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Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, August 18, 1830, Image 2

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83021167/1830-08-18/ed-1/seq-2/

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to other states. But, Georgia is out of the
question, the bill never would have been
recommended, Atthe very last stage of
the bill, when its fate was uncertain, when
it hung in doubtful suspense, and the
troops of the president’s household were
busy in drilling and animating his waver
ing friends, I\Fr. MecDaffie is reported to
have said, that Georgia had taken her
stand and would not recede, and that the
blood of civil war would stain those who
defeated the bill. The question was
thus put. Georgia will not and the Uni
ted States must recede ! And the Uni
ted States did recede, by the vote of 102
members against 97! The interposition
of the people alone can now save the
honor, the justice, the faith, and the hu
manity of the nation from the stain of this
most Iniquitous measure,
A full view of its whole eruelty, and
enormity can only be had by taking into
consideration some circumstances which
preceded and some which aecompanied
its passage. Up to the commencement
of gen. Jacksen’s administration, one
fixed, uniform, and established principle
had regulated all our intercourse with
the Indian tribes. That principle was,
that the Indians had a right to govern
themselves, to live under their own laws
and to enjoy the benefit of their own’
usages, consecrated by familiarity and
hereditary transmission; they had a right
to the protection of the geacral govern
ment in the peaceable possession of their
lands and their laws, not only against in
dividuals but against all states and pow
crs foreign and domestic. They only
could not sell their lands to any but to
the government of the United States.
T'his established principle pervades wore
than a hundred treaties—is to be found
- every volume of the statutes of the
United States, and has been pro
claimed to Furope in one of the most
¢ itical periods of the republic in the nego
ciations at Ghent. Under its operation,
and urged by our precept and our exam
ple, some of the tribes have made encour
aging advances in the arts of civilization
and of government, and in the Christian
religion, and were rapidly gathering a
round them the comforts of civilized life.
The annals of our government attest how
often, in the annual messages of the pre
sident, the picty and humanity of the na
tion have been felicitated on the success
ful progress of the Indian tribes.
During the administration of Mr., Ad
ams, when Georgia threatened to take
possession of the Indian lands and to ex
tend her laws over them, she was given
distinctly to understand, that the presi
dent, charged with the duty of executing
the laws of the union, would perform that
of protecting the Indian in the peaceful
possession of their lands. Georgia pout
ed, flirted, and receded. The United
States, at least did not then recede.
President Jackson, early in the com
mencement of his administration, in the
vacation of congress, and without consult
ing it, rashly undertook to overthrow this
long established policy of the nation. He
told Georgia and the Indians that she
had a right to legislate for them, and that
he would not prevent it. e told themn
that they had better go away. That s,
the president, in eflect, declared that the
Indians were bound by laws in which
they had no voice; laws which they
could neither rcad nor understand, and
which had not the slightest adaptation to
their condition. And he, the great fath
er of the Indians, (for so every president
is addressed and regarded by them)
could not and would not perform that du
ty of protecting his children, which the
constitution, treaties, and laws of the U.
States solcinnly enjoin. This was all
that Georgia wanted. Give her the
power of legislation over the Indians,
and she will thank nobody to remove
them. We know, and it was acknowl
edged on the floor of congress, that the
Indians canno! live under Georgia laws,
They must therefore fly or die. If these
laws be enforced there is no alternative.
Georgia is preparing to enforce them;
and their operation is to commence, it is
believed, with this very month of June,
Other states, similarly situated in refer
ence to the Indians, have caught the
contagion from Georgia, and have passed
similar laws to rule over these helpless
people, dependent upon our merey and
Justice,
Such was the state of Indian affairs
when congress met at its late session.
