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4 TAFT HELPS WILSON REMARKS ON INTERVENTION VERMONT A TROUBLE CENTER FIGHT FOR COLLECTORSHIPS Senatorial Situation in Green Moun tain State Attracts Attention— The Alabama Campaign— Other States. From Our Special Correspondent Washington. D. C., Sunday, March 1. Ex-President Taft on bis recent visit to Washington did a friendly turn for his successor. Probably few people who read his statement declaring that intervention in Mexico would be most unwise, paused to think bow helpful that may be to the administration at this juncture. At no previous time have the jingoists. and alike those who, for more or less selfish reasons, want us to go across the,border, been press ing President Wilson so hard. Critics began to multiply, with the wide agitation over the killing of W. S. Benton and the interposition of Great Britain in his be half. Then there came the hanging of an American citizen, resident of Texas, who had. been lured across the border near Hidalgo. Gov Colquitt of Texas de manded authority to send his rangers across the border, which, of course. Wash ington eonld not permit. This and much more has made the Mex ican status at Washington decidedly acute. Republicans in Congress, especially the House, were growing rampant. It was then that ex-President Taft arrived, as head of the American bar association, to appear before the House judiciary com mittee and to deliver an address before the national geographical society. Presi dent Wilson invited him to luncheon at the White House, where there was op portunity for discussion of Mexico. The ex-president’s announcement anew against intervention followed, and was most timely for Mr Wilson. It should be borne in mind that Mr Taft still stands forth as the national leader of the re publican party and will till another candi date is nominated for the presidency. When he spoke out again against inter vention. the ex-president clapped the lid on further opposition speeches in Con gress, and thus quieted one feature that has been annoying to Mr Wilson. While the ex-president did not undertake to ap prove President Wilson’s policy in so many words, the inference was unavoida ble that he felt in sympathy with what is being done. Whether Huerta should have been recognized is something Mr Taft did not discuss. But President Wil son has been pressed of late to send ma rines to Mexico, to order a detachment of troops across the border for Benton’s body, and the like, which acts, he has been holding, would be unwise. Mexican Outlook Dark. And it. is quite certain now, with the president and the ex-president in accord as to intervention, that Congress will have fewer Mexican discussions for a while. In the meantime opinion grows at Wash ington that the Mexican situation is most perplexing and promises to remain so in definitely. The public seems to be realiz ing this. Villa and Carranza have been very disappointing. The ho;»e that they would pacitiy Mexico has been vanishing here at Washington. Revolution has been rag ing in Mexico now for more than three years. Level-headed men from Texas, familiar with conditions to the south ward. say that the revolution between Huertistas and Carranzistas may easily last two or three years yet. There may be nothing to do (short of intervention), but allow the bandits and the factions to fight and fight Jill they are utterly worn out. True, the country may be devastated by that time and the large property interests of foreign residents de stroyed. The prospect just now seems one of despair. Incidentally ex-President Taft's course is in keeping with the genera] republican attitude under this administration regard ing foreign relations. There have been individual exceptions, but the republican minority in the Senate (where foreign re lations are chiefly handled as far as Con gress has to do with therm and, in some degree, the republican minority of the House, have sought to help rather than binder the president. The Senate had Mexican outbursts months ago. but these were silenced after the republicans of foreign relations had been admitted into the president’s counsels at the White House. The demonstration, almost unprecedent ed, which President Wilson was given by congressmen of all parties when, during the special session he delivered his special message on Mexico, is not forgotten yet. And during the contentions over arbitra tion treaties, some of the president’s strong and influential supporters were on the re publican side. Instances might be multi plied, all of the same purport. Ex-President Taft’s declaration is all the more noteworthy, because in confiden tial communications to Washington friends he has. on recent occasions, re ferred to certain administration proceed ings in a spirit of levity, not to say sar casm. But he would hardly be expected to agree in toto with an administration opposed to him politically, and naturally has bis private ideas about our foreign re lations, as do republican senators, who kick in the corridors and committee rooms, but join the friendly column when ever there is a test which becomes of per manent record. It may happen that republicans of Sen ate and House will save the president’s bill for repeal of canal toll exemption. Many democrats there are committing * . themselves in opposition. As far as the Senate is concerned republican votes will undoubtedly be necessary if the bill is to pass. Vermont's Two Collectorships. For one of the two states which voted for President Taft and the republican ticket, and a small state at that, Ver mont is somewhat the center of political interest at Washington just now. There have been more patronage squabbles to the square inch in Vermont ever since March 4 last than in any other state of the Union. Some of the big ones are right to the fore. It happens that in the Green Mountain state are two of the best customs plums in all the land. The collector of customs at Burlington used to draw from the government about $16.