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VOLUME III.—NO. 9.
THE INQUIRY Into the Origin of the Condition of Society Which Per mits The Rich to Monopolize all the Benefits and Beauties of Society. And Why Do the Eich Get Richer and the Poor Continually Poorer ? Workers and Idlers. IV. It then becomes pertinent and impor tant to inquire into the origin of this condition of society; to know by what rights the rich monopolize all the bene fits and beauties of life, and leave to the poor the drudgeries and the' miseries; and why is it that society seems inevita bly to drift into this condition of unequal distribution ; and whether this is a rem edy for it For we cannot conscientiously call ourselves an enlightened people if we remain longer ignorant upon this question; and we should not call our selves civilized or human if we should remain inactive after a remedy shall have been found. < . On first thought, it would seem that the remedy would be simple and easy , that the blessings and burdens of life need only be properly divided ; that he who has too much should yield up all but his proper share ; and he who has less than his share should have it made up to him. But if this were put in practice, and an equal distribution made, it would not remedy the difficulty ; for we would soon find that the shrewder or more fqrtunate were again getting more than their share of blessings, and carrying less than their share of the burdens; and that the indolent and unfortunate were again get ting less than their share of the burdens. And, in the course of time, the condition of unequal distribution would be re sumed. A second per capita distribution would be equally as inefficient to remedy the evil as the first. And besides, the lazy and indolent would in time be encour aged in their shiftlessness by the fact that they would get their snares without working for them ; while the industrious and frugal would be discouraged from working and saving because the fruits of their labor would be taken from them and distributed among the whole com munity ; and society would soon suffer for want of the absolute necessaries of life. . i And it will not do to say that the one class deserves to be rich, and the other class deserve to be poor; for that would bring us no remedy. We are now seeking a reason and a remedy- for the misery of the world. And we must take it as a fact that, if men are left alone, under the present system, owing to the different capacities and traits, and the difference in their surroundings, there will eventually be an unequal distribu tion of wealth. And it is also true that, as society grows older, the rich continu ally get richer and the poor get poorer, until the equilibrium of society is de stroyed, and the bad results before stated are attained. It has also been suggested that the property of a rich man should be taken at his death by the government; and that this would prevent the growth of im mense fortunes. But such a law could scarcely be called just; and could, be easily evaded by the rich man disposing of his property before death, or secreting it so that his heirs, and no one else, could find it. To enforce such a law, there would be required an inquisitorial sys of government which no free people would tolerate. And, too, the world would soon be full of people whose sole occupation would be waiting for nch people to dip. It has also been insisted that the state, instead of the landlords, should collect rent from landed property; in otheiv words, that rent should be “confiscated by the state.” This system would scarcely accomplish the result desired, nor even change the present condition. The state already owns the land by right of eminent domain; and practically leases it from year to year ; for no one can hold land who does not pay a yearly rent or tax to the state. If he fails to pay, he is ousted, and the land goes to some one else who will pay more promptly. This new system proposes to leave the present owners in with the same rights as at present, except the payment of a tax equivalent to the pres ent tax and the rent combined. There is no suggestion that the man who owns a large tract of land, a part of which he may now rent, would be prevented from exercising his right over all his land to cultivate it himself or permit others to cultivate it It is not proposed that the tenant shall be allowed to remain in*pos- Bession of the land which he has hereto fore rented, without fiitft obtaining per mission from the owner'; for that would be practically robbing the owner, and giving the land to the tenant The land lord or owger would still have the right to say whether he should übo the land himself, or let others use it. And if he shall let the tenant use the land upon barely paying the double tax, or tax and THE LABOR ENQUIRER. previous rent, the landlord will receive no benefit and it will be equivalent to giving the land outright to the tenant. So that the effect of such a system would be that the owner would require the ten ant to' pay the double tax and a rent besides; and the double tax and the rent would all have to be earned and paid by the man who cultivates the soil. And where tho owner cultivates his own land, his property must be taxed like all the rest; and it would be difficult to imagine him as a very contented indi vidual, if his tax should be increased seven-fold. The present tax is, say, 1 per cent on the real value. The present net rent which an owner ordinarily receives from farming land is, say, 7 per cent. If this 7 per cent is to be “confiscated,” and