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The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, August 22, 1856, Image 1

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"ETERNAL HOSTILITY TO EVERY FORM OF OPPRESSION OVER THE MIND OR BODY OF MAN.»-JEmuoK.
LOUIS 0. COWAN, EdiUr aid Proprietor.
BIDDEFORD, MAINE, FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1856.
VOLUME III—NUMBER 34.
ONION AND EASTERN JOURNAL.
TWDiImm4 hum JmtmJ to p»Htofc«4 rrtrj
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MARCUS WATMON. Mittr.
ilgrirultnr al.
What a poor farmer Cannot Afford.
The following remarks art from an ad
drees of Horace Greelj, at the annual fair
In En Ceunij, X. Y., last autumn. Sir.
Greelj had a pretty thorough agricultural
training while a boy, ao that nearly all tha
pro elf of tha art ara familiar to him.—
To this ha haa added a clow and discrimina
ting obaerration, and thua qualified himaelf
to wnta m good an agricultural addrosa w
* we read from any source.
" The truth I an moat anxious to impress,
it that do fvr man can afford to be a poor
farmer. Whan I have recommended agri
cultural improvement*, I have often been
told, 'this expensive farming will do well
•oough for rich people, but ve who are in
moderate circumstances can't afford it.'—
Now, it is not ornamental farming that 1
mom mend, but profitable fanning. It ia
troa that the amount of a man's capital
muet fix the limit of his businem, ia agri
culture as in everything else. But however
poor jou maj be, jou can afford to culti
vate land well if jou can affoid to cultivate
it at all. It maj be out of jour power to
kssp a large farm under a high atate of cul
tivation, but then jou should aoll a part of
it, and cultivate a amall one. If jou are a
poor man, jou cannot afford to raiae small
crops ; jou cannot afford to accept halt a
crop from land capable of jielJing a whole
one. If jou are a poor man jou caonot
afford to fence two acres to secure the crop
that ought to grow on one ; jou cannot af
ford to paj or lose th« interest on the cost
of a hundred acres of land to get the crops
that will grow on fiftj. No nuut can afford
to raise twentj bushels of corn to an acre,
not eveo if the land were giveo him, for
tweotj bushels to the acre will Dot paj the
oost of ths miserable cultivatioo that pro
duces it.
"No poor man can afford to cultivate his
land in auch a manner as will cause it to de
teriorate in value. Good farming improves
the value of land, and the farmer who man
ages bis farm so as to get the largest crop it
is capable of jielding, increases its value
everj jear.
" No farmer can afford to produce weeds.
Thej grow, to be aure, without cultivation;
thej apring up spontanrouslj on all land,
and eepcctallj rich land, but though thej
oost no toil, a farmer caooot afford to raise
them. The same elements that feed them,
would, with proper cultivation, nourish a
crop, and do farmer can afford to expend on
weeds, the natural wealth which was be
stowed bj Providence to fill his granaries.—
I am accustomed, mj friends, to estimate
the Chrutianitj of the localities through
which I pass, bj the absence of weeds on
and about the farms. When I see a farm
covered bj the gigantic growth of weeds, 1
take it for granted that the owner is a hea
then, a heretic, or ao infidel—a Chiistian
he cannot be, or he would not allow the
heritage which God gave him to dress and
kssp, to be deformed and profaned. And
if jou will allow me to make an applica
tion of thedoctrioe I preach, I must be per
mitted to saj that there is a great field for
missiooarj effort on the farms between here
(East Hamburg) and Buffalo. Nature has
been bouotiful to jou, but there is great
Deed of better cultivatioo.
" Fanners cannot afford to grow a crop
eo a aoil thiit doe* not contain the natural
elements that enter into its cum position.—
When jou burn a vegetable, a large part of
tb« bulk passes away during th« process of
combustion into air. But tbers is alvajn
a residue of mineral matter, consisting of
lime, potash, and other ingredients that en
tered into its composition. Now, the plant
drew tbsss materials out of the earth, and
if you attempt to grow that plant in soil
that is deficient in these ingralisnts, you
are driving an unsuooasM'ul businem. Na
ture doss not make vegetables out of noth
ing, and you cannot expect to take crop af
ter crop off from a little field that doss not
contain the elements of which it is formed.
If jou wish to maintain the fertility of
your (arms, you must constantly restore to
tb«m the materials which are withdrawn in
cropping. No farmer can aff.rd to ssll his
ashes You annually export from Western
New York a large amount of potash. De
pend upon it there ie nobody in the world
to whom this is worth so much as to your
sslves. You can't afford to sell it, but a
farmer can well afford to buy ashes at a
higher price than is paid by anybody that
does not wisfc to uss them as fertilizers of
the soil. Situated as the farmer* of this
county are in the neighborhood of a city
that burns large quantities of wood for fuel,
you should make it a part of your system
of (arming to secure all the ashes it produ
ces. When your taame go to town with
loads of wood, U would oust comparatively
little to bring back loads af ashes and other
iwtiliasrs that wonkl improve the produc
tiveness of your farms.