- 000 a year in salary and the collector of customs at Newport got only a little less. After New York and Boston, which are the two largest customs ports in the coun try. come these Vermont' places, although under the reorganization of the customs service some months ago the salaries are not as fat as once was. Nevertheless, these positions are worth about SSOOO a year each now, which in small cities like Burlington and Newport, are more lucra tive than even the SBOOO salary for the collector of Boston, when the salary is measured by what it will buv in the re spective localities. Washington has had an idea there were none but republicans in Vermont, but I these patronage scrambles have convin -ed administration officials that the Vermont woods are full of demo'-rats. The canni dates and their supporters have come right down to Washington and camped on official doorsteps awaiting the day and the hour when President Wilson scuds the papers to the Senate. Mayor .1. E. Burke of Burlington, who has six times held that office, has been the most picturesque democrat of them all. There is Washington interest in a t er mont democrat, an erstwhile blacksmith, who could maintain political control over the chief city of the Green Mountain state so long. Burke wants the good of fice of customs collector at Burlington, and as a progressive democrat out for big office, has as a running mate F. .1. Pape of Barre, who is regarded as the progressive democratic aspirant for the collectoi'ship at Newport, headquarters of the .Mem phremagog district. Great quantities of imports from western Canada come in over the railroads which lead across the border and down into Vermont. "Tom Brown, the democratic national commit tee man from Vermont, and leader of a faction whose opponents say he is a great trouble maker in Vermont polities, has been figuring in these collectorship c°n tests. to say nothing of the high old wrangles the Vermonters arc constantly bringing to Washington over the filling of post-offices with democrats good aud true. While democratic politicians from Ver mont travel mneh Washingtonward, behold also republican emissaries. Democrats have no chance to win the United States sena torship toga, which William P. Dilling ham now wears. The republicans are cer tain of it. but judging from the numerous messages flying back and forth between Vermopt and Washington these days, there is uncertainty what republican will have it- Senator Dillingham himself is something of a national figure: ditto Charles A. Prouty, long a member of the interstate commerce commission, and now .in charge of the stupendous task of obtaining the physical valuation of all railroads in the United States which can be regarded as interstate lines. Judge Prouty wrote a letter weeks ago. stating that his health would not permit him to run for the United States Senate, which was supposed to leave a clear field for Senator Dillingham. But no. There is a Vermont contingent that wants Mr Prouty in the running and he has shown a willingness to yield. Only a few- days ago Vermonters interested in the matter sent a trusted one to Washing ton to talk with Mr Prouty about it. Mr Prouty Willing. ”1 will not make a campaign." said he. “but it the people in Vermont want to vote for me in the primaries for the nomination of a senator I can't prevent them from doing it.’’ That is taken to mean there will be votes for Mr Prouty and that, to all intents and purposes, he will be a can didate. If he wins the nomination, which will be equivalent to an election, he will be glad. If he does not win, Mr Prouty will not feel he has cause to grieve. With this development Senator Dillingham is stiffening his campaign and word is going forth to his friends in all parts of the state. As a matter of fact what is happening in Vermont as to its senatorship is happen ing in many other states right now. The biggest and most interesting campaign for the election of one-third of a United States Senate is in reality in full swing. It will grow in intensity as the spring months come. MUeh interest at the capitol still centers in the contest between Representa tive Underwood and Representative Hob son for the senatorship in Alabama. That will be decided by primary vote next month. Hobson is away in Alabama, “pi rootin' ” up and down and delivering a splendid series of stump speeches. Under wood is staying on his job as majority lead er of the House. Underwood’s campaign is described here lately- as looking up and his friends now have more confidence of his winning than they had a few weeks ago. MR TAFT ON HIS SUCCESSOR. Pays a Warm Tribute to Mr Wilson’s Personality—Expects to See Him Renominated. [From Article in the Saturday Evening Post! Never before, in its recent history cer tainly, has the democratic party exercised such self-control. It is due to the circum stances and to Mr Wilson’s masterful per sonality and attitude. First, he knows what he wishes, and. second, he is deter mined to get it, and his party associates are convinced of both facts. Of course criticism, threats of insurgency, and pro fanity under the breath are present in the democratic lobbies, and prophets are not few who predict that the break is coming soon. But I think not The people, or at least the rank and file of his party, sympathize with the presi dent. They are pleased with his success in putting his measures through. The mem bers of the opposite party may, and gen erally do. disapprove his economic and financial policies, but they do not ask or welcome obstruction to them. It is a real satisfaction to one who knows the atmos phere of Washington to note the success of a strong character in the White House in dealing with the situation and improv ing the opportunity it offers. As the administration wears on, as the patronage is largely distributed, as the wounds increase that are inevitably in flicted by decisions that cannot be avoided, the factional opposition in the party will increase, and tend to show itself in the open. But if the policies of the adminis tration embodied in the statutes do not quickly prove to be injurious to the coun try, I cannot think insurgency will amount to anything substantial. The party is proud of itself in its wise course, and it will not depart much from it until the country at the polls shall indicate disap proval of what has been done. I fee] as if I could view the matter from a judicial standpoint. I rejoice in the ex istence of a situation in which the party in power is fulfilling its promises made in the platform, and is doing so by following the guidance of the head of the party, who is charged by the people with the party's responsibility. In saying all this I am not intending to express approval of what is being done on its merits. But I hope lam enough of a sincere believer in our representative sys tem of popular government to acquiesce in the judgment of the people