Springfield weekly Republican. [volume], August 19, 1915, Page 8, Image 8

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(SPRINGFIELD. THVRPDAY AUG 19. 1915
SIXTEEN PAGES.
The Shame of Georgia
The murder of Leo Frank by a Georgia
mob is a stain upon the commonwealth
which will not be wiped out in our time.
The whole country suffers the disgrace of
it- Nothing less than an earnest and re
lentless effort on the part of the good citi
zenship of the state to bring the perpe
trators of the crime to full punishment
will satisfy the needs of the situation or
meet the just demands of society. It is
a challenge to democracy: to civilization
itse’f. Lynch law. bad enough in its least
hideous aspect, is here seen at its worst in
its menace of the whole structure upon
which organized society rests: in its denial
of the law which had taken its course, un
der difficulties indeed most, unusual.-
The members of the mob must be-hunted
down. Not less important is a thorough
investigation of the conditions which per
mitted the mob so easily to have things
all its own way. The further political life
of all Georgia officials in any way con
cerned in the tragedy should be made to
depend upon their doing their utmost now
for the restoration of a reign of law, and
especially as it concerns this particular
ease. The strong evidence that Frank
was a victim of mob passion and unreason
ing prejudice, evidence greatly strength
ened by the abuse of Gov Slaton for <om
ranting the death sentence, should have
convinced those in authority that Frank's
life was in danger. If they were so con
vinced their demonstration of the fact is
not impressive.
To have sent the prisoner to the state
farm so soon after the governor's action
would appear to have been worse than
folly: to have left him with such more
than doubtful protection was at the very
least most culpable carelessness. It will
be necessary for the officials high and low
who had to do with the prisoner's custody
to demonstrate that they were not guilty
of criminal negligence, or worse. Suspicion
of foul play in which the members of the
mob were not the only immediately guilty
ones will force itself upon everyone who
reads the accounts of the extraordinary
proceedings at the prison where Frank was
seized.
The suspicion that the prisoner, from the
moment that the charge of murder was
brought against him. was to be over
whelmed with the spirit of intolerance
grew with each stage of his prosecution
and of the events succeeding. Former Gov
Slaton, whose thorough review of the case
forced him. as a duty to his oath of office,
to perform his act of clemency, believed
that in so doing he was signing his own
political death warrant. It seemed to have
been the case. But by his act he has won
greater honors. His courage is of the sort
that strengthens faith in our essential in
stitutions and shines against the black deed
for which his state now suffers.
An Emperor for Chinat
It used to be said that in China every
thing was done in a way exactly opposite
to our own. A Chinese carpenter pulled a
eaw instead of pushing it. and a China
man seeking revenge killed himself instead
of his enemy. Yet it is doubtful whether
from that topsyturvy land has come any
thing more wonderful than the bland pub
lic discussion by President Yuan Shi Kai
as to whether it would not be better two
years or so from now to declare himself
emperor. The western way, of course, is to
execute a coup d'etat and talk about it
afterward For anything so large and im
perial as Yuan's style we shall have to turn
back to Julius Caesar and his studious put
ting by the crown which Cassius and
Brutus took rate that he should never as
sums No doubt the wise and wily old man
at the head of the Chinese government is
prepared for all the ‘‘risks of the trade."
and it may be that aa emperor his life
would be in hardly more danger than for
year* past from the ardent republicans
whose hope* he baa frustrated.
There has been great sympathy fortheir
disappointment here in America, where
many of these Chinese radicals were edu
cated and imbibed their republican ideas.
Such sympathy would be increased if the
president of the Chinese republic should
convert himself into the emperor of China.
Yet it is obvious that the change would be
one of form rather than of substance. Al
ready Yuan has made himself a virtual
dictator, and the constitution which was
ushered in with such ceremony did not
stand the first strain put upon it.
The failure of the high hopes with which
the revolution was greeted by progressive
spirits in China has been deeply disap
pointing to Americans, and Yuan has come
in for harsh criticism which would be
strengthened if he should take the title as
well as the autocratic powers of an em
peror. And yet it is a matter upon which
outsiders should speak only with caution.
Under the most favorable conditions the
transformation of an ancient, huge, and con
servative nation like China from an orien
tal form of government to a republic would
have been a colossal and hazardous task.
Coming when' it did, at the outbreak of the
new era of wars which has convulsed the
whole world, it had hardly the ghost of a
chance.
Even among the American-bred Chinese
the younger seem regretfully to recognize
that for the present the high hopes of a
few years ago are out of the question.