44 No poor mrmer can afford to keep fruit
trees that do not bear good fruit. Good
troit ie always valuable, and should be raw
ed by the farmer, not only for Market, bnt
for large eoneumption in hie own family.—
A* more enlightened views of diet prevail,
fruit is destiasd to supplant the sxpsosivs
quantities of snimsl bid that arseonsumed
in thia ooantry. This change will piodase
bsttsr bsalth, greater vigor of body, soilvity
of mind, and elasticity of spirits, and I can
Dot doubt that tha time will ousss whso far
mscs, Isstmrl of pattlag down the laigs
qnantitiss of msat they do at prmsat, will
give their attention in autumn to th« pre
servation of large quantities of excellent
fruit, fur consumption as a regular artiele
, of diet, the early part of tb« following sum
mer. Fruit will not then appear on the ta
ble aa it does now, only as dessert after din
ner, but will oome with every meal, and be
reckoned a substantial aliment.
" No poor farmer can afford to work with
poor implements, with implements that
either do not do the work well, or that re
quire an unnecessary expenditure of power.
To illustrate this, it will be neciwsary to ask
jour attention to the nature and office of the
mechanical operation requisite for the pro
duction of goodcrops. It is essential to the
thrift j growth of a plant that the air should
hare froe access to every port of it, the
roots as well as tho leaves, and that the
soil in which it grows should be moist, but
not to* moist, and should hars a cerUin de
gree of warmth. These necessitiss of veg
etation will unable us to understand the
mechanical operations on the soil demanded
by good forming.
"The soil should be light and be finely
pulverised, in order that the little fibres sent
out by the roots in search of nourishment
may be sasily permeated in all directions.—
It sheuld be porous to be easily penetrated
by air and water, and as its own weight and
the filtering of rains tend constantly to bed
it down into a compact mass, it needs fre
quent stirring."
Preferring Skinglet on Roof*.
Some paint roof shingle* after they are
Uud. This makes them rot aooner than
they otherwise would. Some paint the
courses as they are laid; thia ia a great pre
servative, if each shingle ia painted the
length of throe course*. But about aa sure
a way to preserve shingles, and that with
little or no expense, ia a mode recommended
in a letter to ua by Hon. David Hunter, of
Clinton, on tha 23d of Feb. laat. We pub
liah ao much of hia letter aa relates to thia
subject, in hope* that it may be tfaorrice to
many of our readers.
" There ia one thing more, that nearly all
people know, if thsy would only attend to
it; that ia, to aprinkle slacked lime on the
roofs of their buildings, in rainj Jays. Put
it on conaiderably thick, ao aa to make the
roof look white, and you never will be
troubled with rnoas, and if tho ahingles aro
covered ever ao thick with moaa, by putting
the lime on twice, it will take it all off and
leave it white and clean, and will look al
most aa well aa if it had been painted. It
ought to be done once a year, and, in iny
opinion, the ahingles will laat aim jet twice
oa long aa they will to let the roof all grow
over to moss. 1 tried it o* the back aide of
my houae ten yrars ago, when the shingles
were all covered over with moss, and thej
appeared to bo nearly rotten. I gave the
roof a heavy euat of lime, and have follow
ed it nearly overy year aince, and the roof
is better now than it was then, and to all
appearance, if I follow my hand, it will
laat ten or flftesn years longer. Tho ahin- :
gles have been on the roof over thirty years.
There is no more risk about sparki catching
on the roof than on a newly ahinglod roof. ,
Those who do not have lime near by, can
use good strong wood ashes, and these will I
answer a vory good purpose to the same
end."
The action of the lime is to cleanse the
surface of all impediments to the free and
rapid poaaage of the rain-water off. Thia
enables the shingles to dry, very soon, and
consequently prevents rotting. Moss-cov
ered roofs will rot very rapidly.—Rural 7n
Itlltgmcer.
Fruits in Summer.—Ik it a beautiful fact, I
that while the warmth and exposures of j
tumrnor tend to btliousneea and fevers, the
free un of fruit, and berries counteracts
that tendancj. Artificial acids are fouud
to promote the separation of the bile from
the blood, with great mildness ind certain-j
ty ; this led to the supposition, that the na
tural acids, available, and being more avail
able, would necessarily be preferred. Ex
periment has verified the theorj, and within
a very late period. Allopathic wiiters have
suggested the use of fresh, ripe, perfect, raw
fruits, as a reliable remedy in the diarrhccas
of summer.
How strongly the appetite yearns for a
pickle, when nothing etas could be relished,
is in the sxperieoce of most of us. It is the
instinc* of natural pointing to a cure. The
want of a natural appetite is the result of
the bile not being separated from the blood,
and if not remedied fever is inevitable, from
the slightest grades to that of billions, con
gestive, and yellow. " Fruits are cooling,"
is a bye-word, the truth of which has forced
itself on the commonest observer. But why
they are so, they had not the time, opportu
nity, or inclination to inquire into. The
reason is, the acid of the fruit stimulates
the liver to greater activity in aeparatuw
the bile from the blood, which is its proper
work, the result of which is, the bowels be*
came free, and the pores of the skin are o
pen. Under such circumstances, fetors and
want of appetite are impossible.
How in I'm fnuU.—To derive from the
employment of fruits and berrice all that
healthful and nutritive effect which belong
to that nature, we should
FtrU—Use fruits that are rips, fresh, per
fect, raw.
Srrwutf—They should be used in their
Batumi state, without sugar, cream, milk,
or any other item of food or drink.
7VJ-"Fruits hove their beet eflbct when
need in the early part of the day, hence we
do not whiie their employment at a later
hour than the mindle of the afternoon ; not
that, if perfect and ripe, they may not be
eaten largely by tbemeelTes, within two
bounofbed time, with advantage, but if
the eoorneas of decay should happen to
taint them, or any liquor ahould inadver
tantly bo largely drank afterwards, rren
•old water, acidity of the whole mam may
follow, resulting in a night of datms, If
not actual or dangeroua lickneat. So it ia
better not to run the riak.