added to the tax, there would then be a tax of 8 per cent. The present tax of 1 per cent is sufficient for all the purposes of the government. Now, what will the government do with this immense addi tional sum —seven times as large as its present revenues —which it will annually receive ? Of what use is it to the state ? It has been paid, not by the landlords, but by the tenants and farmers of the land. What will be done with it? Shall it be distributed equally every year among the people ? or among the poor ? If so, it would encourage the indolence at the expense of the industrv of the people. If a man is annually to receive a bounty from the state, he will have less incentive to work. If a farmer shall see the product of his labor distributed among those who have not earned it, he will be discouraged in his industry, and tempted to become a pauper with the rest. Then who will do the labor of so ciety ? If the money be used to estab lish and support great charitable institu tions, the effect will be the same; for the more charity we have, the less work ; and the less honest, sweat-producing labor we have, the more need of charity. The principle and motive of charity are the finest part of our nature; but the effect in great communities is most per nicious. There is to-day a national proprietor ship of land ; and the people pay rent in the form of a tax therefor; so that A movement which has for its object a na tional proprietorship of land, could effect nothing. And if, as has often been suggested, there should be an equal division of land among the people, the result, if beneficial for a time, could not be lasting. In the first place, the men from whom land would be taken would have to be robbed or paid. And then, in half a century, or even less, the indolent and unfortunate would have lost their shares to the shrewd, the industrious and the fortu nate ; and there would be the same old condition of landlord and landless. y. What then is the true solution of the question ? And why do the rich get richer, and the poor get poorer, until the end, which is always chaos ? And how can men be prevented from getting more than they need, and thereby depriving others of what they need? How can the pleasures and burdens of life be properly apportioned, without discour aging industry and frugality; and with out encouraging indolence and prodigal ity ? How may we preserve that equal ity among men in respect to the means for the enjoyment of life, which is only found in ■ new communities, and then soon lost, but which is absolutely essen tial to the well-being of society and to the strength and perpetuity of the na tion ? The true remedy should be one which would explain and rectify all the social and political agitations of our time. The Nihilist in his struggle for a consti tution ; the Communist in his struggle for equal distribution ; the Fenian in his struggle against landlordism; the Labor unipns in their struggle against capital; the poor in their terrible struggle for ex istence —all should feel their grievances removed ami their wrongs redressed, The true remedy would relieve the poor and not wrong the rich. The la borer who toils ten or twelve hours a day to gain the bare means of existence, would be relieved of part of his burden, and given a chance for recreation and education. The rich who are absolutely suffering and going to seed from a lack of healthful occupation, whose appetites and tastes are alike becoming depraved, would be given a chance to become con scientious and worthy members of soci ety. And the old combats of slave against master, of servant against employer, of tenant against landlord, of the poor against the rich, would be forever ended. The whole trouble originates in a very simple source. The world has thus far permitted a man to make whatever use he has chosen tQ make of his money or propertv. It has permitted him to loan money on condition that the borrower, meanwhile, shall give a certain portion of the product of his labor toward the support of a leader; and to that extent the borrower is the servant and slave of the lender. ItJbas permitted a man, be sides providing himself with a home, to expend his money in other houses and lands, and to loan or rent them on con dition of the tenants giving him a certain portion of the product of their labor; and to that extent are they his servants or his slaves. And ifr-is because men are thus enabled to make their money take their places in the field of labor, and earn money for them, that society is outraged. In other words, instead of a man him self working to produce something which [Continued on Page 4.J “ WHO WOULD BE FREE HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW 1 ” DENVER, COLORADO. SATURDAY. FEBRUARY 9, 1884. ' t' t FARMER PIATT. The Matter-Of-Fact Don Says a Few Sharp-Pointed Things. > Amid the Quietness of Country Life He Hears the Por tentious Rumblings of the Approaching Engines of a Terrible Strife. From John Swinton’s Paper. I have not forgotten my promise to write you, at odd intervals, on the topics that agitate the public mind, to use the phraseology of the stump. But I have been getting in my ice—huge blocks from the Mac-o-chee, clear as crystal and brittle as glass. Should you visit me next summer I can mix you a mink julep such as you never tasted before. I shall have the ice, and from the grave of a Virginia ancestor there grows the deli cate mint, while the whisky is a present from a cousin of mine in Boone county, Kentucky. You see I have all under my roof to make life content, if