They are strongly for reform, and they see
great things to be done, but they feel that
the immediate need is to make China safe,
and that for security against aggression a
strong government is necessary. With such
momentous changes going on in the world,
the Chinese need not be called reactionary
if they abandon for the time the political
reforms which had made such hopeful
progress and concentrate upon solidifying
the position of the nation. It is to be re
gretted. however, not only for the sake of
China, but for the sake of the world. As a
people the Chinese are as peaceable and
moderate as any in the world; as a nation
China under a strong government might in
a generation be transformed as radically as
Germany. Left to settle their own destinies
the Chinese would undoubtedly continue to
be engrossed in the peaceful industry in
which they have been unsurpassed; coerced
into military service and patriotically edu
cated in militarism, it is not so safe to say
what they might do when weakness had
been converted into strength.
In the best interest of the world what is
most to be desired is a strong China which
shall not k be too strong, a China which can
hold 'together and exert a steadying influ
ence on the entire Orient, without being
tempted to aggression. A crumbling China,
scrambled for by greedy powers, would be
such a menace to peace as the crumbling
Turkish empire has been for a generation.
A China under Japanese domination would
be in danger of being drawn into the orbit
of Japan's grandiose military designs. It
will be a fortunate thing if the present
turmoil brings forth a. strong and sober
China, not too radically or too suddenly
changed, more firmly knit together for de
fense, but not under the control of a war
like dynasty. In Yuan himself there is
nothing whatever that suggests aggression,
but Yuan is old, and the course of a dyn
asty nc one can foresee. Yet while the step
would be a momentous one. it must be con
sidered that for China to be an empire is
the normal thing: the relapse is not half
so sensational as the creation of a republic,
nor need it involve a complete abandon
ment of the program of political reform.
New Submarine Exploits
Two new feats by German submarines,
of very different character and importance
are in the week's news. By the sinking
of the British transport Royal Edward, in
volving the loss of about 1090 lives, a re
markable record is broken. The complete
immunity of the transport service from
attack has been a matter for congratulation
in England and also of some boasting which
might better have been deferred until after
the war.
No such significance attaches to the coup,
of course, as though it had occurred in the
carefully guarded lane in the channel by
which troops are conveyed from England
to France. The route to the Dardanelles
cannot be so carefully shepherded, and past
immunity depends mainly on the fact that
the submarine force at work there is small.
Yet in recent dispatches confidence was
shown that the peril had been successfully
provided against, and the loss of the Royal
Edward with a force equal to a full bat
talion, will be a disagreeable surprise. For
the rest, it is an example of the perfectly
legitimate use of the submarine in war.
England will not be seriously alarmed
over the bombardment of three towns on
the Irish sea by an audacious submarine.
Such attacks cannot be prevented, but
i their results are not likely to be great.
The armament of a submarine is relatively
light and the quantity of ammunition car
ried is not very great: such a diversion of
energy, iu fact, can only be justified in a
military sense by the failure to find ships
to attack. As far as influence upon the
war is concerned it would be as sensible to
bombard the coast with a popgun.
In the future submarines may be so de
veloped as to be a serious menace to
coasts, but at present no nation has more
boats of this type than are needed for oper
ations of a more serious character. By
some reports German shops are turning
out a new U boat every week, but if the
Army and Navy Journal's information is
correct as to the number lost the addf
tions do no more than replace the subma
rines destroyed. If they could whittle
down the British battle fleet to manage
able size they might exert a decisive effect
on the war. By destroying isolated mer
chant ships they can seriously but not de
cisively interfere with commerce. What
they can do by plumping a few four-inch
shells into towns along the coast is no
more than a flea bite.
Excessive Teuton Thoroughness
In war it is no doubt wise to be
prepared for every possible contingency;
in friendly relations with other people
an excess of thoroughness which prepares
for obstacles which do not exist is not
unlikely to defeat its own end. In their
efforts to influence the American publie
Germany’s publicity agents have conjured
up purely fantastic difficulties. They
have tried to erawl in at the cellar win
dow when the front door was wide open,
and their tortuous subterranean methods
have worked a quite needless harm to the
cause they represent. The New York
Tinies quite accurately says-—
These German propagandists were as
blind as bats They were seeking covert
ly and secretly, by intrigue and device,
and in disguise, to enter where the floor
was wide open and the hand of welcome
extended. The American press has been
THE SPRINGFIELD WEEKLY REPUBLICAN: THURSDAY, AUGUST 19, 1915
prodigal in its expenditure of money and
space for the presentation of German
views and German news. The Times has
printed unnumbered columns of contri
butions from pens of weight and autbor
itv engaged in the defense of Germany
and in making known the German attitude
and policy. Other newspapers have been
liberal in the exposition of the German
side of the war questions. German views
and German arguments were put before
the American people from the very begin
ning of the war. They were judged by
the American people. There was not only
not the slightest occasion for underground
work, there was visible proof that it would
be futile. What are we to think of the
boasted German intelligence?