To derive a more decided medicinal ef
fect, fhiita should be largely eaten aoon af
ter ruing in the morning, and about mid
way between breakfaat and dinner.
An incalculable amount of aickneaa and
suffering would be prevented ererj year if
the whole claaa of dcaeerta were awept from
our tablea during aummer, and freah, ripe,
perfect fruita and berriea were substituted,
while lha amount of money that would be
aared thereby, at the New York prtoea of
fruita, would in aome families amount to
many dollar*—dollars enough to educate an
orphan child, or aupport a colporteur a
whole year, in aome regiona of our country.
Hmiri Am York Journal of health for Ju
ly■
Farmers' Gardens.
As a general thing, farmers do not pro
tide themselves with good gardens; at leaat,
■o faraa the writer has travelled, ho has sel
dom teen what he would call a good garden
on farms. The excuse for this neglect if
generally the ume with all of them—they
"hare no timo to attend to such small mat
te™." And yet it may safely bo asserted
that an acre of groand appropriated to a
good garden will be more profitable to the
farmer than any other ten acrea of the <arm.
The interests of the farmer, the comforts of
his family, the good condition and health of
his whole household, require such a garden
on every farm in the country. And it should
be a garden—not a mere excuse for one, a
mere weedy patch. It should ba one ao
managed and arranged that every vegetable
of a wholesome quality for human food,
should bo raised in it in perfection, and at
the earliest season. After a Winter's diet
on solid and generally salt animal food, the
human constitution requires tho deterging
operations of free vegetable and .fruit diet,
and, as a general rule, no one can dispense
with it safely, llesides this, the natural
appetite calls for it, and there are few plea
sures that may be so safely and even benefi
cially indulged in. In the latter part ol
Winter and early in the Sping, measures
should be taken to secure early vegetables of
all kinds capable of early cultivation. De
tails will not be expected here; there are
other books and papers appropriate to such
information ; but I cannot help saying, that
when I am at a farm-house, at a season when
early peas, beans, cabhoges, cucumbers, po
tatoes, green corn, lettuce, Ac., are properly
in season, and find none of these luxuries on
the table—nothing but the bhtebttf, salt
pork and beans or potatoes of winter—I am
free to *ay I do not envy that farmer's life
nor his family their enjoyments. These very
people are fond enough of such things when
th*y go to the city, and it is not therefore
want of taste. It is simply the fault of neg.
ligence. hy may not every farmer in the
State have every kind of early vegetables on
his table as cat ly as any gardener near the
cities can raise them ? There is not a single
reason why he shonld not, while thoro are a
great many why he ahould. Tho gardeners
have to incur a very considerable expense in
procuring hot manure for their hot-beds,
while tho farmer has it in his barn-yard.
Tho gardener has every thing to purchase,
and draw a considerable distance, while tho
farmer has nothing to buy. The small
quantity of lumbar required is probably rot
ting on his premises. It would only be a
source of amusement during Winter for him
to construct tho frame of a hot bed, and
prepare the manure and bed for use. Hav
ing done this, and got his plants in a thrifty
state, he can, in a short time, when the
season arrives, get his garden ground in or-1
der and make his plantations. And then '
he will have these vegetable luxuries as
early as many of his town friends can pur
chase them. It only requires a little indus
try and attention to accomplish this, and,
as said before, his enjoyment, his health,
and even his interest, as well as the comforts
of his family, will bo benefited by It.—Er
chanyt.
Plant ©me Ami Lb*.—" Plant one acre'
1pm," advise* the Rural New Yorker, in op
position to the advices given by the New
York Tribune. The New Yorker says;
Farmera cannot afford to cultivate as
much land as haa been their wont. If proof
of this assertion w required, just hitch up
«ime daj, drive through jour own neighbor
hood, and examine the farm" therein ; jou
don't want the trouble ; then juat look at
jour own, and if not convinced, we will aet
you down aa incorrigible. The preparation '
that wheatfield received before sowing the
seed, is an exemplification of the "one acre
more " dogma. Your plowing is like beau
ty, but akin deep.
" What is the matter with your pota
toes ?"
" Oh, they want rain !"
" Is that all? Indeed !"
" Your cornfields look aa though they
would need powerful tonics to be enabled
to survive the season."
•« Y«, they don't look very healthy, but
I hare been to hurried, had so much to do
and ao little to do it with, that I find it ut
terly impossible to Rite each and every crop
the attention I euppoee it ought to receive."
•• Then, my dear air, pardon a little frank
ness, you have mistaken your roeatiun, and
have no business ujwn a (arm. You can no
more afford to hare such cropa of wheat, po
tatoes and corn, than you can to keep a
poor hone, cow or hog. You can't afford
to raise such luxuriant crops of weeds aa
yon do. You can't a fiord to use such poor
tools. If your state and country tkouU of
fer premiums for Urn f—rtst (arm, you can't
afford to live upon them, even if you should
win, which is not at all unlikely. Above
all, you can't afford to pUm tut aort mort!
Sell off a portion, and apply the fuada
therefrom to the benefit of the remainder.—
Hare good implements, good help, and Wt
will warrant good cropa and also good times.
plant me acre Uu, and do it well.