The president, by his precipitate admis
sions of the power and rights of Georgia,
found himself in an awful dilemma. 1f
congress did not interfere, Georgia would
proceed to enforce her laws, the Indians
would be crushed or driven from their
homes, and the president will be liable to
reproach if'not impeachment, for failing to
perform the duty which had devolved
upon him of protecting the Indians. To
escape from this perplexing dilemma, the
president recommended his famous In
dian bill—that monstrous measure, com
prehending ““a gross violation of the
faith of the nation, repeatedly wund
solemnly pledged, a foul and ‘indeli
ble stain upon the honor, char
acter, and humanity of the nation.” Of
all the measures which the chief magis
trate recommended to the congress of
the United States, in his message at the
beginning of the late session, this alone
found favor with a lean and reluctant
majority! His other measures were too
baj for civilized men to endure, and the
poor, unrepresented, and defenceless In
dians were made the scape-goat. Well
might the majority be trembling and re
luctant ! For if thie iniquitous bill is
carried into execution by the means con
templated, that majority will have incur
red an immense responsibility to their,l
country, to the civi"::od world and to/
God. ‘
| What are those means? Georgia pro
‘ceeds to enforce her intolerable laws,
]The Indians are subjected to punishment
and penalties for disobeying what they
do not understand—strange ?aws, promul
‘gated in a language which few of them
‘finow.——}\midst the vexations to which
they will be exposed, the commissioners
‘deputed by their Great Father arrive a
‘mong them. These commissioners are
empowered tobribe the chiefs by largesses
‘bestowed upon them, and by means of
‘extravagant valuations of their improve
‘ments, respecting which congress has
‘preseribed no rule; but submitted every
thing to the discretion of the president,
A Georgia party among the Indians will
‘be thussecured. The corruption will be
extended, if necessary to attain the ob
jeet, to others besides the chiefs, A
majority may possibly be thus corrupted
to cousent to removal, and to conclude
the treaties necessary to effeet it. The
‘president will then come to congress)
with these treaties, and keeping out of
wview the practices resorted to in the ne-!
gociation of them, will ask the further
appropriation necessary to c.\'ccute‘
them.
- That corruption is an introment in
tended to be employed, is substantially a
vowed in a public ‘document emanating
{rom the sceretary of war, with the pre
sumed sanction of the president, and is
also to be inferred from the refusal of the
senate to prohibit it. For what other
purpose was so large a sum as hall’ a
million of dollars appropriated, and put at
the disposal of the president, without any
specifie designation of its object,
’ But it is not the wretched Indians alone
who are to be aflected by this flagitious
‘measure. They may even possibly find
'in the extravagance of the price paid for
their lands and of the valuations of their
}imprnvcm(-nls, something like an equiv
alent for the sacrifices which they are
'(:allcd upon to bear. But how are the
people of the United States to be com
pensated for the millions of money which
rurc to be lavished upon this favorite pro-
Ject of the president ? The Indian lands
within the limits of Georgia upon the ex
tinction of their title pass to Georgia and
not to the United States. |
We have a statement of the probable
cost of this wasfeful and extravagant mea
(sure, presented by an intelligent member
’uf the house of representatives in ,his
place; and founded in part upon actual
!priccs paid for Indian lands, and in part
upon the estimates of the war department.
Here are the particulars: ‘
“First purchase of the title $7,160,133
“Expenses of improvements to be paid
for or replaced 9,075,0001
“Collection and transportation ‘
of Indians 2,250,000
“Subsistence for one year -1,10“,‘2-")0!
“Cost of new lands in the west 1,500,000
"Amouming together to the
| enormous sum of $24,001,383
- and equal to a tax of two dollars per
‘head upon every person, young and old,
Dlack and white in the United States !
| The proportion of Kentucky calculated
‘hy the same member, upon official du(:u-]
‘ments, is one million one hundred and|
(twenty thousand dollars! And this she
'is called upon to pay under a biil wllon‘
the president refused to sanction a bill
fnpprupriating only $150,000 to the im-!
provement of a great national road, pas
~sing through some of the most populous
parts of her territory. But vast as the
above sum is, it exhibits but a part of the
buithen which the nation will be saddled
with, if the removal of the Indians to the
west of the Mississippi shall be accom
plished. They will be placed there in
the midst of| or in contact with fierce and
strange tribes, Dissentions and wars
~will be the inevitable consequence. The
United States being bound to protect the
[lndians in their new home, will be con
strained to interpose their power. A
standing army, subsisted and supplied at
| an immense expense in that distant re-‘
gion must be maintained, and that for an
Andefinite period,
’ All these taxes are to be borne to ap
pease Georgia, and according to Mr,
‘MecDutflie, to avert the civil war which
she was threatening to light up. Upon
the same principle, we ought to tear the
American system from the statute book,
- and offer it up as a propitiatory sucrificc"
to South Carolina, to prevent the war,
which she is threatening to declare a
gainst the United States,
And will Georgia be benefitted in any
thing like the extent of the injury which
this measure will bring upon the United
States? It her population were crowd
ed and overflowing; if it were suffering
by its density and wanted room, and|
could only find it upon Indian lands,
there might be some apology for this
‘measure. But the map of the U, States!