expressed in a national election, and to wish to see that judgment faithfully carried into law and executive action. Upon the result the par ties will doubtless go to the country and discuss the wisdom of the policies prom ised and executed, and invite a considera tion of them in the light of the event. In the meantime a fair opponent of the administration will be glad to have the dominant party act as a unit, do the things pledged, and be responsible for them. That is clean cut. That is sportsmanlike. President Wilson can have no motive dif ferent from that which would naturally actuate the party as a whole. He Wishes to benefit the country by effectuating the party policies, and he hopes thereby to enable the party to retain its power. Does the party wish to do other than this? Of course not. It is true that something is said in the democratic platform in favor of only one term for the incumbent of the presidency. That ought to be construed to be a declara tion in favor of a constitutional amend ment imposing such a limitation, in which the term might be lengthened to six or eight years. Four years is generaly not loug enough to enable an executive to work out satisfactorily all his national pol icies. But if the declaration was intended to limit. Mr Wilson, we may be sure that the success of his legislation will make the one-term plank aa if it had not been written; whereas if his measures prove in jurious to the country and are failures, then the deluge will come to bury the THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN: THURSDAY, MARCH 5, 1914. whole platform, the president, and the pres ent democratic majorities in defeat. President Wilson has inaugurated the practice of delivering his important con gressional messages in person. I thiuk this is an excellent innovation or, rather, res toration of «n early custom. Jefferson re fused to continue it. It has the great ad vantage of emphasizing the importance of the subject-matter of the measure the president presses, aud of focusing the eyes of the people on ; t in such a. way as to stir Congress up to the wisdom of considering it. But a republican president could hard ly have brought the custom back to life. We can amuse ourselves by imagining the torrent of oratory and denunciation that would have followed any such action by an executive to whom the professed dis ciple of Jefferson in Congress did not owe party allegiance. The awful specter of monarchy would have stalked before a startled people, and it is doubtful how respectfully their shocked representatives would have listened to “these speeches from the throne." G. 0. P. HARMONY MEETING BORAH AGAINST ALL MONOPOLY Idaho Senator Assails Party's Stand on Regulation of Bl« Corporations —Foraker Criticises Wilson. Ohio republicans assembled in large numbers at Columbus, 0., Thursday to at tend a dinner intended as a “get-together’’ for republicans and former progressives. They heard D. Meade Massie of Chilli cothe, a former Roosevelt republican, char acterize Gov James M. Cox as "a common enemy against whose democratic machine all good citizens should unite," and Sena tor William E. Borah of Idaho argue for a national policy of absolute obliteration of monopoly. Senator Borah also ex pressed the personal hope that Ohio soon would enter the ranks of woman suffrage states and predicted that equal suffrage would become nation-wide eventually through adoption by individual states and not by a federal constitutional amendment. Whether the meeting Thursday was ac tually a “get-together” between republic ans and progressives was a question of dispute. Republican leaders asserted that 20 per cent of those attending the dinner voted the third-party ticket in 1912. Charles L. Thurber, secretary of the progressive state executive committee, gave out a statement denying that many members of the progressive party are returning to the republican fold. He said: "The repub lican meeting in Columbus to-day is not a getting together of republicans and progres sives but merely a getting together of the old stand-pat republican crowd.” A demonstration took place when former United States Senator Josejh B. Foraker was called to the speakers’ stand. He as sailed President Wilson’s Mexican policy, terming it a “pusillanimous policy” and criticized the president for urging that American ships pay tolls through the Pan ama canal. Senator Borah’s Speech. Pleading for all men who believe in the principles of the republican party to aid in its rejuvenation as a genuinely progres sive party. Senator Borah, declared that “even if the republican party was at an end I could never join the third party so long as it stands, as it now stands, if I correctly understand its leaders, on this question of monopoly.” “Monopoly,” said Senator Borah, “is 10,000 times worse than black slavery—it is the father of class domination, the molder of chains both for the body and the soul. and cannot ex ist in any form with safety to the people in a Republic. Here, sir. is where I could never be a third party- man. Upon this issue I would have to disagree with them, even if I agreed with them upon all oth ers. “Mr Beveridge, who has spoken to you eloquently and effectively, says that trusts and monopolies are the richest, ripest fruits of civilization. He says in print that the beef monopoly, the steel monopoly, the Standard oil monopoly and all monopolies are the result of the combination of genius and energy, and of great benefit to the people. These industrial organizations.” he says (speaking particularly of the beef trust, the Standard oil company and the steel trust), “have steadied the whole commercial world and have extended the period of prosperity by the steadiness they have given to the commercial and finan cial world. More than that, he says, they hare actually caused, compelled, the or ganization of labor on modern lines. "I do not know just what he has refer ence to by 'modern lines.’ but I hardly presume he refers to the fact that an in vestigation two years ago disclosed that the steel trust worked men 12 hours a day and seven days in the week. The president of one of these great trusts or monopolies says, according to his inter views now. that he would like to be man aged and regulated a little, but not dis membered in any way. Mr Perkins, the most persistent and powerful voice in the United States now of the third party, says that it is the thing to do, that these mo nopolies are the proper thing and all they need is a little regulation. "I cannot imagine a more harmonious affair than my friend Beveridge as attor ney-general and Mr Perkins as the head of a board engaged in the regulation of monopolies. But I pay to Mr Perkins the tribute of consistency. He refuses to turn his back on the method by which he made his great fortune; he thinks it a good sys tem. The harvester trust with which farmers are quite familiar, is the ideal way to his mind of doing business and the ideal way of being managed. “I am not assailing Mr Beveridge or Mr Perkins as individuals. I am dis cussing their views and policies which they call progressive views, but which I look upon as the views belonging to that time in English history when Queen Elizabeth and other English sovereigns thought that monopolies were the richest, best fruits of civilization and therefore granted monop olies to all her favorite lords and support ers. "Mr President, our institutions, and the legitimately earned property of this coun try. are just as safe and no safer than the average standard of citizenship is high, and monopoly destroys self-reliant, inde pendent citizenship—the only guarantee under heaven or among men for a repub lic. A republic is strong enough to de stroy. but never could be strong enough to regulate monopoly. Some of these days all political parties, because the people will rise in their might, will take up this prop osition of monopoly and declare in terms unmistakable that a republic and monop oly cannot exist under the same flag—will declare that we will put the man in jail who organizes a monopoly and practices monopoly as quickly as a man who organ izes a combination of thieves and takes our property in another way. Do not misunderstand me to oppose regulation and control within certain lines, but regu lation and control should always be in aid of and for the purpose of destroying mo nopoly." If monopoly ever gained complete control of the country, he said, in less than half a century the people would “rise like their forbears and at the cost of treasure and blood free the republic of monopoly, un fetter the limbs and souls of men as Lin coln. Sumner and Garfield did in former days.” Coarts Not Standing; In the Way. The charge that the courts stand in the way of destroying monopoly he described as a “shambling, shifting cowardiv pre tense.” raised to "conceal the tin willing ness to do what ought to be done." Sen ator Borah told how a distinguished sena tor had recently placed in the Congres sional Record as “evidence of prosperity the rise in stocks aud bonds.” and added that the next morning a paper published that there were 350,000 men out of. em ployment in New York city. While the in dustrial commission “advised ns In plain words that ws were up against the propo- sition as a government of caring for the I thousands and thousands of the unem ployed and hungry.” . "This is the prosperity which these com binations brought." he continued. "This is the ‘steadying of business' to which the eloquent senator from Indiana refers. I know people are afraid we will disturb business and that is the thing which has kept us from action until business is no longer free. No, legitimate business need fear, while on the other hand if we were to release the boundless energies of 90.- 000.000 of people to a real new freedom we would experience an era of prosperity such as we never have known.” Senator Borah reviewed the history of the republican party and its achievements, denied that it was reactionary, and assert ed that "a party which was the party of progress from 1856 to June 22 at 5 o'clock p. m„ 1912. did not undergo a complete transformation notwithstanding the fact, it is conceded, that a vast amount of vir tue then departed. “I would not stand here,” ho said, “and defend the old system of holding party conventions, a system which 1 i.ad cp posed years before It was broken down. But. on the other hand, I utterly reject the proposition that the millions ot men and women who constituted the republican party could be changed in character or purpose through the wrongdoings of an antiquated and moribund system of hold ing conventions." Senator Borah denounced the demo ocratic tariff revision, declaring that it had put the farmer on a oie trade basis. "I do not understand how our third party friends can indorse that policy.” he added, "and yet it received the votes of all the declared members of the party in the Sen ate and most of the members of the party m the House. Ido not see why if a man believes in those policies he should not join the democratic party outright.” SHERMAN LAW IS ADEQUATE. Opinion of G. W. Wickersham, Former Attorney-General. George W. Wickersham. former attor ney-general of the United States, delivered an address in Philadelphia Thursday night, before the American academy of political and social science. His subject was "The relation of the federal government to In dustrial combinations,” and he spoke in part as follows:— ‘The Sherman law is adequate to reach any private monopoly without further leg islative aid. Under it every one of the great trusts has been dissolved, or is now defendant in a government suit. No or ganization, except defendants in pepding suits, exist to-day which could be called a private monoply. No combination has been formed in the United States since the de cision in the Standard oil and tobacco cases. “Distinction should be made between corporations which are nothing but de vices to hold stocks of competitive cor porations, and the ownership by one cor poration of stock in another made neces sary by conflicting provisions of state law-s. The bills pending in Congress don’t dis criminate between normal processes of necessary business co-operation and abuses of such processes. Constructive legisla tion should discriminate between the past and the future. “Some properly constituted administra tive body should be created, with power to disintegrate or readjust existing com binations so as to create normal competi tive conditions. Congress should declare principles to guide such a commission, re quiring it to accomplish that result with as little injury as possible to public in terests and due regard for vested private property rights. Mere size should not be a criterion as to the extent or character of disintegration. Relative amount is im portant. No company should be left with so large a proportion of the business in volved