The cultivation of a large amount of land,
as the proem ia performed by many agri
culturists, ia a waste of labor and of fertili
ty impoverishing both the tiller and the
•oil. Sound judgment, we think, will dem
onstrate that large cropa per acre, as a gen
eral rule, are the moat profitable, and ex
periment will verify it. It should be ttf
aim of the former to sustain the richness of
his land, and this can be done only by re
ducing the breadth under the plow, propor
tionately to his capacity for applying such
fertilizing materials as will return the ele
ments taken therefrom by the crops. "A
little farm well tilled" gladdcneth the heart,
hut a groat breadth of acres cultivated in a
slovenly manner, is a blight upon the inter*
eats of its owner, and an evil in the sight of
all men. •"*"
Remedy for the Borer.
M*. Tvcut:—With jour approval, the
following proscription is moat respectfullj
and with great pleasure dedicated, through
jour valuable paper, to the New York State
Agricultural Sociatj.
Surt and total dttlructitn to the Apple,
Quince and Peach Borer; and at the tame
time a decided stimulant and safe fcrtilixer to
the tree.
Make a concave mound of mellow earth
around the tree, rising about (is inches
above the work of the insects. Thorough
Ij aaturate this mound with a strong com
mon salt brine, twioe, at an interval of four
weeks, at anj time of the jear when the
ground is not frown ; stale beef or pork
brino, in its full strength, is just the thing.
The mound of earth holds the liquid in sus
pension round the tree, until bj capillary
attraction it is carried into the holos and
burrows of the insect—where tho salt is
sure destruction to evcrj grade of this rav
aging and pestilen enemj. Varj tho quan
tity of the doeo with the siie of the tree.—
Be cautious with small trees. Old, large
trees, throe feet round, maj have a pailful
at a time.
I have revived trees bj this application
from apparent death. Apple trees, 30 jean
old, with their trunks perforated verj badlj,
are now pcrfectlj healtbj, and their wounds
are now healing over. Two Uolden Sweet
ings, 8 jears old last Juno, withered and
showed signs of death. On examination, I
found the trunks full of borers, and more
than half tho surfiioo eaten off. I made
the application twioe. Both trees revived,
and mado now wood the same season. This
spring, I have treated evcrj other treo with
tho application. These trees arc in bloom
and the'wounds made bj tho insect aro rap
idlj healing over. I would not now, with
out trial, recommend tho application to anj
othor than the apple, quince and poach.
N. S. Smith.
Buffalo iV. Y.—Country Gentleman.
JEUsrrllnntons.
The Dog Noble, and the Empty Hole.
11T 1IENRY WARD IIKXOIER.
The first summer which we spent in Lo
nox, we liad along a very intelligent dog
named Noble. He was luarncd in inanj
things, and by his doglore excited tho undo
ing admiration of nil the children. But
there weie some thing which Nobh could
never learn. Having on ono occasion socn
a red squirrel run into a holo in a stone
wall he could not bo persuaded that ho wus
not there for evermore.
Several red squirrels lived close to the
house and had becjmo familiar, but not
tame. They kept up a regular romp with
A'obit. They would como down from the
maple trees with provoking coolnes» ; they
would run along the fenee almost within
reach; they would cock their tails and sail
across tho road to the barn ; and jet there
was such a well timed calculation under all
this apparent rashness, that Noble invaria
bly arrived at the critical spot just as the
squirrel left it.
On one occasion Noble was so close upon
his red-backed friend that, unablo to get up
tho maplo tree, ho dodged into a hole in the
wall, ran through the chinks, emerged at a
little distance, and sprung into the tree.—
The intense enthusiasm of the dog at that
hole can hardly be described, lie fillod it
full of barking. lie pawed and scratched
as if undermining a bastion. Standing off
at a little distanco ho would pierce tho holo
with a piie as intense and fixed as if ho were
trying magnetism on it. Then, with tail
extended, and every hair thereon electrified,
he would rush at the empty hole with a
prodigious outslaught.
This imaginary squirrel haunted Noble
night and day. The very squirrel himself
would run up before his faoe into the tree,
and crouched in a crotch, would sit silently
watching the whole process of bombarding
tho empty hole, with groat sobriety and rel
ish. But Noble would allow of no doubts.
His conviction that that hols had a squirrel
in oontinned unshaken for six weeks.—
When all other occupants failed this bole
remained to him. When there were no
mors chickens to harry, no pigs to bite, no
cattle to chase, no children to romp with, no
expeditions to make with the grown folks,
and when he had slept all that his dog-skin
would hold, he would walk out of the yard,
yawn and stretch himself, and then look
wistlally at the hole, as if thinking to him
self, " Well, as there is nothing else to do
I may as well try that hole again! "
Wo had almost forgotten this little trait,
until the conduct of the New York Ex pre*
in respcet to Col. Framont's religion brought
it ludicrously to mind. Col. FYenoot to.
and always haa been, aa sound a Protestant
aa John Knox erer vu. lis wu brad in
the Protestant (kith, and haa never changed,
ire is unacquainted with the doctrines and
ceremonies of the Gatholio Church, and haa
never attended the services of that Church,
with two or three exceptions, when curiosity
or solas extrinsic reason, led him aa a wit
ness. Ws do not stats this «pon vague be
lief. We know what we aay. We aay it
upon our own personal honor and proper
knowledge. Col. Fremont nerer wai, and
>• not now, a Roman Catholic. Ile haa
neTer been wont to attend that Church.—
Nor haa he in any way, directly or indirect-1
ly, giren occaaion for thin report.