‘and of the returns of the census, demon-|
strate that of'all the states of this nninn,’
Georgia is the least densely inhabited,
‘and that she has less population «:ompar-l
‘ed to her superficies than any other state
‘in the union. She does not tht‘rnfurn!
‘want those Indian lands for purpose of|
‘emigration, but for a far different purpose. {
It is known that Georgia has adopted the |
singular policy of dispcsing of the lndiun:‘
lands which she from time to time ac-|
quires, in public lotteries, so nrrnngod‘;
that almost her entire adult pnpulntion“
are entitled to tickets. The prizes nmll:‘
blanks being drawn, the successful ad-|,
venturers dispose of their land in spccu-!j
lation, and all immediately join in crying |
out for more Indian landys—more lottc-}j
ries. The consequence of the system in"
that the whole population is interested in‘
the acquisition of Indian lands. It is]
the popular theme; the people urge thcir'|
representatives, governor, and other nfl'l-’,
cers to get more Indian lands—these |
HERALD OF THE TIMENSN.
[press the general government ; and such
118 the avidity for the acquisition, that the'
legislature of Georgia passes laws in
’ advance vpon the subject. lence the
popularity in Georgia of all and every
measure to drive off' the Indians, No
public man in Georgia dare oppose the
(current, ‘
l This gigantic measure is therefore a=
| dopted. "T'he people of the United States
|are to be taxed upwards of twenty-four
’ millions of dollars, and the . people of
“Kentucky one million one hundred and
twenty thousand dollars to enable the
‘pcnpln of Georgia to sport away the In
(dian lands—a people of whom their gm’-i
(ernor has lately said, in terms of appro
priatc’exultation, that they are prosperous
laud comfortable and there are no such'
things as beggars among them! [
| The committee having ina preced-'
ing part of this address expressed the
apprehension that the tariff' is in danger,’
will now proceed to state the grounds of
this solicitude, . f
The government of the United, States
‘presvnts at this period a most singular/
i.~spcctuclc—-tlmt of a president and his,
lculnuvt governeu by policy of a minority:|
‘not the minority who opposed his c'lvvq-‘
‘tion, but a minority of those who cnnm-|
buted to secure it. During the canvass
which preceded the late election, it was(
aflirmed and denied with equal coafi
(dence, that gen. Jackson was in favor of |
‘thc tariff and internal improvements, In/
parts of the union where those impm'tnutl
iinicrcsts were popular, he was held u» as
lthcir friend, whilst in others w‘lcrc‘
they were unpopular, he was held vp as
}th(‘ir opponent, It must be acknowedg
‘ml that his votes in the senate of the Unit
ed States, and his avowed sentimeats, usl
promulgated in the public prints. gave
color to the opposite opinions thus uttn-l
‘buted to him,—And yet he says in the‘
message hereinbefore referred to, “nn)"
opinions on those subjects have never!
been concealed from those who had a
right to know them.” This assertion ad
mits that there are some who have a
right to know them, whilst it implies that
there are others who have no such right,
but it does not inform us who the privi
leged classes are. We would supvose
that the people of the United States, and
the whole people of the United States,
have the right, and an equal right, to
know the sentiments of their chief’ mag
istrate on vital questions affecting the
interests of all. "As a part of that people,
we respectfully ask for light. But what
ever were his real sentiments, he never
could have been elected if' it had been
known to the people that he was inimical
to those interests,
Which of the two opinions above was
correctly ascribed to gen. Jackson prior
to his clection, we have now fatally as
‘cc rtained, in relation to internal improve
ments. It remains to be seen whether,
in the sequel, he will not alsv eviuce his
‘hostility to the tariff. If he be a real
friend to the tarifl| it must be acknow
!lvu‘gvd that his friendship has been man
iested in doubtiul, ambiguous and cal
cculating language, He did profess, be
fore his clection, that he was a friend,
but it was to a judicious tariff. Now lhis
means any thing or nothing. Mr, Craw
ford was a fricnd to a judicious taritl,but
it was one for revenue, not protection,
'ln his inauguration speech, the president
;nssnrtvd that revenue should be the ob-
Ject of the tariff, and threw out doubts
'whether it ought to be extended even to
I:lrticlcs of prime necessity. In the Mays-
Ivillc message he says, “as long as the
‘encouragement of domestic manufactures
is directed to national ends it shall re
‘ceive from me a temperate, but steady
lsuppurt.” This is the same idea ofa(
Judicious tariff expressed with a little
‘more circumlocution, and coupled \\'ilh!