German intelligence is keen enough, but
in diplomacy, political argument and pub
licity work it has been showing what is
not so much a defect of intelligence as a
defect of sympathy. It works things out
logically, but always from the German
point of view. There is a lack of the give
and take which is imposed by political dis
cipline. and in cases where the convic
tions, prejudices and susceptibilities of
others have to be considered. German
statesmen, professors and writers collec
tively make a deplorable showing. Possi
bly it is the fault of the military educa
tion which lays much stress on "imposing'’
the will of a strong nation on others. So
far as tortuous newspaper propaganda is
concerned it may perhaps be the fault of
the reptile press with which Bismarck de
bauched German journalism. Whatever
the cause, there could not well be a more
absurd spectacle than that of laborious
and costly underground methods for sup
plying the German news and views which
the American press has stood lavishly
ready to give.
George Sylvester Viereck, who is shown
in the documents unearthed by the New
York World as arranging for a subsidy
from the German government, makes a
lame defense, which does not touch the
heart of the matter. It has not been
charged that his Fatherland was founded
by the German government. Nor does it
matter that it was already in existence
before Dr Dernburg and Mr Albert ar
rived and the corruption fund became
available. The point is that here we have
what purports to be a paper conducted for
“fair play,’’ edited by a Berliner who lays
claim to American citizenship, and as
suming American freedom to mix in Amer
ican politics, while its editor is accepting
cash from the German government and
putting in a request, favorably considered,
for a restliar subsidy’
The Fatherland will be in an awkward
position henceforth in attempting to carry
on its campaign against the “subsidized
‘press.’’ Of course the public had known
perfectly well that it wag frankly a part
of the German propaganda, and if it had
been written and published in Berlin it
could hardly have been more thoroughly
Prussian, But there is a difference be
tween volunteer enterprise and state con
trol and support, and whatever influence
it may have had will be sadly damaged
by the New York World’s revelations.
For a fair presentation of the German
case the public has had a warm wel
come; if the Fatherland with the aid of
the German government had devoted itself
to presenting the facts which German sym
pathizers allege to have been suppressed,
it would have met no opposition. But
when it set Out to attack violently and in
sultingly President Wilson and his ad
ministration and to organize a political
campaign agaipst his policy, it became
a matter of first-rate importance whether
it was a bona fide American newspaper
working for what it conceived to be Amer
ican interests, or simply the Fatherland,
working exclusively for the interests of
the fatherland. Herr Viereck’s weekly
merits no more consideration from Ameri
cans than the Berlin Morgenpost or the
Frankfurter Zeitung.
Galveston In the Storm
While the damage done by the hurri
cane at Galveston is great, the worst
has not happened. The water rose to
an alarming hight, but the waves did not
sweep over the low-lying island, and no
lives seem to have been lost. But to
those who remember the disastrous Sep
tember storm of 1900 the time must have
been one of profound anxiety. While the
recent tempest was much less violent, it
was severe enough to give a considerable
test of the protective barrier erected after
the great storm.
Galveston's safety, however, depends in
great part upon how a hurricane strikes.
Whether the sea wall would give full
protection if the identical conditions of
1900 should recur is doubtful, but the
chance of identical recurrence is small.
In the present case the wind is reported in
the northeast, which means that the cen
ter passed south of the city. But in the
storm of 1900 Galveston lay directly in
the track, and was exposed to a souther
ly wind of almost unprecedented fury,
which hurled the waters of the gulf upon
the low-lying island. The wind gauge
showed 100 miles an hour before it was
blown away, and at the hight of the storm
it is believed to have reached 120 miles
an hour, which equals the force of a
typhoon and is surpassed only by the
tornadoes of the Mississippi valley.
But while those have a short and nar
row track, the great hurricane of 1900
cut a swath 500 miles wide through the
Caribbean and the gulf and then across
the eastern United States. Three days
after leaving Galveston in ruins it had
crossed Lake Michigan and was devastat
ing the St LaMrence. At Boston, on the
southern rim. the wind attained a velocity
of 80 miles an hour. Such a storm may
not recur in half a century, and when it
does the chances are against its striking
Galveston with that part of its wide circuit
where the wind blows from the south.
Risk of another great disaster to the city
is not wholly absent, but it is too small
to cause serious apprehension. Of all
the hurricanes that have been charted no
two have followed precisely the same
path, and the chance of two sunerhurri
eanes striking in the same spot is small
Ordinarily the sea wall is protection
enough.
Cuties Union in Canada.— The recent
pronouncement of those Presbyterians in
Canada who object to the proposed union
of their church with the Methodist and
Congregational churches has only served to
direct attention to the great strength of the
movement. By the admission even of the
opposing party a majority of the ministers
of practically every presbytery in Canada
is in favor of the union: and the general
assembly of the Presbyterian church in Can
ada has spoken decisively, though not unan
imously. in favor of the movement. Since
1911 the Methodist and Congregational
churches have repeatedly approved of the
plan of union by very large majoritie.s, and
it has been left to the Presbyterians to
take th* step thst would insure the execu
tion of the plan. This the Presbyterians
will probably do at their general assembly
next year, in spite of the aggrsssiva cam
paign of the dissenting faction.