It if a gratuitous falsohood, utter, barren,
Absolute and unqualified. The atory haa
been got up for political effect. It ia atill
circulated lor that reaaon, and like other po
litical lice, it ia a sheer, unscrupulous false
hood, from top to bottom, from the eon to
the skin, and from the skin back to the eoro
again. In all its parts, in pulp, tegument,
rind, cell and aeed, it ia a thorough and to
tal untruth, and they who spread it bear
falae witneaa. And aa to all the atorios of
tho Fulmer, etc., as to supposed conreiaa
tiona with Fremont, in which he defended
the nun, and what not, thej are pare fic
tions. They ncrcr happened. The authors
of them are slanderers; the men to believe
them are dupes ; the men who spread them
become endorsers of wilful and corrupt li
bellers.
But the Express, like Noble, has opened
on this hole in thowall, and can never bo
done barking at it. Day after day, it re
sorts to this empty hole. When everything
else fails this resource remains. There thej
are, indefatigably—ths Express and Noble—
a church without a Fremont, and a hole
without a squirrel in it!
In some respects, however, the dog had
the advantage. Sometimes we thought that
he really believed that thero was a squirrel
there. But at other times ho apparently
bad an inkling of the ridiculousness of his
conduct, for ho would drop his tail, and
walk towards us with his tongue out and
his eyes a little aslant, seeming to say, "My
dear sir, you don't understand a dog's feel
ings. I should of course much prefer a
squirrel, but if I can't have that, an empty
holo is better than nothing. I imagino how
I would catch him if ho icas there. Be
sides, peoplo who pass by don't know the
(acts. They think that I have got some
thing. It is needful to keep up my reputa
tion for sagacity. Besides, to tell tho truth
I liavo looked into that hole so long that I
have half persuaded myself that there is a
squirrel there, or will bo, if 1 keep on."
Well, every dog must havo his day, and
every dog must havo his way. No doubt if
wo were to bring luck Noble now, after two
summers' absenco, he would make straight
for that hole in tho wall with juit as much
seal as ever.
We never read tho Express, now-a-days,
without thinking involuntarily, 11 Uood
ness ! the dog is letting off at that hole
again."—AVw York Independent.
White Men to be made Slavei.
A Buchanan paper openly ftroposing to tell
white varents and their children into Slave
ry when by misfortune they may become
unable to earn a living.
Tho New York Day Booh, one of tho two
paper* in tho city of Now York that tup
port James Buclianan, not long since pro
posed that thosj persons in our largo cities
who might bo unablo to earn a living should
bo sold into SLAVERY, just as tho negro*
of tho South are. After depicting the mis
ery of those poor white people, and the crimes
into which thoy wuro lod, the Day Book
said:
••Soil the parents of those children into
SLAVERY. Lot our Legislature pass a law
that whoever will tako theso parents and
tako caroof them and their OFFSPRINQ,
in sickness and in health,—clothe thom, feed
them, and house them—shall be legally rn
titled to their services; and let the satno Leg
islature decroo that whoever receives these
parents and their CHILDREN, and obtains
thoir services, shall take caro of them AS
LONG AS TIIEY LIVE."
Tho Buchanan papers or tho South vory
generally maintain that tlavtry ia not to bo
confined to color, but that tho *>labotinj <
rlassts every whero should be SLAVES."—
From the aboro extract it will be aeon that
this doctrine haa traveled northward, and
boon openly advocated in Now York by the
leading Buchanan paper in thit city.—
Should Uioir doctrine prevail wo ahould find
New York and Philadelphia, (Boston Wo,
perhaps,) convert*! into alave markets,
which would equal if they did not suqiasa
thoao or Charleston and New Orleans. Tho
markets of New York and Philadelphia
would bo very choice once too, from the Tact
that all the alaves offered for aale would pro
bably be tchilt. A poor American mechanic,
if he got into difficulties and miafortunes,
and hampered with debt, would have all his
miseries at once relieved by this new "Dem
ocratic'* doctrine of selling him, his wife'
and children to some good master, who, ac
cording to the Day Book, "would be legally
entitled to their eorvicce as long as they
might live." So also any (ierman or Irish
emigrants who might, on first landing in
this oountiy, find it bard to get work, would
at once be taken oaro of by being sold from
the auction block into slavery ; and yet we
are not all exaggerating or misstating the
truth when we.declare that a large number
of the papers advocating the election of
James Buchanan, are in favor of doctrines
that lead to just this reault—openly avowing
as they do that "laboring men have no right
to rote, and that their natural and proper
condition is one of inferiority and temtude."
The voorking man, the free man of the
North, who in view of these (acts caste a
vote for the so-called "Denocratio" party,
votes to declare that he himself should be
made a slave. Is any man willing to do
this ?—Kmiubcc Journal.
A Good Hit.—Tbe Waabiagton comm
dondent of tbe New York Timea fwrnUhoa
tbe following anecdote:
A good story ia told at the expenae of
tboee who protest that Fremont'* election
will lead to diaunion. A few evening* *ince,
a eompanj of gentlemen were aaseabled in
tkk eitjr at a quiet game of whist. Among
the party ww a diatinghiabed New York
politician, and aover&l Southern Member# of
Congreaa. The conversation turned upon
the Presidential eleetion, and all the horrid
train of evils to follow upon Fremont'a elec
tion were aet forth in glowing colon. It
waa aaaerted that hia muat neoeaaarilj be a
aectional administration, under which no
Southern men could or would Uke office—
the conaequenco of which calamity, it waa
voted, muat uproot the pillaraof the Repub-1
lie. One of tho Southern M. O.'a, niter
liatening for aomo timo to theae gravo argu
ment!, inatead of aaaenting to their force,
auggeated that he deal red no larger fortune
than he would undertake to collect in tho
way of toll acroaa the Long Bridge over the
Potomac, from the applicanta for office un
der Fremont's AdminiaUation from the
State of Virginia alone!