not happy. I have been thinking a good deal over our latest talk, at New York, and I must say lam more firm in what you call my cynicism than before. Human progress is to me a humbug. I believe man to be now precisely what he was six thousand years ago, and will be as many thousands hence. The Chris tian plan of salvation makes the devel opment of man into something better the work of another and better world. I don’t know how that is. I have not been there. I have never met with a man who had, and I find rumors and revelations very unsatisfying. But this new doctrine of evolution is the dryest husk of knowledge ever cribbed. Spen cer’s apothegm of “a survival of the fittest” is stuff enough for me, as it is for and stock-breeder. Animals left to them selves barely hold their own, if indeed they do not deteriorate. Among the males the stronger destroys the weaker —but the stronger, thus left master, breeds weaklings from excess. The wild horse of the plains, for ex ample, escaped animals from the Span iards, once regarded as superb specimens, are now ponies. And so it is with any other species, left to itself. I need not illustrate. As I have said, every horse or animal breeder knows this. The Durham of England and the racehorse of Kentucky are what they are, not through natural selection and the survival of the fittest, left to the brutal instincts of the animal, but from careful selection of the master, man. If the human race could be subjected to the same control from the will of a master, we should doubtless have a lik£ result. At least, there would be an im provement physically. As for the mental and moral nature, that is further along. We are a nation of phrase feeders. A few words, condensed inio sentence, make up our brain food, and let the facts be what they may, we go on contentedly swallowing the canned information, Of this sort is the cry that with free speech, free press, free schools, a free church, everything save free trade, we have a republican form of government- The fact is that, with all these things free, we live under a cast-iron despotism, more hopelessly despotic than any under the sun. We broke up individual tyranny to substitute that of class, precisely as we destroyed individual slavery to have a worse form in that of class, again, where labor is called free because it is left free to starve. The fathers —old hook-nosed, shad belly aristocrats—assured us that in de" stroying entail of property we would have no fears from wealth, for the sons would scatter all the fathers accumu lated. This did not touch the evil, for if greed and cunning are not only left uncon trolled, but, as with us, are stimulated by protective statutes, it is no comfort to the poor and honest to say the class is continually changing, for the class re mains. The worn fact, however, that pulver izes the choice phrase is found in the cor poration that lives, unchanged, forever. Oar so-called free government, to-day, seems to have but one duty, and that is to found, foster.and stimulate greed. It is called encouraging enterprise. Under this system all business has come to be gambling, all propertv, theft, and all official life, corruption. Our prosperity is shown in the growth of millionaires and the. distress of labor. In all business where cash is handled, we have tin plates, punches and checks. When we elect a man to office we com mission a thief. More than half the time of our con gress is given to what is pleased to call protection to American labor. Of course it is a lie, or congress would not be so busy at it. Now, seven-tenths of the la bor of this country is agricultural. Nine tenths of the labor lies outside this scheme of protection—and the remain ing tenth is opposed by it. Let me, however, call your attention, John Swintou.to my class. I am a farmer. I have 500 acres of the bdst land in Ohio. I lose money forming it. and, why ? All that I produce to sell goes to Eu rope for a market. Take wheat, for ex ample. My wheat, at Liverpool, comes in competition with that of the Baltic, where the worst form of pauper labor is found—the laborer working for eighteen, dollars a year and a goat-skin coat—or it competes with the wheat of Egypt where slavery yet exists. This is what happens to all I sell. J All that I purchase is protected, and has the price augmented to double of what it should be if not protected. The result is, that I sell under free trade, and purchase under protection. The farmers, however, are in no worse condition than the very class these laws claim to protect. Labor, in Europe, is of two sorts —com- mon or, as it is called, and skilled labor. Now, skilled labor is bet ter paid abroad than it id here. That is while wages are less in amount, the cheapness in living more than makes up the difference. . The reason why skilled labor abroad is better compensated, is found in the feet that it is not so abundant as here. It is only one man out of a hundred, in Eu rope, who can be, after a long training, converted into a skilled laborer. The American is more apt. His hand turns instinctively, almost without training, to the work demanding skill. As for the so-called pauper labor, in stead of protecting our workmen from it, thousands on thousands are brought to our shores, under contract or natural ization, to compete with labor at home. In yoqr latest issue you show, how the contract system works. I happened once,'to be present at a dinner where the late President Garfield, then a member of congresss, was amus ing himself bv nagging the Hon. Pig-iron Kelly. Garfield was much