NOTE ON THE FRYE CASE
EXPERTS TO FIX THE VALVE
GERMAN OFFER IS ACCEPTED
United States Willing to Arbitrate
“Question of Legal Jurisdiction”
On its face dealing with a single case,
the importance of vyhich could be meas
ured in a comparatively small number of
dollars, the American note to the German
foreign office, made public at Washing
ton Tuesday in regard to the destruc
tion of the sailing ship William P. Frye
by a German auxiliary cruiser, may have
results most important in their bearing
upon the whole question of the treatment
of neutral commerce by the European
belligerents. The United States acquiesces
in the German proposal that a joint
board of experts fix the value of the
Frye, which will be promptly paid for by
the German government. This was the
original American proposition.
But the far-reaching effect of the note
comes in its acceptance of the German
offer to arbitrate “the question of legal
jurisdiction" for the sinking of the Frye,
in so far as it involves the interpreta
tion of the existing treaties with Ger
many. If the German government agrees
to arbitration, in the form suggested, it
is believed in Washington that the Amer
ican government will be in a position to
address itself to Great Britain with great
er force than it has heretofore been able
to exert in advocacy of the general free
dom of legitimate neutral commerce on
the high seas. In the state department s
view this will be particularly true if Ger
manv accepts the last suggestion in the
Frye note and agrees to suspend, during
the arbitration at least, its policy of de
stroying American ships carrying contra
band. The note follows: —
You are instructed to present the fol
lowing note to the German minister for
foreign affairs:—
Under instructions from my government,
I have the honor to inform your excel
lency, in reply to your note of July 30 in
regard to the claim for reparation for the
sinking of the William P. Frye, that the
government of the United States learns
with regret that the objections urged by
it against the submission of this case to
the prize court for decision have not com
mended themselves to the imperial German
government, and it equally regrets that
the reasons presented by the imperial Ger
man government for submitting this case
to the prize court have failed to remove
the objections of the government of the
United States to the adoption of that
course.
As this disagreement has been reached
after the full presentation of the views of
both governments in our previous corre
spondence. a.further exchange of views on
the question in dispute would doubtless
he unprofitable and the government of the
United States therefore welcomes your
excellency's suggestion that some other
way should be found for settling this case.
The two methods of settlement proposed
as alternative suggestions in your excel
lency’s note hare been given careful con
sideration. and it is believed that if they
can be combined so that they may both be
adopted, they will furnish a satisfactory
basis for the solution of the question at
issue.
The government of the United States
has already expressed its desire that the
amount of indemnity, to be paid by the
German imperial government under its
admitted liability fob the losses of the own
ers and captain on account of the destruc
tion of the Frye, should be settled by diplo
matic negotiation, and it entirely concurs
with the suggestion of the imperial Ger
man government that the simplest way
would be to agree as proposed in your note
that each of the two governments desig
nate an expert and that the two experts
jointly fix the amount of indemnity for the
vessel and any American property which
may have been sunk with her. to be paid
b.v the imperial German government when
ascertained as stated in your note. It is as
sumed that the arrangement will include
some provision for calling in an umpire
in case the experts fail to agree.
The government of the United States
notes that your suggestion is made with
the express reservation that a payment
under this arrangement would not con
stitute an admission -that American treaty
rights had been violated, but would be re
garded by the imperial German govern
ment merely as fulfilling a duty or policy
founded on existing treaty stipulations.
A payment on this understanding would
be entirely acceptable to the government
of the United States providing that the
acceptance of such payment should like
wise be understood to be without preju
dice to the contention of the government
of the United States that the sinking of
thg Frye was without legal justification,
and provided also that an arrangement can
be agreed upon for the immediate sub
mission to arbitration of the question of
legal justification in so far as it involves
the interpretation of existing treaty stipu
lations.
There can he no difference of opinion
between the two governments as to the
desirability of having this question of the
true intent and meaning of their treaty
stipulations determined without delay, and
to that end the government of the United
States proposes that the alternative sug
gestion of the imperia! German government
also be adopted, so that this question of
treaty interpretation can be submitted
forthwith to arbitration pursuant to arti
cle 38 .of The Hague, convention for the
pacific settlement of international dis
putes.
In this way both the question of in
demnity and the question of treaty inter
pretation can promptly be settled, and it
will be observed that the only change
made in the plan proposed by the imperial
German government is that, instead of
eliminating either one of its alternative
suggestions, they are both given effect in
order that both of the questions under dis
cussion may be dealt with at the same
time.