Speech of Hon. W. P. Feueoden,
ON THE TOOMBS BILL.
la the VfuKi J"lT» lM°*
I It was ccrtainly i»T«ny intention, when
I mode the few remark. which I submitted
this morning, in relation to the
print, to giro occarion to tho debate wlc
h„ followed. I carefully avoided all allu
•ion, by way of argument, to tho proceed
ings which had taken placo h.ro in relafon
t» the bill itself. If U re.pon.ible
Tor this debate, I think it must bo the hon.
oruble Senator from Connecticut. (Mr. Toe
riT) who chow to avail himself of this oc
casion to givou.a re-touch of the argu
ment which we heard yesterday, an upon
previous days. I think our friends »n the
majority hare no reason to complain of us
for introducing tliU di.cu.sion to-day. "
has, bowerer, taken such a range, that I
feci called upon to say a few words in self
defence; although I do not design to enter
into tho argument upon tho general ques
tion, and lmvo had no such Intention from
tho beginning, l>ccau.e my opinion has been,
that tho question mu.t be fought before the
people, and wo should gain nothing on ci
ther side by debating it here in th. manner
in which it has been, and is likely to ,
d'iscusssd. Sir, 1 made a remark ast w^
which I reiterated this morning ; that I had
my own opinion with reference to tho o .joct
of tliU bill; and that opinion was that the
hill was designed to make Kansas a Slave
State. I stated that I entertained tide opin
ion. and believed it to be perfectly parliamen
tary to ciprwe it; became, while I cannot
with propriety. -Ingle ont nny Senator, and
.... ..sir, yoo bare motive winch you
choowi now to .tow," I hare a ritfitto c.
amine nny mommre, and to coiwdertlo
.urroonding clrcunutanaw, ita antcccd.
and convene,, in order to form an op,n
ion „ to what th. remit would be; and
from that to infer that .uch wialt owe,
have been contemplated by lho~ who intro
duced and .npported it. M - «» <f
„rpmnl I belike to bo perfectly pnrlin
inentary and logical.
For that remark, 1 hate been allmM to,
among other., by the honornh e Senator
from llliooi., (Mr. Doitolas) who intim.
t«d, iomewtint plainly, that Senator, would
havo occaaion, from th. couno which he
.hould adopt, to regret having mlwdiie«.l
topic Of that description, or bating adtert
Tto motirw. Si,, I.nppo~h. thought,
that hi. own verity of language. anIhta
own overpowering majcaty «I—«'
,„ch aa to make n. IW 'cry wrrowlul when
cor be chow to rebuke u.. 1 wl»h to In
form tho honorable Senator that, with al
tho respect I may entertain for his ability,
as shown on thU floor, I do not feel v y
sensibly any rebuke coming from him in n
lationto question, of this d«cr.pt,on, and
the opinion. I hold in regard to ^
respect for his ability i, not at all enhanced
by tho manner in which he choo*> to ex
,,ress his opinions, and tho demeanor winch
flights to assume towards meml.cn. on
this side or the chamber, whether generally
or individually.
Sir, 1 am opposed, always, to the um or
unparliamentary lunguugo. I do not think
it justiable to cull gentlemen by name*
which they do not wish to assume. If u
a party wiahe* to assume a distinctive name,
I do not think it either parliamentary or
becoming to apply an epithet intended to
bo an epithet of reproach or of degradation,
to tho party having thua taken ita name, or
to the individual* who use it. We call our
selves Republicans. The nonorable Senator
never speaks of us without calling us Black
Republicans. Wo call ourselves Republi
cans ; ho never speaks of us without calling
us abolitionists. Here, on the door of tho
Senate, in his own peculiar manner, when
he speaks to tho body with refercnco to us,
ho designatca us as " the Abolitionists on
the other side of the Chamber," taxing, for
enntcmptuous bitterness, hit very expressive
foatures, and thinking, I suppose, he wounds
our sensibilities very deeply, and places us
in a very uncomfortable attitude. I think,
sir, the only attitude in which he places
anybody is ono not creditable to himself.
I do not deal in epithets. If the gentlo
men on the other side of the Chamber
choose to call themselves democrats, I call
tbcm democrats. I may not be perfectly
willing to agree that they ore entitled to be
considered democrats, in the trne sense of
the word, but that is the appellation by
which they choose to be distinguished, and
I am willing to allow thou all the benefit
they can derive from it. 1 do not call you,
sir, a speckled, or spotted, red or blue dem
ocrat, bat a democrat; and whether yoa
are a good democrat or not, is for yoa to
settle with the country and with your con
stitution, not with me. 1 would merely
suggest to gentlemen that it would proba
bly be quite u well to let tu be dietlnguub
ed by the name we eelect for oaraelree, in
stead of amueing themeelree by trying to
&Az another which we do not cbooee to a»>
•ante. Understand me; I hart no objeo*
tion, personally ; it does not change my re
lation to my ooantry, or to any party, in
any way; it does not change the nature or
character of that party. It only ahowa thai
in th« Senate of the United States, which
should be the highest body in the land in
manners aa well as in ability, individual*
may sometimes forget the first principle*
recognised in communication between gen
tlemen, and attempt to eke out an argument
I bj affixing what are called nick-names upon
parties and persons, which they do not
choose to recognise. If Senators think they
can make anything of this, let them do it:
I shall not follow their example.