as to give it a controling interest enough to exclude sound effective competi tion. Discrin^nat-ion should be made be tween corporations engaged in domestic trade and thokehi foreign commerce. The commission’s decision as to the legality of the organizations resulting from its action should be conclusive in favor of defendants and government alike, subject only to a right of appeal to courts on questions, of law. ‘The recommendation to further define by Jaw the meaning of the antitrust law is based on the misconception of that stat ute. Bills now pending in Congress do not tend to make certain any existing un certainties. They introduce new ques tions, and would give rise to greater un certainty. “The state of public opinion on this question is expressed in recent laws .of the different states. In 15 states laws have been passed containing provisions similar to the definitions bill now pending in Con gress. In 10 states within the last four or five years provisions of those statutes have been expressly modified so as to ex cept from their operation particular forms of corporate organization. Public opinion so expressed recognizes that such drastic restrictions as those contained in the pend ing bills are unwise and impracticable, and that co-operative effort not amounting to undue restraint upon commerce or the creation of monopoly, must be permitted. “Legislation should be enacted that no railroad corporation shall hereafter acquire an iterest in an interstate railroad except upon finding of the interstate commerce commission that such acquisition would not unduly restrain interstate commerce. Railroad companies should then be ex empted from the Sherman antitrust law. Control of the commission over rates and practices of railroads is so comprehensive that reason for subjecting interstate car riers to the antitrust law no longer ex ists. “AU pending proposed legislation adds restrictions, imposes conditions upon cor porations, tells them what they shall not do. The problem of the relation of the federal government to co-operative indus trial business can’t satisfactorily be solved until Congress legislates affirmative ly, declares what can be done, and throws the protection of the national government about those who act in conformity with its laws.” REPUBLICAN PARTY SLOGAN. Ban quet of Party Leader* in Thia City. “Work! Work! Work!” was the pre campaign slogan crisply framed by re publican leaders Saturday night for the activity of the old party during the coming three months. Local lead ers of the party banqueted in the Nelson-Haynes hotel in this city, and, with three members of the state com mittee as chief enthusers, laid out the preliminary plans for the fight for supremacy which is to be made next sum mer. The dinner was given by the re publican city committee for State Chair man Edward A. Thurston of Fall River, Secretary Frank B. Hall of Worcester and Treasurer George A. Bncon of this city. These men declared that the old party is revamped, that thousands of the stragglers will return to the fold, and that victory will come this year. But to swing the strength of the party into the fight, the leaders must spend the next three months in the hardest labor they have ever faced in their political careers. The new schemes of the state leaders, they insist, are bound to win and the new device for financing the move ment is the most important of all. “We will raise money by many small contribu tions instead of by a few large ones," ex plained Treasurer Bacon, “and the owner ship of the party hy the moneyed few will forever he squelched. This party is for the people and especially for young men. I believe it will attain greater vigor this year right here in Massachusetts than it has ever shown." If Lieut Becker is guilty, why can’t the fact he proved in a second trial? This is District Attorney Whitman’s job. Try, try again. REFORM OF LEGAL PROCEDURE WOULD OIL WHEELS OF JUSTICE Ex-President Tait at Congressional Hearing Defends Federal Judiciary Against Popular Criticism. An appeal for simplification of court procedure to facilitate the administration of justice was made to the House judiciary committee in Washington Friday by a delegation of noted lawyers headed by former President Taft. Speaking as pres ident of the American bar association. Mr Taft said lawyers of the United States were practically a unit in believing simple rules of practice should govern in all courts, federal and state, and he strongly urged passage of a pending bill intro duced by Representative Clayton, chair man of the committee. The Clayton bill would empower the supreme court of the United States to lay down rules for the conduct of com mon law practice in federal district courts as it has already done in equity procedure. , The procedure of states where these courts are located now governs them, and it was pointed out Friday that usages and rules of procedure built up by the Legisla tures of the various states have obscured the purpose of law in intricate mazes of technicalities that have served particular ly to protect men of wealth. Mr Taft said to the committee that there was nothing in the constitution to prevent administration of justice in the United States with the same dispatch that marked Eng'ish court business. During the dis cussion the former president departed from specific consideration of the pending bill and dealt with the popular outcry against the judiciary as it is now con stituted. He believed, he said, that the federal court system was the bulwark of American liberty and that appointment for life was fundamental in maintaining that system, but he admitted that defects had arisen, all of which he thought could be cured by legislative enactments sneh as that before the committee. A study of his subject, he suggested, might be made by a paid commission, with the approval of the supreme court. Referring to the investiga tions of several federal judges now in progress. Mr Taft declared it was a wholesome thing for Congress to exercise this power. “I think it is an admirable thing," he said, “for these judges to under stand that they are being watched. One of the troubles with life appoint ments for judges, Mr Taft said, was that the temptation was strong to build up about themselves “judicial families.” Lawyers know, he said, that it was often a dangerous thing to make any charge against a court clerk before the judge who had appointed him. That temptation could be