If this proposal proves acceptable to
the imperia l German government, it will
be necessary also to determine whether,
pending the arbitral award, the imperial
German government shall govern its naval
operations in accordance with its own in
terpretation. or in accordance with the
interpretation maintained by the United
States as to the obligations imposed by
their treaty stipulations, and the govern
ment of the United States would be clad
to have an expression of the views of the
imperial German government on this point.
Lansing.
Pass of Balmaha Sent to Prise Court
The American cotton ship Pass of Bal
maha, captured by a German submarine
with a British prize crew on board, has
been unloaded and sent to the prize court
at Hamburg. On receipt of thia news
Tuesday the stait department instructed
Embassador Gerard tc ask the intentions
of the German government in regard to
the ship Similar inquiry in regard to
the American ship Dunwea, still held nt
Swinemunde. but also condemned to the
prize court, has brought no response so
far.
THE POINT OF VIEW
(From the Columbia State J
Victor Berger, socialist and former con
gressman and editor of the , Milwaukee
Leader, advocated, in his newspaper, when
the war broke out in Europe, a'ruling
against shipments of munitions from the
United States hut he was strenuously era
posed by the Germania Herold and the
Freie Press, which, at that time, believed
that Germany might obtain war supplies
from the United States.
WAR MUNITIONS CAPACITY
GOVERNMENT SEEKS DATA
Private Ma noted uring Plants Re
quested to Give Information as to
Means of Meeting Emergency De
manded—President’s Program
The Iron Age in its issue last week
said: The government has always recog
nized that its own arsenals would be en
tirely inadequate for the supply of war
material which would be required to meet
an emergency of war, and it has been its
usual practice, in time of peace as well
as in time of war, to call upon the priv
ate industries of the country for the sup
ply of a good deal of material of this
class. To this end the ordnance depart
ment endeavors to keep itself informed
as to the establishments in the country
which are able to produce war material
of various classes, and their capacity for
such production. The demand for war
material by European belligerents has
caused such kaleidoscopic changes and
such an unexpected expansion of the fa
cilities of American manufacturing com
panies, particularly for the production of
certain classes of ammunition, that corre
sponding increase of activity On the part
of the ordnance department is entailed in
order that its information may keep rea
sonable pace with this expansion. While
this expansion has probably not yet
ceased, it has reached such a stage as
to warrant something like a general in
quiry on the part of the government as
to the manufacturing facilities which have
already been called into existence, and to
this end letters of inquiry are being sent
out to manufacturers, accompanied by
certain illustrative sketches and forms for
the purpose of making replies easier.
It will be understood, of course, that the
war department is not now in the market
for such material, having no special funds
which are applicable for its purchase, and
the limted funds which are at its dis
posal from current appropriations not re
quiring any special inquiry for their ex
penditure.
Accompanying each inquiry is a schedule
of the items concerning which the bureau
desires the information as to the manu
facturers' capacity.
President to Confer With Committee
Chairmen
President Wilson will return to Wash
ington this week and will at once take
up what he regards as the most impor
tant work now before the administration,
namely, the formulation of a “sane, rea
sonable and practical program for the
national defense." Announcement of the
president's instructions to the secretaries
of war and the nary has been followed
by a vast amount of comment which
the president has very attentively ob
served. Public opinion appears to be over
whelmingly in favor of the president's
plan as a broad project and the people at
large seem to be prepared not only to
use their influence with their representa
tives in Congress to carry out a compre
hensive scheme, involving the expenditure
of a large sum of money, hut also to ac
cept uncomplainingly any new fiscal legis
lation that may be necessary to provide
funds for the required naval and military
expansion. At the same time it has been
made perfectly clear that the advocates
of the so-called'peace policy will have
considerable influence in Congress and that
for one reason or another some of the
most influential representatives and sena
tors are lukewarm toward the program of
the chief executive.
In view of these conditions, President
Wilson has decided to adopt diplomacy, at
least at the outset, in. the effort to unite
all factions in Congress. There is. no
doubt,. however.. that he .is prepared to.,
make a last-ditch fight to obtain the .leg
islation he desires in the event that he
cannot win over the opposition.
No Plan of Militarism
President Wilson is disposed to be a lit
tle impatient at the criticism in some quar
ters that his polity :'tends toward mili
tarism." There is. of course, absolutely no"
ground for such a charge. When it is -re
membered that the present expenditures
for both the military and naval services
represent an annual charge upon the popu
lation of the United States of less than
S 3 per capita and that the most liberal
scheme of enlargement thus far fore
shadowed would not increase this tax be
yond $5, taken in connection with the
positive statements of administration offi
cials that no form of compulsory military
service is contemplated, the absurdity of
any charge of militarism in connection
with .the program now being formulated
will be appreciated.