given to this sort of thing with Kelly “I say, Kelly,” he cried, "I am a con vert to your high protection of American industry ; but I’ve been thinking about it, Kelly, and I don’t see that you go far enough.” “How so, Garfield?” asked old Pig iron. “Why,old fellow, while you prohibit, through your high duties, the imp rta tion of goods made by pauper labor 111 Europe, vou not only leave our ports open, but invite that verv labor to come here and crowd out our workmen. Now, I have a bill I am going to introduce to put a tremendous high duty on living labor.” “My God, Garfield,” fairly screamed old Pig-iron, “you would close every manufacture and mine in the country. We are driven to Europe for our labor to make protection practical. We must have cheap material and labor at a rea sonable figure. You see, after our infant industries are established, we can then pay for material and labor the highest figures,” said the old man, continuing until the groups rose in wrath, and told him to go on with that old tariff speech at his peril. Well, what is the remedy? Let me repeat it. It is a rather unpleasant one, but it is called violence. Nature reas serts herself through that process. When' the air gets too heavy with malaria for life a storm comes rushing along, carried by fierce winds and garnished with light ning, and much damage is done, but after the sunshine drops, like a blessing, on the desolate places, the air is purifying and life goes on. Yours sincerely, Donn Piatt. Mac-a-cheek, Ohio, January, 1884. Salvation Army. Since the advent of the Salvation Army in our midst it has seldom fallen to the lot of metropolitan listeners to be treated to a more soul-inspiring and spirit-reviving harangue than that of last evening at a meeting held in Abingdon square. He was a- low-sized, stoutly built young man of about thirty years, bearing all the outward semblance of a hard-working me chanio, fresh from the place of his daily labors. As he made his way through the crowd of anxious listeners that surrounded the evangelists, in response to the call for sin ners to approach and be saved, his fine eyes were dilated with fiery enthusiasm and his muscular frame quivered with suppressed piety and zeal. Having gained the center of the expectant throng, he launched forth in impassioned language, the tones of which held all listeners transfixed as he vividly pic tured the trials and temptations of the toil ing masses, and in most soul-stirring and heart-moving language Informing the as sembled multitude that their only hope of salvation, either in this world or the one to come, lay in instantly “boycotting the Tri bune.” The advent of two stalwart police men with uplitted clubs brought the enthusi ast’s harangue to an abrupt close. —New York Standard. — —— ♦—*— • We often hear of mean employers, but the Howe Sewing Machine company, of Bridge port, Connecticut, can resort to the most con temptible way of defrauding their employes of any that we hare heard of yet. They will pay their employes but once a month, and it amounts to very little when it does come. Should any of them need money be fore the regular pay day, they can get it, but 3 per cent is deducted from their small earn ings for the use of the money that belongs to themselves. Such a company is not de serving of recognition from any honest man or woman. They should be boycotted.—Cin cinnati Unionist What is a minority? The chosen heroes of this earth have been in a minority. There is not a social, religious or political privilege that you enjoy to-day that was not bought for you by the blood and tears and patient suffering of the minority. It is the minority that have vindicated humanity in every strug gle. It is the minority that have stood in the van In every moral conflict, and achieved all that is noble in the history of the world.— John B. Gough. TO YOUNG PEOPLE. Words of the Great Scientist and Humanitarian, Krapotkine. Pure Scienee Will Yield Fruit for the Future Gener ations. . i ' The Day Not Far Off When This Will he Understood With i Socialism. _ . j|l; . . . ' •\ ‘ ■■ ’ 1'.... - - - -J, . Translated from the French by [Miss] Le Compte, “Proletaire,” especially for the San Francisco Truth: republished in The Eh dtrißEE by special permission. Finally, you, young artist, sculptor, painter, poet, musician, have you not no ticed that the sacred fire which inspired some of your predecessors is lackingin you and yours, that art is now commonplace’ that mediocrity reigns? And could it be otherwise ? The joy of having refound the ancient world, of being resteeped in the springs of Nature, which made the masterpieces of the Ren naissance does not exist for contempo rary art; the revolutionary idea has left it cold up to the present, and having no idea, it believes it has found one in real ism. So it exerts itself to-dav to photo graph in colors the dewdrop on the leaf of a plant, to imitate the buttocks of a cow, and to paint minutely in prose and verse the suffocating mire of sewer—the boudoir of a fast woman. “But if it is thus, what to do ?” you ask. If your sacred fire is but a “smok ing wick,” then you will oontinue to do as you havß been doing, and your art will very soon degenerate to the trade of decorator to the shopkeepers’ drawing rooms, to that of the purveyor of libretti, to the bouffgs, and of feuilletons to M. de Girardin. The most of you are al ready going headlong on this downward road. But if really your heart beats ih uni son with that of humanity, if, like a true poet, you have an ear for the heartbeat of life, then in presence