‘another ambiguity. It must be dircctcd'
'to national ends. May he not allege in
'reference to any one object of the tariff,
‘that that is not a national end? At the
last session of congress, the duty laid on|
molasses and the drawback on spirits,
which are distilled from it, which lmdi
‘b('en repealed, to protect domestic spirits|
against foreign competition under the
administration of Mr. Adams, have been
restored to their former condition, to the
great prejudice of growers of grain in the
‘western country and other parts of the
union. Gen. Jackson sanctioned the
bill. Did he approve it because the
protection of domestic spirits was not a
nationel end? May he not for the same
reason, approve the reduction of duties
on iron, woollens, and hemp and cotton
bagging >—"The strong tendency of his
mind, from obvious causes, being to
wards the military, may he not conceive
that there are no national ends of a ta
rill but such as aim to supply us with the
arms, instruments and means of war?
This is believed to be his real opinion, 1
i For the first time in the United States,
an attempt was made to celebrate at
‘Washington eity, last spring, the birth
(day of Mr. Jeflerson. The president
attended and his cabinet. Mr., Bibb,
‘Mr. MeDuffie and all the violent foes
‘of the tariff and internal imprm'cmr-nts‘
‘were present, and composed the princi
‘pal part of the company. It was a polit
ical dinner, now every where acknow-|
ledged, gotten up to put down the tnrifi'l
‘and internal improvements, and to givo'
|countenance to the South-Carolina nulli-,
Aying doctrine. No one can doubt this,
‘who has read the speeches and the toasts
of which it was the oceasion. So thor-
oughly convinced of the object was the
Pennsylvania delegation, that after hay-
ing subscribed to the dinner, ignorant of
its design, and after having assembled
at the festive board, upon secing the
toasts, they resolved not to remain, and
went away en masse. They made a sep
arate dinner to themselvesa, and celebra-
td the day and Mr, Jefferson’s senti
ments in favor of the tariff, of which one
~o'their number produced strong evidence
it a letter from Mr. Jefferson which has
gice been published,
At that ilumolm dinner, besides other
towsts of the same decided tone and cha
| ricter against the tariff, one was to this
efect, “Taxes no more than necessary,
anl no loager than necessary.” The
payment of the public debt is iuch dwelt
on uso, as a favorite theme, It is won
dedul that the contrivers and managers
of this dinner should have persuaded
thrmselves that the people of the United
Sutes are so stupid as not to see the
sope and object of the dinner. Taxes
ar to be held up as burdensome and op
pressive, Taxes lnid on British manu
factures to protect the working and la
baing classes of the United States, and
torcnder the whole nation prosperous
aad independent, are to Le represented
as burdensome to the people! The re
d>mption of the public debt is to be has
tened; all appropriations to internal im
provements which can possibly be avoid
ed, are to be refused, in nr({cr that the
time may be accelerated when the public
debt being paid, taxes will be no “lon-l
ger necessary.” And when that comes,
we shall Licar many a doleful jeremaid
on the distresses of the people in cunsc-i
quence of the weight of unnecessary Lux-“
s,
|| Shortly after the dinner and in its true’
l and genuine spirit, the president sends
i his message to congress on the Mays
‘_\'illc road. In this document the presi
dent says, ‘il is lrue, that many of the
taxcs collected from our citizens through
the medium of imposts have, for a consi-l
‘derable period, been onerous.” This
'assertion is made after the duties on cof-,
'fcc, tea, cocoa, salt and molasses had
| been greatly reduced; and after a draw-|
back of the remaining duty on molasses
distilled into spirits, had been allowed.
Considering the reduction of these du
ties and the allowance of that drawback
(all of which took place shortly after, if’
not in consequence of the Jefferson din-|
ner,) it is difficult to conceive what are!
the remaining onerous dutics on which
the president rests his assertion. Ile
says, there are many. What are they?