PROTEST OF IMPORTERS
On Commerce Interference—Senator
Hoke Smith Condemns England's
Blockade of Neutral Traffic
After listening to a speech by Senator
Howe Smith of Georgia, at New York last
week Wednesday, more than 300 New York
importers adopted a petition to Presi
dent Wilson urging him to take prompt
and strenuous action to relieve American
importers of the conditions caused by Great
Britain’s refusal to allow products of Ger
many and Austria to be shipped from
neutral ports to the United States.
Senator Smith declared that the block
ade. as carried out by Great Britain, was
one of the most flagrant and inexcusable
violations of neutral rights in naval his
tory. "I have determined the only thing to
do." said Senator Smith, “is to tell Great
Britain to revoke the blockade order, or
she can have no neutral trade with the
United States.
“The excuse that Great Britain seized
vessels having cargoes of goods produced
in Germany or Austria, or of goods in
tended for Germany or Austria, but con
signed to a neutral port, as a retaliatory
measure against Germany, does not make
the seizure lawful.
“There is no justification for the second
contention that the British were justified
in their action because the United States
had violated Great Britain's rights during
the civil war. The United States never
committed an act. nor did our courts ever
write a line that justified the Birtish
action.''
Senator Smith declared that during the
Russo-Japanese war Great Britain asserted
the rights of India to ship cotton to Japan.
He further declared that the British first
placed cotton on the list of articles that
were not to be classed as contraband.
■ A committee representing various import
ers' associations was appointed to draw up
a petition., to be voted on later, asking
President Wilson to call a special session
of Congress to discuss ways and means of
relieving the importers.
The Illinois manufacturers’ association
at. Chicago last week addressed a letter
to Secretary of State Lansing asking that
conditions growing out of the interference
with American trade with foreign coun
tries in noncontrahand articles be rem
edied. The association commends the pol
icy of President Wilson regarding inter
ference w jth trade by belligerent nations.
It was declared that rhe communication
was the start of a movement that will
be joined in by commercial organizations
all over the country.
Mill ADDAMS MISUNDERSTOOD
[From the Survey.)
One remark made by Miss Addams in
the course of her Carnegie hall address
was wholly misunderstood by some newa-
papers and letter writers. She had been
told by responsible people in three differ
ent warring countries that, before a bay
onet charge, stimulants were passed to the
men. The point was not at all that their
courage had to be primed to face death.
But that human nature recoiled at forc
ing cold steel into the bodies of men with
whom they individually had no quarrel —
with whom they may have made friends
from one trench to another.
FURTHER LIGHT IS SHED
ON THE GERMAN PROPAGANDA
Bridgeport Plant, Financed by Ger
mans, Was to Receive Blds From
Allies—Source of Supplies for En
gland Shut Off
The New York World continued Tues
day its exposures of the German propa
ganda in this country, appearing on an
other page of this paper, with allegations
that German agents had obtained control
of the production of an arms factory,
notwithstanding German protests against
the export of arms and ammunitions from
the United States to the allies. The cor
poration mentioned as having been ac
quired by German agents is the Bridge
port projectile company. A contract en
tered into by Hugo Schmidt, western
agent of the Deutsche hank, of Berlin,
through Carl Heynan. formerly agent of
the Hamburg-American line in Mexico
City, with the company, is quoted.
Further evidence was also published re
garding the transfer to the German gov
ernment by the American oil and supply
company of Newark, of a contract of
1.212.000 pounds of nhenol, or carbolic
acid crystals, with Thomas A. Edison,
this being necessary for the manufacture
of explosives. Other data show that the
German agents had purchased supplies of
antimony and had obtained control of the
output of the Aetna powder company up
to January 1. 1916. thus abutting off the
principal source of supply for concerns
making ammunition for the allies, as the
Du Pont company had made contracts for
a year ahead.
Among the documents reproduced by
the World are a letter from Mr Bollinger,
assistant manager of the Guaranty trust
company of New York, to Schmidt,
stating that his company had been re
quested by the Bridgeport projectile com
pany—which was incorporated March 31
last with a capital of $2.000.000—t0 fur
nish them, on behalf of the Deutsche
bank, with a guarantee of $140,000 to
cover a contract entered in^o by them with
Henry DisStnn & Sons. Inc, of Phila
delphia. for 2,000,000 pieces of steel. A
note in German from Schmidt to Dr Al
bert, German financial agent in this conn
try, asking authorization to comply with
this request is likewise reproduced. So
is a memorandum of the status of the
contract with the Bridgeport, projectile
company, as of June 30. 1015.
In consequence of revelations of Ger
man propaganda and efforts to secure con
trol of certain branches of the arms and
munitions industry in this country, atten
tion was focussed Tuesday upon the
financial resources requisite to such an
elaborate campaign, and it was ascertained
that the German government had obtained
about $20.000.000 in loans in the United
States since the war began, a sum ample
to pay for everything which has been
ariempted bv its agents so far, savs the
New York Evening Post. Of this sum.