of this sea of suffering, the waves of which are beat ing abdot you, in presence of these peo ple, dying of hunger, of thefce heaps of dead bodies in mines, and of the piles of mutilated corpses lying at the feet of barricades,'of these convoys of exiles on their way to be buried in the snows of Siberia and to die on fever flats of tropi cal isles, in the presence of this Supreme Struggle which is raging, of the agon ized cries of the vanquished, of the orgies of the vanquishers, of heroism against cowardice, of nobleness against baseness, you will not be able to remain neuter ; you will come to range yourself on the side of the oppressed, for you will know that the true, the sublime—in short, Life itself—are on the side of those who struggle for the Light, for Humanity, for Justice, You stop me at last. “The devil,” you sav. “But if abstract science is a luxury and the practice of medicine a cheat; if the law is an injustice and technical discovery an instrument of exploitation; if the school, with its practical wisdom, is sure to be vanquished, and art with out the revolutionary idea cannot but degenerate, what remains, then, for me to do ?” I will tell you. An immense work, a work attractive in the highest degree, a work in which your acta will be in com plete accord with your conscience, a work to command the most noble and vigorous natures. What work ? I am going to tell you. 111. The analysis we have made leads to this: That one will either compromise awhile with his conscience and finish by saying, “Perish Humanity, provided I can have all the pleasures and profits that the people are stupid enough to let me ;” or, he will join the ranks of the Socialists, to work with them for the complete transformation of society. Notwithstanding the result of bour geoise education, opinion of interested parties and the sophisms of society, every intelligent being will be logically brought to the conclusion if he but rea sons on what is going on about him. Having made the decision of an hon est mind, the question, “What to do?” presents itself. 1 The answer is easy : Only go out of the situation in which you are placed, where it is the custom to speak of the people as brutes, come to wards this people, and the answer will arise of itself. You will see that everywhere, in France as in Germany, in Italy as in the United States, wherever there is a privi leged class and an oppressed class, there is a gigantic work going on, the object of which is to break forever the feudalism of capital, and lay the foundation of So ciety on Justice and Equity. It is not enough for the working people of to-day to pour forth their sorrows and songs of heart-breaking melody, such as the serfs of the eighteenth century sang, such as the Russian peasant sings still—they work for their freedom and work with a will and a conscience. Their thought is constantly exercised to devine what most be done that life, insteaAof being a curse to three-fourths of the human race, may be a pleasure for all. They undertake the most ar duous problems of sociology, and try to resolve them with their good sense> their habit of observation and their rude experience. To interchange their thought with that of others—miserabies like themselves—they try to group them selves, to organize themselves; they form themselves into societies, sustained with difficulty by their slim contribu tions ; they try to make themselves un derstood across frontiers, and better than all the rhetorical philanthropy they are ushering in the day when wars between nations will become impossible. To learn what their brothers are doing, to know them better, to elaborate their ideas and to propagate them, they sus tain (but at the price of what privation, of what efforts!)—the Labor Press. At last, the hour comes; they rise, and, red dening with their blood the streets and barricades, they fight for those liberties which when won the rich and powerful will corrupt into privileges for them selves and new forces against them. What series of continual effort! what struggle incessant! What work constant ly begun anew ! Now to fill up the va cancies which are made by desertion, by lassitude, by corruption, by legal pro cesses ; then to reform the ranks reduced by gun and mettrailluse; again to resume the studies broken up by extermination in masses. The papers of this movement are made by men who have stolen from so ciety their fragments of instruction, by depriving themselves of sleep and of food ; and are sustained by the cents taken from the bare necessaries of life —often from the dry bread—and the whole agitation is kept up under the con tinual fear of seeing the family reduced to the most frightful misery when the proprietor perceives that his "workman,” his “slave” is a Socialist. This is what you will see if you come among the People. In this struggle without end well may the worker, sinking under the weight of his burdeq, cry, “Where, then, are those young people that we have fed and clothed while they studied, for whom — with our backs bending under the load, and our bellies empty—wo have built those mansions, those academies, those museums; for whom, with grimy faces, we have printed those beautiful books which we cannot even read ? Where are those professors, who, they say, under stand humanitary science, and for whom humanity is not worth a rare kind of catterpillar ? Where are those men who make speeches about liberty and neyer defend ours, trampled every day under foot? Where are the writers, poets, painters, all this band of hypocrite, who speak of the people