removed by Congress. Mr Taft insisted, and the courts as they are now constituted could be vindicated without resort to the recall, which he believed harmful. He thought appointments of receivers by federal judges should be made from a list furnished by the inter state commerce commission. Mr Taft said he wished to call the com mittee’s attention to one fact: “You can safely consider this bill,” he said, “since it has the approval of the progressive party and of Mr Root and myself. I want the committee to get that fact; that where two so widely divergent views agree upon a thing, it is probably a thing to be de sired.” President Wilson and Attorney-General Mcßeynolds have already expressed their approval of the pending measure, and it is expected that when it is received in Congress it will be speedily passed by both houses. The list of speakers at Friday's meeting included, in addition to Mr Taft, Judge Alton B. Parker of New York, Senator Root of New York, Louis Brandeis of Boston, Dean Roscoe Pound of Harvard, Frank B. Kellogg of Min neapolis, Judge Henry Wade Rogers, and Thomas W. Shelton, chairman of the uni form judicial procedure committee of the American bar association. THE PROGRAM OF CONGRESS TRUSTS AND RURAL CREDITS Two Subjects on Which Legislation is Surely Duc Bclore Adjournment. Trust legislation and a new law to en hance rural credits before adjournment of Congress are the only measures on the “must" list of the administration for the present session of Congress, it was made known in Washington yesterday. This, of course, excepts the necessary appro priation bills which now are being rapidly disposed of. Senator Ashurst has given notice that he will press the constitutional amendment for equal suffrage in the Senate, but his ef forts to fix a time for voting on it will be persistently opposed by deihocrats and re publicans alike. The constitutional amend ment for prohibition probably will not be taken up at this session. A general dam and water-power bill is being formulated in the House interstate commerce committee and it probably will be ready within a fortnight to report to the House. The purpose is to induce pri vate capital to promote navigation in shal low streams through hope of profit from the use of water-power generated. Secre tary Garrison has outlined the administra tion views in a letter to Chairman Adam son proposing a measure under which the power concerns on navigable streams as public utility companies would secure au thority from both state and federal gov ernments. Plans to reorganize the scheme of gov ernment of Porto Rico are under way in the House committee on insular affairs where to-day Delegate Riva and Frank Martinez of San Juan, representing the unionist party of the island, will explain the Riva bill designed to grant citizen ship with a view to ultimate independence Secretary Garrison has stamped the bill as impractical and said the United States has no intention of granting independence. Secretary Bryan to-day will appear be fore the House committee on foreign af fairs to explain the Mexican situation. The project for a national University is met with almost unanimous approval in the House committee on education which to day will resume hearings on the Foss bill to provide for the establishment of such an institution at the national capital. Three big hearings are planned for to morrow. Both sides in the fight for a woman suffrage constitutional amendment will open another battle before the House judiciary committee; the rules committee will have a public hearing on the Manahan resolution to investigate charges that the Chicago and Duluth boards of trade and the Minneapolis chamber of commerce con trol the country's grain markets; and a general bill to regulate grazing on the pub lic domain will be under discussion at a hearing before the public lands committee. Vice-President Leguia of Peru, who is returning from London to take the presi dential office left vacant by the exit of Guillermo Billinghurst, must not be con founded with his elder brother, Augusto B, Leguia, who was president before Billinghurst and was exiled last summer for an attempted revolution. The new [nesident, Roberto F.. Leguia. is 48 years old. and has held several important posi tions in the government. LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE- MEN LOVED GEN CHAMBERLAIN. The Ardent Testimony of .One Who Served in His Old Regiment. 7'o the Editor of The Republican :~ 1 wish that I might express in words the feelings that came over me this morning as I looked at my Republican and saw almost the first thing the. notice ,of the death of Gen Joshua L. Chamberlain. As 1 think 1 am the only man in this vicinity who was a member of the 20th Maine regiment, which he sc gallantly command ed, 1 wish that I might say a few words regarding this splendid soldier. 1 was transferred to his regiment from the 2d Maine the last of May. 1863, under circumstances which made it hard for those who were put in a strange regiment, and it was there that those men trans ferred came to learn the sterling qualities of this man. He seemed to feel with us the unpleasant features that were ours as we were placed in different companies, among new faces, and he—from what I have since learned—urged upon the officers and men of bis command to show us that we were to be received with all considera tion and shown all due courtesy, which soon won from us the devotion and love which increased with the months and years that we were under him. The afternoon of the 2d of July. 1863, on Little Round Top at Gettysburg, amid the awful carnage, gave us to see what was in the calm, quiet man who watched every portion of his line with the care of s father, now speaking to an officer here, stepping to the side of a dying man with a word of comfort, restoring to his rank, from which he had been unjustly reduced, one of the brave men who was dying: and in every way striving to encourage the of ficers and men in that hour of death strug gle. Then leading his men in the final charge that drove the enemy from our front and saved the day at Gettysburg. All the way through the Wilderness, with its terrible days of fighting, down to Petersburg, on the afternoon of the 18th of June, where he was so terribly wound ed —from which wound no one expected him to recover—and from which he was a constant sufferer down to his death. Back to his command in time to command a brigade at Five