The dutics on woollens, iron, hemp, cot-|
ton-bagging and cotton manufactures,|
are those which have been most com-|
'plained of. They are undoubtedly thci
articles which enter most generally into
consumption. And it must be to them
that the presicent refers, if his assertion
has any meaning. |
' In this same message the president
‘urges also, the expediency of paying the |
'public debt. So anxious is he upon that|
subject that he cannot consent to an ap
propriation of $150,000, because that[
would postpone its final extinction one
short week, It is true that this desire is
\ not very cousistent with other oxpcndi-l
tures which the president has recoms|
mended, and especially with the millions
which may be called for to carry into ef
fect the Indian Will. But thus Indian
measure is a Georgia, a southern mea-|
sure,
l It is impossible to contemplate that
dinner, message, the reduction of duties
' at the last session of congress, and other
‘ contemporancous circumstances, without
viewing them altogether as preparation
| for the final attack which is to be made
; for the complete overthrow of the tarifl.
lf To the south, he says in that message,
| in substance, I have given the coup de
‘ grace to internal improvements. 1 have
made strong professions of friendship to
them, as policy required, but you know
how to appreciate professions. 1 have
argued away nearly the whole power:
(and I have &2id in regard to the small
- remnant, that “although I might not feel
' it to be my official duty to interpose the’
exccutive veto to the passage of a bill
’ appropriating money for the construction
of such works as are authorized by the
states, and are nafional in their charac
(ter.” 1 would not concur even in these
} objects at this time, nor at any time here
| after, without an amendment of the con
stitution, which [ decm indispensably nc
cessary. I have put my veto on the‘
Maysville bill, and if congress will ob-|
stinately persevere in sending me similar'
bills according to their opinion, and not,
in conformity with mine, I have always|
the ready plea, that the works are not
national, a word which has no definite or’
precise meaning, but which nevertheless,
contains a convenient condition that I
shall say 1 deem altogether indis cnsa-i
ble. Accordingly, whenafter the Rluysw
ville bill was rejected, the Frederick and
‘:“'ushington bill was sent to the presi-!
‘ deut, he rejected that also and referred
for his reasons, to lus Maysville mes-|
sage, ,
| To the west and the north the presi-!
(dent, after assuring them of his devoted
attachment to internal improvements,says
‘in substance by way of consolation, tlth
the constitution can be amended., “The ||
difliculty and supposed impmrticability]')
'of obtaining an amendment of the con- |
stitution in this respect is, I firmly bc-l,
lieve, in a great degree unfounded,”—|
The desire of the states, he says, to en-!
list the aid of the general government in|
the construction of such works as “from|
their nature ought to devolve upon it and|
to which the means of the imli\rilluall‘i
states are inadequate, is both ruti(mulii
and patriotic; and if that desire is notf
gratified now, it does not {ollow, that it |
never will be.” It will be gratified, tlml‘
president means, when the public debt is
paid, when the newly authorized Indian
debt is paid, when other extravagant ex-||
penses of this wasteful administration are |
aid, and when the constitution of tho|'
anitcd States is amended. This is]
most comforting. But if all this docs not
| put off'the execution, of internal improve-|
y‘,mcnts to the day of judgment we are
r:'greutly deceived, l
1| To the south he further says, on the
'-snbject of the tariff, I cant come out in
' direct opposition to the tariff’; that would
»l‘lusc me tl:c support of Pennsylvania and
| 'all the north and west, but { will serve
‘l.you as far as I can, I will qrvss the
! payment of the public debt. will tell
! the people, “How gratifying the effect
\ of presenting to the world, the sublime
| spectacle of more than twelve millions of
happy people, in the fiflty fourth f'cnr of
1 her existence,after having passed through
i two protracted wars, the one for the ac
- quisition and the other for the mainte
| nance of liberty—free from debt and with
| all her immense resources unfettered.”
! 1 will tell the people “that many of the!
