialect writ
ers long before the Italian invasion. But
only one of the “t’s” is pronounced: the
doubling is merely to suggest shortness
and rapidity.
80 numerous and insistent are the de
mands upon the navy department for relics
of the battleship Maine that it has been
found necessary to send for another ship
load in addition to the collection brought
to Washington recently on the collier
Leonidas. The board charged with the
distribution of file relics is having diffi
culty in complying with the many requests
from municipality aud patriotic cities for
the reason that little of the material col
lected is of a nature to lend itself readily
to monumental purposes.
Tho people cf Vicksburg have fixed
March 12 as “clean up” day. The literally
sweeping reform will be iu charge of the
city civic league and improvement associa
tion, aud if is expected that not a waste
paper or a speck of dirt will be visible
March 13. If a spring housecleaning, why
not a spring city, cleaning? The ideal, it
is true, is a clean bouse and a clean city
the year round, but few approximate that
ideal, and an occasional reform of extra
vigor is useful to set a standard.
Next month the much-advertised Tober
mory galleon salvage company, of which
the duke of Argyll is the president, is to
begin its quest for the famous galleon
Florencia, of tbe Spanish armada, sunk
iu Tobermory bay, it is believed, with vast
treasures, including “30 millions of cash,”
VI hat the denomination is no one knows
certainly, but the total is in any case large.
Thus far, however, it is the novelists wno
have drawn most profit from the legend:
Stevenson turned it to good account in
“The Merry Men.”
In a recent article on labor disturbances.
Prof Foster of tbe university of Chicago
observed that there was “high ecclesiastical
authority'’ for tbe belief that (he end jus
tifies the means. He does not mention the
Jesuits, but the Sacramento Bee takes it
for granted that he refers to them, and
says that for years in Europe there has
been 11 standing offer of SSOOO for proof
that this doctrine has ever been taught
by a Jesuit. It recalls that an ex-priest
was lately convicted of slander in Ger
many for making -this statement.
One by one the great stock ranches which
have made the West picturesque are yield
ing to the demand for small farms. The
latest example is the great Modoc range
in C'alit'orniti, which is now being broken
up. The Lake Shore cattle range, on the
shore of Goose lake in the Davis river coun
try, was lately sold to purchasers in Port
land. Or., and will be cut into small farms
and colonized. Small farming is unromau
tie and offers no material for the “all
‘fiction” magazines, but it increases great
ly the productive power of land. Cattle
qf course We must have, even if it is neces
sary to feed them on cucumbers extracted
from sunshine—a Laputa miracle which the
German chemists may yet achieve. But for
the present fertile land is increasingly- be
coming too valuable for big stock ranges.
The French Revolution was so set on
destroying everything that savored of the
old regime, that it replaced tlie Julian cal
endar with a new system which still
makes trouble for the historical student.
The Chinese are to give up their venera
ble calendar, but merely as a matter of
convenience; the system adopted is the
Julian calendar from which France re
volted. But the Chinese in this country
are generally observing their ancient new
year festival, the Sun Niu, which Is said
to be 4(509 years old. It fell on February
-17. but the celebration began the day be
fore and lasts 10 days. In many respects
it resembles our Easter, and it is the
proper time to wear new clothes. But it
also resembles our Christmas in respect
to the giving of presents. The proper
greeting is "Kung hie fat ehoy,” and the
answer, “Kung hor Sun Nin.”
'fhe Enoch Arden story is recurrent in
real life, but (seldom with such an accu
mulation of misfortunes as followed P. J.
Thompson, who found his family at Sa
vannah recently, if the report from that
city may be trusted, after an absence of
47 years. Captured during the civil war
and sent to a northern prison, he was un
able when released to find what had be
come of his household, and went West
to earn a competence. In Mound City.
Kan., a cyclone blew away his little store
while he cowered in the cellar. At Mt
Sterling, Ky., after five years of work he
was again reduced to penury by fire, and
became a wanderer. Recently, when near-
Iv 70 years old. he journeyed South, and
found his wife long since remarried. His
grown-up daughter, now married, doubt
ed his identity, and his sister at Savan
nah did not recognize him till he had
called up old scenes and events. The
Enoch Arden story rarely has a “happy
■ending.” Life, like Nature, abhors a
vacuum, and after half a century most
empty places are filled-
The university of Goettingen to which
J. P. Morgan has recently given $50,000
to the department of English literature,
although oue of the smaller German uni
versities, has for many years been fre
quented by American students, and the
list of those who afterward achieved prom
inence in American life, beginning with
the first half of the last century, is a dis
tinguished one. including, among others,
the historian George Bancroft, who re
ceived his degree there about 1820. Until
at least very recently a small American
club has been maintained in Goettingen,
whose principal asset was a set of bat
tc^ed and dusty silk hats of graded sizes
dating back to unknown ages. Whenever
an American obtained bis doctor's degree,
which required, according to the strict
German ceremony, that he should don his
dress suit at high noon and drive around
in a silk hat to call.ou his professors, he
was expected to take one of the old hats
belonging to the club, making it as re
snectabte as possible, and then replace it
after baring added his name to the list,
pasted inside the crown of those immortals
who had worn it previously.