Forks, doing splendid work on the Quaker road, and in the fight on the 30th and 31st of March and April 1 leading his men in splendid movements that called for the commendation of Gens Grant. Meade, and Sheridan, aud receiving from Gen Grant what he said had been too long delayed, bis promotion to be a ’ b rigadier-general. The days passed quickly from that time on until the finish came at Appomattox. How proud we were on the 12th day of April when Gen Chamberlain asked for his old regiment to be a part of the com mand which was to receive the official surrender of the confederate forces. Oh, I could say so many things this morning about the splendid man who has just been mustered out and gone to join the major ity of the men who lived and were a part of those glorious days! A noble man. a splendid soldier, a wise statesman, popular governor of the state from which he enlisted, and in al) the walks of life one whose life was a con stant uplift to those who came in contact with him. How his men loved him! At the regimental reunion in Lewiston, Me., in August, 1912, the men who gathered there were so wrought up on his entry to the hall that they wept and laughed and cheered until it seemed that the town it self could hear us. Well, I will stop, for I know I am un able to say but a bit of what might be said of this man who has just passed on. I loved him as a brother. Edwin S. Wetherell. Co D. 2d Maine regiment, and Co E, 20th Maine regiment. Thompsonville. Ct., February 25, 1914- FAVORS NATIONAL PROHIBITION. To the Editor of The Republican :— I address this communication tb the dear public for whom our legislators are so solicitous, to show how we are de ceiving ourselves by the toleration of the alcoholic beverage industry to prevail and continue its very damaging work in our country. I desire to help develop public sentiment in favor of national legislation to pass the following amendment to the constitution now before the national Con gress in both branches:— Section 1. The sale, manufacture for sale, transportation for sale, Importation fo r sale, aud exportation for sale of. intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes in the United States and all territory subject to the juris diction thereof are forever prohibited. Section 2. Congress shall have power to provide for the manufacture, sale. Importa tion and transportation of Intoxicating liquors for sacramental, medlcina.l, mechanical, phar maceutical or scientific purposes, or for use in the arts, and shall have power to enforce this article by all needful legislation. I most sincerely believe that there has never been a more serious and important proposition before the American people since the Declaration of Independence than the enactment of this amendment to the constitution. The alcoholic beverage is more damaging than any form of hu man slavery, war, famine or pestilence; in fact, it is human slavery of the very worse form. When the drink habit is formed it becomes a disease more dreaded and difficult to remove than most any other known disease and more damaging and dangerous to human lije and bur densome in its detail of expense through the legal, charitable and reformatory and correctional necessities of the people than any other expense of our state and na tional government. It is very seriously important that this amendment should be passed and pn forced without delay to save our people in the country from further distress so burdensome and build up human life on a more noble basis, free from intemperance and its many attendant vices. Chables N. Pbouty. Spencer, February 21, 1914- MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. Judge Bumpus on the Experience of Holyoke and Other Places. To the Editor of The Republican:— The report of the gas and elsctric depart ment of the city of Holyoke for the year 1913 furnishes such a vivid illustration of the great saving which municipalities can make by awning their water, gas or elec tric works, if the same are managed hon estly and efficiently, it may be worth while to briefly state the experience of Holyoke in this regard. I happened to be on the commission to value the plant when it was taken over by the city from the company in 1902. Our appraisal, together with all expeuse of lit igation, totaled $815,458. To-day the value of the plunt is $1,650,000 (plus), toward which the surplus earnings nave contrib uted nearly $700,000. a profit which.to that extent has been applied for the benefit of the city and its inhabitants. Meantime the price of gas. which in 1903 was $1.35 per cubic foot, has been reduced to $1; the net price of electricity from 18 cents per kilowatt to six cents per kilowatt, and the price of arc street lights from $1 each to 45 cents. Taking into account the large increase in the output, since 1903 and the present prices as compared to the earlier ones here is a natural saving of substantially S3OO - 000. which, capitalized nt 5 per cent, shows a credit of $6,000,000. Doubtless a large part of this saving is due to the im provement and enlargement, of the plants since the city has owned them, and the reduction in prices have naturally followed This has undoubtedly been largely due to the excellent management of the superin tendent of the plants, a local government bent upon securing the most beneficial re sults for its citizens, and the Supervision of the state gat and electric light com mission. WhUa it h verv orobable that in into duction in the price of ;as and electricity would have taken place if the Holyoke water-power company had continued to hold the plants during this time, yet the chances are, judging from other causes, not so great a diminution in prices would nave taken pla<‘e. While upon this topic, let me say that in cases of .this kind in which J have been interested throughout the state I have been struck by the advantages which have accrued to municipalities where private companies have been established! In most instances such companies have began busi ness upon a small output and several years have elapsed before they have secured any profits Meantime the communities in volved have, as a result of the introduction ot gas, water, or. electricity, secured ad vantages on account of these benefits in the growth m population, etc. This ad vantage is of course mutual as between the company and municipality and natural ly adds to the value of the property mak ‘nft what is known as a going plant. When such planus are taken over by municipali i'ert to > / disposition to ob- ject to the payment of the property as a live one. but inasmuch as the company by its enterprise has created this profitable whv 8 a P r nt ’ th ii e sePllls tobe no reaßnn allowed p amou ? t ^ould not be Booked for the same. I have found in mv as P a rX e m,,ni ‘'ipalities have as a rule, at the time of paying for the vet^know' 8 ? 