I stated, Mr. President, that I believe, as
I do believe, that the object of this bill was
to impose slavery upon Kansas. I believe
that was tho object of the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise. Why ? I believe it
in the first plaoe, because no other sensible
reason can be given for the repeal of that
compromise. If it was not designed—if it
was not supposed, that the effect would be
| to inake Kansas a SIato State, why was it
meddled with at ail ? Why not leave it a»
it waa? By the original compromise, sluve
ry could not go north of 36 dog. 30 min.—
If you did not wish it to go there— if you
did not suppose it might go there in conse
quence of the repeal, why was the compro
mise interfered with? What was tho ob
ject? Was it to try a merely useless cxjnt
imont? Wus it that a few words put upon
(taper, and passed throngh the forms of leg
islation, wore to establish a principle? Gen
tlemen pretend to say that the object was to
establish the great principle of the right of
the people of the Territories to govern them
selves. What necessity existed for promul
gating any such principle at that particlar
tims, if you did not believe it would result
in the manner I have supposed ?
Mr. Presidont, it cannot be forgotten that
when this doctrine was first promulgated,
it was received with amazement—not to k r
derision throughout tho country. It was
denied both north and south, and hardly
found an advocate in cither seution. The
south afliruicd that settlers in a Territory
had no power to prohibit slavery, and claim
ed a constitutional right to hold slaves in
any territory until tho adoption of a State
constitution should otherwise determine.—
Tho north claimed that Congress had all
power over tho subject-matter. It will bo
recollected, sir, that every Froo State in the
Union, except Iowa, had passed resolutions
against tho extension of slavery ovor free
territory, and in favor of the Wilmot Pro
viso. This doctrine of squatter sovereignty,
then, found favor nowhere. It had no ad
vocate—no friend—and, in my judgment,
it deservod nono. I' involves too many ah
surdities. It assumes that tho people of this
Union have no power over their own prop
erty ; that a few settlers—located, under
misting laws, upon lands, not tlifir own,
with a view to purchase, liecomo masters of
the destiny of all about them—may deter
mine tho valuo of tho public domuin, with
out tho assent of Congress, by adopting in
Htitutions which may seriously and injuri
ously affect that valuo — may so shape the
character of nn incipient State as to make
it a burden upon all tho others, instead of a
new pillar in tho national cilifice—may en
tail upon tho country such calamities as
they please, unchecked by tho people of the
country—may legalize crime, nnd may turn
a land of freedom and virtue into a citadel
of oppression and wickedness at their pleas
ure. Sir, the doctrine, at applied to new
and weak aottlements, is absurd. I hold it
to bo tho duty of this government to afford
its protection to tho Territories. Tho duty
of protection implies tho power to govern.
All governments have acted on this princi
ple sinco tho creation of tho world. Our
government has mainly, and wisely, left tho
power of passing local luws to the people of
the Territories, subject to tho reversion of
Congress. This restriction it had always
exorcised—undisputed—unquestioned ; and
this fact alono, is a conclusive answer to the
whole doctrino of squatter sovereignty. If
it exists at all, it must exist in tho whole.
Tho power to mako laws is not a sovereign
power, if it has auy superior.
ltut, Mr. President, notwithstanding the
previous unpopularity of thia doctrine,
which no party had assumed, or incorporat
ed into iU creed, yet, auddenly, when the
Missouri roctrietion waa to be abrogated, it
sprang into new life ; it won at onco vital
ized. Southern gentlemen discovered that
the people of the slave States had Iwcn suf
fering with conatitutional wound* fur many
yoars, and northern gentloraen found t!m*
tho sovereign right* of the people had been
trampled upon from the foundation of tl t j
government. Thia doctrine, air, had bo>
como convenient. It would answer a pur
pose, and waa fit for tho occasion. Tiie
|ieoplo were to aha|M their inatitutiona a*
they wiahed, and Congress waa, for tho first
time, relieved from all supervision of terri
torial legislation. Tho settler* in Kansas
and Nebraska were apparently left in the
exclusive, unlimited exercise of popular aov
eroignty, ao far as legislation was con
cerned.
Sir, I had little faith then, and time hoa
not increaaed it in theae new rerelationa.—
They came, touna common axproaaion,
wrong end foremoat. They did not give
birth to the act, but the act gare birth to
them. The Kanaac and Nebraaka Bill wm
not, in my belief, a oonaequenoe, but a
cauae. The thing preceded the principle.
I affirm, Mr. Preaident, that no reoogni
tion of thia doctrine ia to bo neoeaaarily in
ferrod from Uie compromise moaaure of 1850.
Such inference ia an afterthought. And
here let me aay to the Senator from Geor
gia, that he erred in aaaerting that it waa
reoogniaed by the whig oonrcntion of 1852,
which nominated Gen. Suott. It ia a tab
Uko to euppoee that the convention ac
knowledged the power now claimed for the
people of the Territorice, to form nich in*
■titutions u they pleaae, irrcapoctiTO of any
control bj Congrcn.
Then vu do tuch thing in the platform
adopted bj the contention in 1852. All
they agreed "to was, that the meaeoree of
1850 which had been pawed aboold be eon*
ndered a finality, and that then ehouid be
no further excitement, if they could prevent
it, on the subject of ilarcry.
Mr. TOOMBS. The Senator doe* not
quote the resolution correctlj.