| taxes collected from our citizens through'
E the mediom of immposts have for a consid-,
| erable period been oncrous;”” which b_v:
! the way does not seem very compatible
| with “the sublime spectacle” which the
l president is preparing for us four years
| hence, 1 will disconnect the tarifl'and
‘ internal improvements by alleging that
' they have no relation to cach other, and
|by declaring to the public, that “those
';who suppose that any policy thus found-|
'ed can be long upheld in this coumtry
| have looked upon its history with eyes
very different from mine. 'This policy
’ (the tarifl}] like every other must abide
' the will of the people who will not be
| likely to allow any device [internal im-/
' provements] however specious to conceal
| its character and tendency.” After
- having thus prepared the public mind and
' cleared the way for overturning the ta-|
'irifl', il you of the south do not do it at least
‘in four ycars it will be your own fault, l
| Ifany one can still doubt that this ad
| ministration is anti-tarif; anti-internal
|| improvement, anti-western, anti-northern,
Jand a real southern administration, let
| him look at ifs composition; let him ask |
- himself what counsels have the ascen-|
‘dency, The president is for a judicious’
",(urifl', ond such an one will have his tem
|| perate and steady support; and a judi-‘
' cious tariff’ means nothing. The vice
‘president is opposed to the tarifl. There
18 not a member of the cabinet its sincere
gifricnd, and several of them its open and
'undisguised opponents. The speaker of
| the house of representatives is its enemy;
Hund the chairman of the most important
[ committees of both houses of congress, |
!‘ upon whose proceedings its fate material
ly depends, are decidedly hostile to it.
' Such is the fact in respect to the chair
|'mun in both houses of the committees of ‘
Aforeign relations and the committees of,{
'iwuys and mcans, and of the committees
l; of commerce and of elections in the house '!
‘of representatives. The importance of |
the last committee, in any contest be-!
‘tween a friend and a foe of the tarifl',may['
be estimated from the fact that Mr. New- |
| ton from Virginia, onc of its earliest sup-‘*
| porters has been recently ousted from his!
[ seat by a decision characterized by thcl,'
j{most flagrant injustice, and a bitter ene-||
'my of it introduced in his stead. Our
foreign ministers sent to the most impor-f‘
tant foreign governments (John Ran-"
dolph for example its sworn enemy, I\lr.h
‘Rives, &c.) are opposed to the tariff, I
‘ Under such auspices and in such hands“
‘we may as well expect that sheep will be ||
preserved and remain unhurt amidst
Iw(;)lvcs, as that the tariff will be vastaiu-“
ed.
ll If the view of the state of our public
aflairs, which the committee in execu
l tion of the trust confided to it, has felt it
'jl() be ies duty thus to present to you, is
‘not encouraging, there is nothing yet in
| the actual condition of our institutions to
i create despondency or to dissuade exer
tion. The press, though it has been
subsidized and corrupted, is still free,the
(right of the people to assemble together
~and express their opinions upon public
~men and measures remains unrestrained.
| The elective franchise is still possessed,
‘although its exercise has been sought to
‘be controlled by punishing those who had
heretofore used it, contrary to the wishes
of the men now in power. And thc‘
great mass of the people are sound and
‘virtuous. By a firm, manly and vigorous‘
‘use of the privileges which we yet en-|
joy, the evils arising from past and pass
/ing abuses of government may be pre-,
vented or mitigated, and an eflectual rc-!
medy may be provided against such as
(we are threatened with in future. |
| The late meeting of the people, whom
‘we now represent, believed it to be their
idnty as freemen, no longer to continue
silent, but fearlessly to express their sen
timents. We believe that similar meet
ings in other places would do good. No
‘government upon earth is absolutely be
yond the reach or influence of public o
pinion. Those who affect to despire it
are compelled to obey, if not to respect
it. A general and strong manifestation
of the public will, may yet awe our pub
lic servants, and preserve our rights,—
But if not, if'they will persevere in error,
and treat with contempt the feelings and
the interests of the people, there is an
other more eflicacious though more dis
tant remedy. ‘The application of that
remedy is at the polls, |
We believe the general sentiment of
the friends of civil liberty and of the
protection of American industry an inter
nal improvements in Fayette county to,
be, that the time has arrived when he,
towards whom they as well as a large
portion of the American people, look as
the most suitable person for the next
president, should be distinetly and for-/
mally announced as a candidate. Al
ready has the present chiel magistrate
taken the field by two separate caucus
nominations of him. The friends of Mr.'