1 a ^ ards ware excessive, yet I know of no instance where it has not tuhued out that the municipality could af ford to pay the amount levied upon it and. instead of losing, have gained thereby. Boston. February 28, l^i^ BUMPUS. EUGENICS. ' I To the Editor of The Republican:— The attempts to breed human beings on the basis of the breeding of cattle, horses and hogs, cannot succeed in perfecting humanity. How many great men ever had great sons. How many great poets’ sons were also great poets? How many grout philosophers reared philosophers of note in their own households? Shake speare, the world s greatest poet, was not the son. nor again the father, of a great poet. But he probably inherited the imagination and other poetic qualities of both parents; a combination just suf ficient to make him. what neither of them were. And so of great merchants, great inventors great commanders, great states men, and others. This form df inher itance accounts likewise for the failure Of sons of excellent men sometimes to equal the average of men. They inherit from both parents—though we know not how—qualities which alone in each are well enough, but when doubled in the sons are defects. Nerves make and unmake values in hu man offspring, yet the how of these processes is not. sufficiently well known to be utilized for great improvement of man kind; but certainly it is not in following the swineherd’s methods, spite of the oft saying that the hog has a great deal of human natur’ in ’im.” Soul, sentiment, hope, heart and love must have freer course ere man be glorified, ~ „ Perry Marshall. A etc Salem, February 28, 1914. WHO HAVE THE CHILDREN’S JOBS! To the Editor of The Republican:— Under the new child labor law children under 16 are not allowed to work in fac tories and stores more than eight hours a day. Who then, we ask, have the jobs at which these children formerly worked? All these jobs are filled. Somebody, old or young, has each one of them and is getting pay for it. When an older minor or an adult has it, we may reason ably conclude that he needs it and that without it he would be an added unit in the company of the unemployed. Most of these jobs are filled by the children themselves under greatly im proved conditions. Various agencies are diligently seeking accurate information concerning the children discharged, chil dren re-employed on an eight-hour basis and children Who have returned to school. Conditions differ widely in different places. Wild statements have been made, grossly exaggerating the number of those thrown permanently out. of work. A bugaboo has been raised in the shape of crowds of young hoodlums ranging the streets as a result of this law. A careful aud reliable investigator has searched for weeks for these “hoodlums.” But the largest crowd of boys idling because of the new law she has yet found was one crowd of three. In nine-tenths of the cities and towns the hours have been adjusted, or very largely adjusted to the law and the children have been reinstated. Quite universally there has been some annoyance to the employers. These naturally feel some irritation. To most of the children the law has brought immense relief. Instead of being pulled out of bed at 5 o'clock they can now sleep until 6 or 7. Instead of rising too early and spending every hour of day light in the factory they have at least an hour more for needed sleep and an hour for out-of-door play or for reading or helping at home. It’s a big boon for the boys and girls. Does it cost, too much? Do employers, when they think of it, really wish to coin these two hours of a child’s day Into dividends? Can the state afford to let them do so? Charles F. Bradley. Boston, February .28, 1914- WOMEN VOTERS IN CHICAGO. The Recent Primaries and Comments Thereon. [From the Chicago Tribune.] Virtually the same proportion of wom an voters went to the polls as male, but undoubtedly thousands of women were re strained by the desire to avoid a declara tion of party affliation. Otherwise if it had been for no other reason than to make use of a new power they would have voted. If approximately 160.000 women were inter ested enough to register, indifference did not keep over two-thirds of them at home. Policy dictated their conduct. Their party affiliations have not been declared. They are free to make their choice in a subsequent primary. Chicago has now more than 100,000 voters of no declared party. They remain the unknown quan tity in local politics. They have con tributed a good deal to nonpartisanship and independence. (From the Chicago . Daily News.l Within the year women have been given the right to vote' in Dlinois for all offices save those named in the state constitution. Yesterday, in the city primaries Chicago ans serenely watched women manfully ex ercise the right. That is not all. Various women worked vigorously for party alder manic nominations, employing methods similar to those that have been employed by the male of the species full many a year. One of the woman candidates, it seems, had supplied herself with cigars, which she distributed at the polling places among the man suffragists, meanwhile de livering verbal sweets to her sister voters. Another of (he candidates went from precinct to precinct in an automobile, to which was affixed a large banner bearing her name and the words. “Candidate for alderman.’’ Still another, in her excur sions about the ward, caused her ‘‘man agers’’ to issue withering attacks upon her political opponents. From all of which it is evident that woman has arrived politicolly in more senses thnn one. READY FOR WEBSTER’S SEAT. (From the Boston Post.] Citizen John F. Fitzgerald caused a Sen ate attendant to grin with delight in Wash ington. He was in the capitol on business and dropped into the upper chamber. When near Senator Lodge’s seat he dropped into it. saying in a most matter-of-fact way:— "It feels natural!" When the attendant told him that Dan iel Webster once had that seat Citizen Fitzgerald again remarked:— “It feels natural.” The attendant gasped, then grinned.