$15.000.0()0 consisted of short-term treas
ury notes, issued last March through the
banking firm of Chandler Bros which
have nothing to do with the war loan.
M hile no accurate figures are obtainable,
it is thought that the war-loan bonds sub
scribed for by German-Americans total
rather more than $19,009.1190. In Wall
street, it was pointed out that the isolation
of Germany, flue -to the British blockade,
rendered this sum- available only for use
in this country.
Financial observers have been puzzled
to account for the uses to which this sum
might be put. They have not believed the
assertion that the German government
might be spending it to obtain materials
which would he allowed to pass through
the blockade. The reports of German ac
quisition of factories and newspapers, of
subsidized press bureaus and moving pic
ture concerns. of financially-inspired
strikes and agitations, have led to a sus
picion that possibly the campaign had
been based on the $25,000,690 obtained
through the sale of the war bonds and the
treasury notes.
GOMPERS WANTS INQUIRY
He Asks That Charge That Labor
Leaders Were Corrupted Be Sifted
Samuel Gompers, president of the
American federation of labor, issued a
statement at Washington Tuesday night ex
pressing the opinion that a diligent in
quiry should be made of charges pub
lished by the New York World that Ger
man agents in the United States, with
the approval of high officials of the Ger
man government, have been fomenting
labor troubles in plants making war sup
plies for the allies. The statement fol
lows in part:—
“I have read the expose in the New
York World of Sunday and Monday, and
while I am interested in the first instal
ment. I am particularly interested in the
second, because it deals with the situa
tion to which it was necessary for me to
refer a few weeks age. If the inquiry
were directed to what. I pointed out. that
is, in so far as the efforts to corruptly in
duce labor men to call strikes among long
shoremen and seamen, it would be fruit
ful of results. For several months, at
times I could scarcely avoid having peo
ple trv to come in contact with me upon
the scheme to call strikes which would
affect the situation regarding the handling
of products intended for European coun
tries. In my opinion, a diligent inquiry
should be made into this entire matter.
Without regard for any sympathy for one
or the other side of the nations involved
in the war. had it not been for the hon
esty of the men at the head of some of
these organizations primarily in interest,
there would have been great strikes inau
gurated at the instance of the agents of
foreign governments.
“All mv life I hare tried and will con
tinue to try to secure the very best possi
ble conditions of wages and hours for the
workers of our country. If these cannot
be accomplished without strikes, I have
no hesitancy in encouraging strikes for
their attainment, but such strikes will
have to be undertaken for these specific
direct purposes and not for any ulterior
purposes, and an improper purpose, and
particularly when undertaken by corrupt
or other means in the interests of one
nation as against the interests of anoth
er.”
Secretary Lansing has authorized the
announcement that the state department
baa made no investigation of the World’s
charge** Attorney-General Gregory re
fused to comment upon the attitude of the
। department of justice.
GERM AN ANTIANNEX ATTON
I Dr Dernbnrff and Other Prominent
Men in Opposition to Imperialist
Manifestoes
Hnmnnite prints at Paris the. text of
the antiannexationist petition addressed
to the German chaneelor, Dr von Beth
mann-Hollweg, on July 9 and signed by
82 prominent Germans, including Bern
hard Dernburg, Prof Adolf Harnack,
Clemens Beibrueck and Prince von Hatz
feldt. This document, which was framed
in answer to an*. jxationist manifestoes,
begins as follows: “Germany did not
enter the war with the intention of mak
ing conquests but to preserve her exist
ence against the threatened coalition of
her enemies.”
"We declare ourselves.” the petition
continues, “partisans of the principle that
incorporation or annexation of peoples
politically autonomous or accustomed to
autonomy must be condemned. The Ger
man empire sprang from the idea of na
tional unity and homogeneity. It would
only- assimilate elements racially foreign
slowly and incompletely.”
The danger that territories Germany
would have to evacuate as a condition of
peace, continues the document, might be
come ramparts for her enemies, could
easily be provided against in some other
The manifesto concludes with an
affirmation of Germany's complete final
victory.
OUR GREAT TRADE BALANCE
NEED OF CREDIT EXTENSION
British Expert Gives Analysis of Sit
uation and Explains Abnormal Rate
of Exchange
Sir George Paish, editor of the London
Statist, gave to the Associated Press at
ondon luesday a statement concerning
the present abnormal rate of exchange and
the proposals for rectifying the situation by
establishing a large credit in the United
States. Sir George is a recognized author
ity on international credit obligations and
was sent by the British government to
the Inoted States last fall to adjust the
disturbed credit conditions then existing.