Mr. FESSENDEN. I state thesuUtance
of it, for I <ru a member of the convention,
and alio a member of the committee that
framed the it-solutions. I was opposed to
that part of the platform which related to
this subject. It was presented, originally,
by a Southern gentleman in the committee,
and amended by another, a Mr. Scott, of
Virginia. I remember all about it. There
is no suoh principle in that platform as the
Senator from Georgia iwms to suppase. It
is a bare assumption. By saying that is an
assumption, I do not mean that the gentle*
man doee not suppose it to be aa he states.
Nor do I believe it was incorporated into
| the democratic platform of that year. The
I democrat* merely revolted, that there should
he an end to the agitation of slavery, and
that the measures of 1850 wero to be con
Niderud a finality and nothing more. Nsl.
ther of these convention# adopted the prin
ciple which the Senator haa stated, and I
hold that it was never adopted anywliere
until brought forward here in order to af
ford an excuse for the repeal of tho Mimouri
Compromise.
When, Mr. President, it ia perfectly man*
ifest tliat there was no necessity for repeal*
ing that compromise, unless it was designed
and intended that Kansas should be open to
slavery, and when tho principle assumed as
tho busis of that repeul, had before been repu
diated, laughed at and derided, North ami
South, from the time when it was promul
gated down to the time when it was thus
oMurncd, 1 may fairly conclude the object
and design of that bill could liavo been no
other than to afford un opportunity for the
» nvo power to get a footing in Kansas, and
to place territory, which, up to that time,
hail been free by tho compromise of 1821),
in such a portion that sluvery might Iw en
abled to overrun and appropriato it.
This opinion, sir, is strengthened by an
other fact, which has, I believe, been else*
where adverted to. I allude to the geo
graphical boundaries of Kansas, which noe
essurdy place that territory under the con
trol of the slave power. It will Iw recollec
ted that the first bill reported from tho com
mittee on territories embraced what now
constitute IKith territories—Knnsrvs and Ne
braska. That scheme wus abandoned, and
a now bill introduced, as an amendment, by
which Nebraska was divided. How was it
divided? Kqually? Not at all. Ity any
natural boundary 7 No; but by the fortieth
parallel of north latitude. Why was this
so done? Observe, that by tho tint bill the
Territory organized would abut, in part,
upon the slavo State of Missouri nnd fur a
creator distance upon the froo State of Iowa,
and the free Territory of Minnesota. lljr
t!u< division tlio north lino of Knnsasis made
t<> fall below tho north line of Missouri; tlio
wholo eastern bonier of Kansas is exposed
to tlio Itordcr eountim of Missouri, nnd no
single inch of it cun bo approached from
froo Territory. Had the division been equal,
or even natural, or convenient, it would
havo been less noticeable. Hut that division
was grossly unequal. Nebraska it far tho
largest. A natural lino w>u1d have lx.vn
tho Platte river, but this would havo left a
small portion of Kansas adjoining Iowa.—
Why, sir, was tho Territory of Kansas plac
ed in the position in which it was Isft by
that hill ? Why not tnko such a natural
lioundary lino as tho I'latto river—why, u
suljscqucnt events have proved, except to
enable the pcoplo of Missouri to master tho
Territory, control it* elections, and doter
mine its character?
Tho developments afTord«l by the investi
gation of the committee appointed by tho
llouso of Representative* have shown anoth
er rvtnarkablo fact, namely, that at tho very
timo when that bill was under discussion
hero—at the very time when we went con
sidering whothi-r tho Missouri compromise
should be repealed, societies wcro formed in
the Stato of MiMouri to force sluvery into
tliut Territory. This is stated as a fact. It
was testified to by meml>rrs of the tocicty.
Ileforo a single movemvut had been made in
tho Kast—boforo any society had U«rn form
ed there to aid emigration to Kansas—lie
fore the hill was passed, that movement was
made in Missouri, which hounded the wholo
custom line of Kansas from North to South.
Mo not all those facts go to show wtiut
t'io design of tho original Kanus bill was—
what the design of the repeal of tho Misiou
ri compromise was? When I spoakot tlava
facts which are potent and palpable, and
stand out as matter of record and of history,
am I required on all occasions to be silent as
to what it upf>cars to mo must have been
t!>« ohjoct and manifast intention of tliat
bill ? Is there any rule of„ parliamentary
proceeding which demands'frof mo in any
shapo or form. If there is, as I make a
point of submitting to the rules, I shall re
frain from saying so in future ; but until I
am decided to be out of order I shall speak,
if I speak at all, what I really think about
tho matter.
tat u« oomo down a little further. What
has been the series of acta which haa follow*
ed? I liar* spoken of the erenU which
took place at the time of the passage of the
bill. I do not mean to mumorats all thoee
which hare since occurred. Thsjr hare
boun spoken of orcr and orcr again bj geiv
tlcinen on both aides of the chamber. Do
we not know tliat, from the beginning, Kac
ru has been under the control of the neigh
boring State of Miasouri. Will the Senator
from Miasouri, with the evidence ataring
. bim in the lace, as it does, in the report of
the Houm Committee, pretend to doubt thai
all the election* in the territory of Kiimh,
bare been controlled by Missouri rotes or
by the rotea of foreigner!.
Mr. Greyer—If the Senator appeals to
me I will mj that I do doubt it. I ad*
in it that than bare been irregularities com
mitted by both parties, much greater than
I apprehended in the first instance.
(Concluded next week.)

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