Clay could not be justly accused of pre=.
mature action, if they followed those ex-|
amples. But the public meeting in Fay
ette was actuated by an “‘unwillingness
to_be subjected to the impulation of pre
cipitation in a case, in which partiality
towards a neighbor and friend, might be
;supposed to have too much influcnce,”
.aml they therefore abstained from making
a formal nomination. Whether that con
sideration is or is net applicable to other
;purts of the state of Kentucky than My,
Clay’s immediate vicinity, they are the
‘most competent judges,
We are happy to be able to assure you,
that correct information received from
‘most parts of the union, authorizes a con
fideut beliel of the triumph of our princi
ples and the suceess of the candidate who
will best promote them at the next presi
dential election. There will be doubt
less an animated, but we hope not an an
gry contest, The patronage of the gov
crnment, the presses which it has bought,
the whole official corps whom it has re
warded, and future cxpectants of the
presidential office, will be arrayed a
gainst him. But the people are on his
side; he is bone of their bone and flesh
of their flesh; he sprang from them; and
if every manin favor of'liberty, and those
great interests which his clection will
vindicate, shall put forth his strength and
influence,the issue will not be even doubt
ful. With great respect we are, your
obedient servants, R, Quarres, ch’inn,
M. C. Jouxsox, sec’y.
P.S. The committee will be happy to
correspond with you from time to time on
the subjects of this address. A letter
addressed to the secretary, will receive
due attention,
Tue Triar vor Murper.—The la
bors of all engaged in this trial have
been arduous, The Judges have mani
fested the greatest patience, and at the
same time have allowed no unnccessary
delay to take place in the progress of the
business. The Jury have submitted,
apparently with the utmost cheerfulness,
to the necessity of their confinement; len
entire days and nights have elapsed
since they were empannelled, during all
which time they have been kept togeth
er, either in Court, or out of Court un
der charge of two officers, so that no per
son has been suffered to speak to them.
At morning and evening they have oc
casionally taken the air, attended by the
officers.
, The cause has been managed with
great ability and eloquence by the Coun
sel on both sides. The Prisoner could
not have been more ably defended ; his
counsel, Messrs. Dexter and Gardiner,
'gavc unequivocal proof of their real fi
!delity, and devotion to the interests of
their client, of their industry in making
the previous investigations of the facts,
'nnd of their learning and skill in the man
agement of the cause. Mr. Webster
*has sustained the prosecution in the man
ner that all would expect ; he is the on
!ly great man we ever knew that does
not at any time fall short of the expecta
’tions of the public.
I The anxious interest of the public in
the trial has gone on increasing from
the beginning to the end; the Court room
has continually been thronged and filled,
and multitudes have retired from inabili
ty to gain entrance. While Mr. Web
ster was closing the cause, we observed
that the windows of the houses ncar the
Court House were filled with attentive
listeners,—lTundreds of individuals were
also gathered around the house, being en
abled by the powerful voice and distinct
enunciation of Mr. W. to hear the great
er part of his address to the Jury, from
the street.
~ The examination of many of the wit
nesses has been very interesting, as well
from the importance of their testimony,
as from the relation they stood in to the
prisoner. A witness ought to have great
strength both of body and mind to bean
comfortably a close questioning for three
or four hours, The best preparations for
passing safely such a fiery ordeal is to be
shod with Truth.
Truth is of a very strengthening and
cooling nature—it prevents the trembling
of the knees—gives uprightness to tho
body and heaven-erectedness to the
face—removes obstructions in answering
questions—prevents profuse perspiration,
except invery hot weather—and promotes
surefootedness, for it saves from tripping
and backsliding. In short, Truth is the
Witness’ Best Companien—it is very
salutary during IFxamination, and no
drug so potent during the Cross-Examin
ation.
‘ On Wednesday, the Court metat 9 o’-
clock, Mr. Dexter resumed his plea for
the prisoner and completed it at half past
11 o’clock A. M having occupied six
hours in his pleading.
Mr. Webster rose to commence his
closing plea for the Government at 20
minutes before 12—continued speaking
for one hour and twenty minutes, when
an adjournment took place, till half past
2. P. M. when he resumed his plea, and
continued till the adjournment at 7 o’clk.
finishing his remarks upon the evidence
in the case,
| The Court adjourncd to 9 o’clock A.
‘M. on Thursday, when Mr. Webster re
‘sumed his address to the Jury, which was
concluded about 11 o’clock. The pris
oner was then informed that the Counsel
had done all for him that it lay with them
to do, and that if’ he had any thing to of=
fer in addition, this was the proper mo
ment. He answered at once, that he
had “nothing to offer.”
The Charge of the Court was then
given by Judge Putman, who brought it
to a close, nng left the case in the hands
of the Jury, about half past one o’clock.
The Court was then adjourned nominal
ly to three o'clock, the Judge, at the

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