Concerning the present situation he said :—
“The fall in American exchange on Lon
don to a discount of about 4 per cent
is due simply to the great purchases of
American products by the peoples w
"jurope. In normal years Europe pays the
L mted States for goods purchased largely
by means of sums spent in Europe by
American tourists. This year there have
naturally been few tourists visiting Europe
from the I nited States and Europe’s
means of paying for a normal amount
of goods bought from the United States
have therefore been greatly reduced.
' Moreover. Europe this year is buying
from the United States much greater quan
tities of goods than normally, American
exports to all the world in June having
been no less than 79 per cent greater than
normally, while her imports from the rest
of the world were smaller than usual.
Thus the trade balance in favor of the
United States is quite exceptional in con
sequence of reduced imports, increased ex
ports and practically no American tourist
expenditures abroad.
“For the six months ending with June
America's imports were reduced some
Her exports expanded $654.-
000,009. Her tourist expenditures, which
normally are at least $200,000,000 a year,
were practically nothing. Thus America
had a balance in her favor amounting to
in the neighborhood of $900,000,000 mor*
than, she had in the first six months of
1914.
“Last year, however, she was borrowing
money from Britain and Europe, whereas
this year she has been buying securities
back from Europe After allowing for all
outgoings, the trade balance in favor of
the American people in the first half of
1915 was nearly $700,000,000 and they
took payment of this vast sum in about
$120,000,000 in gold and the balance in
securities and credits.
“But in the June half of the year Ameri
ca’s exports were much smaller than they
will be in the December half of the year
and in the next six months to Christmas
the balance of exports over imports in favor
of the United States, after making allow
ance for all outgoings for interest and serv
ice, probably will be $1,000,000,000; it con
ceivably may reach a still greater figure.
“The amount of experts from the United
States, in the current half year depends.
Upon the American people themselves. If
they wish to sell their goods they will have
no difficulty in doing so. Obviously it i«
quite impossible for Europe to buy upward
of $2,000,000,000 of goods from the United
States in a single year unless the American
people are willing to do what the British
people always have done—take payments
for goods in securities. American exports
will be limited in the current, half year
only by the ability of European’ and other
nations to pay for goods first by shipment
of their own products to the United States;
second, by shipment of gold; third, by sals
of securities: and fourth, by means of
credits. If the American people are du
bious about giving credit then it is obvious
that the amount of goods they sell must be
reduced to the amount foreign nations can
pav for by other means.
“In England, as well as on the continent,
an active campaign is being conducted to
induce everyone to become more economical.
Probably the most efficacious way of enforc
ing this economy and preventing Europe
from buying American and other products
would be the refusal of the American people
to sell products against credit. There are
*i great manv people on this side who think
a wise course for Great Britain to take
is to introduce drastic economies ano
settle the adverse trade balance by purchas
ing practically nothing abroad. But ob
viously a nation with accumulated wealth,
unimpaired by war, of some $85,000,000.-
990 and an income of $12,000,000,000 is
reluctant to enforce drastic economies upon
great masses of poor people Until Such a
course is essential.
“Whether it will become essential will
depend in large measure upon the attitude
of American bankers and investors in grant
ing credits to Europe and thus enabling
European nations to buy food, raw ma
terials an-d other goods whiqjj America
possesses in such abundance and which
European nations are not in position to
pay for unless they are granted credit
facilities partly because the usual stream
of American tourists is not giving them the
means of buying goods which they normally
buv from the United States and partly
because they need to buy more than usual
al the present time.
“As the American people are desirous of
extending the foreign trade and wish to
make the United States a great interna
tional money market, I have no doubt they
will when they know what is needed, glad
ly provide all credit facilities necessary
to enable European and other natmas tn
buv their wheat, corn, cotton, fruits and
many other products »f agriculture and
manufacture, not only to a normal extent,
but the abnormal and vast quantities essen
tia) at this time of the war.
“None can question the present un
paralleled opportunity for America to ex
tend her trade aud commerce, as well as
to add to her reputation as a great money
market and no one who knows the Ameri
can people can doubt they will rise to the
occasion, and by granting necessary facili
ties sell a greater quantity of products
than they ever expected to sell in foreign
markets,‘and at the same time rectify the
foreign exchanges."
DR WASHINGTON ON HAYTI
Negro Leader Thinks Time Has Come
for Protectorate by United States
“It is my opinion that the time has
come for the United States to assume a
protectorate over the republic of Hayti,
the same as over San Domingo,” said
Booker T. Washington at Halifax, N. S.
yesterday. "There will never be peace in
Hayti until the people have been taught
how to work. Hard work, a good system
of education and a firm hand .would be the
salvation of Hayti and the United States
would do all that, for them.” Dr Wash
ington did not think the history of Hayti
proved the Negro people were not tit to
fovern themselves any more than the his
ory of the decadent nations of ancient
Greece. Rome and Spain proved the white
man was not fit to rule.