with tears in their eyes, but are never found among us helping us in our labors ? Where are they, indeed ? Some of them are enjoying themselves with cow ardly ..indifference ; while others, and these from the majority —despise “the mob,” and are readv to rush on it should it dare to touch one of their priyileges. Now. and then one and another of them comes among the people, with dreams of drums and barricades in their heads in search of new sensations ; but they desert the cause when they see that the way of the barricade is long, the work arduous, and that the crowns of laurel they had hoped to gain ate here mixed with thorns. Oftener still, these recruits are ambitious, and failing in their first attempts, remain and try to capture the suffrages of the people, but farther along they will be the first to turn against this people, when it tries to apply the principles which they them selves profess, and perhaps will even level the cannons against it should it dare to move before they, the chiefs-of file, have giyen the signal! Add to this, stupid insult, haughty contempt and cowardly calumny, and you will have what the bourgeoise youth give the people to aid in its Social evo lution. , After that you can ask, “What to do ?” when all is to do; when whole armies of young people should find to what to apply the entire force of their energies, their intelligence, their talents, to aid the people in the immense task which it has undertaken! Yon, amateurs of pure science, if you are penetrated by the principles of So cialism, if yon understand the revolu tion which is to be, do you not see that all sciince is to be remade in accord with the new principles, and that this exceeds in importance all that has been done in science up to the eighteenth century ? Do you not understand that history—to day a “polite fiction” of the grandeur of kings, great personages and parliaments —is all to be recast from the popular point of view, is all to be rewritten from the point of view of the work accom plished by the masses in the evolution of humanity ? Do you not see that so cial economy —to-day the consecration of capitalistic exploitation—is all to he elaborated anew in its fundamental prin ciples as well as in its innumerable ap plications? Do you not know that an thropology, socioly, ethics are to be com pletely made over, and that the natural sciences themselves, looked at from a new point of view, must undergo a pro found modification, both as to the man ner of conceiving natural phenomenon, and as to the manner of Well, then, do that. Pat your intelli gence at the service of this cause. Above all, come to aid us by your sound logic to combat secular prejudices, to elaborate by synthesis the base of a better organ [Continued on Page 4.] PRICE, EIYE CENTS MYSTERIOUS LAW. A Contributor takes One of Colorado’s Legal Lords to Task. j|;./ . ‘ gj The Magna Chart*, Which is Said to be a Great and Glorious Instrument, Shown to be a Means to Oppression, Theft and Heartless Perse • cations. [Concluded from Last Week.J Editor Labor Enquirer. I have dwelt at greater length upon the uses and abuses of the charter than I had originally intended, and will now, with your permission, submit a few re marks upon another English law—the law of conspiracy. Conspiracy at common law, we are told, is an agreement between two or more persons to do any unlawful act, or to do any lawful act by unlawful means. The whole extent of the crime turns on the word unlawful. Frederick Harrison, a London barrister at law, in a very able article to the London Times, some years ago, says: “The word, in truth, has not a little embarrassed lawyers. It undoubt edly includes everything that is crimi nal, and a good deal mose that is not." According to Stephen's edition of Ros coe’s Digest of Criminal Evidence, con spiracy is thus defined: 1. A combination to commit any crime is an indictable conspiracy. 2. A combination to commit a civil in jury is an indictable conspiracy in many, though it is impossible to say precisely in what cases. t 3. Combinations to do acts which the courts regarded as outrages on morality and decency, or as dangerous to the pub lic peace or injurious to the public inter est, have in many cases been held to be conspiracies. The vagueness of the second and third of these propositions is quite transpar ent, and leaves for the courts to decide what is morally wrong or dangerous to the public peace. » F. Harrison, in the article already re ferred to, says: “It leaves the real char acter of conspiracy a thing to be deter mined by the mind of the judge—as the old lawyers said, ‘by the length of the judge’s foot.’ ” In his annual [address, Judge Stone says of the law : “Many of its terms and phases will always jar upon the unlearn ed ear.” Had lie left out the word “unlearned” the statement would have been more correct, for some of the most learned men, and among them the ablest lawyers of the day, hold different views and draw different conclusions from the same law, and on that basis, if upon no other, I consider myself justified in declaring the existing law a disgrace to the intel ligence of the nineteenth century. Some years ago a labor congress at Leeds, England, denounced in unmis takable terms the law of conspiracy. This congress represented 700,000 work men, principally mechanics, and had amongst them such men as the late Alexander McDonald, M. P. and H. Droadhurst, a stonecutter, at present a member of parliament. This body of men, who knew the law as well as Judge Markham, and who are better acquaint ed with the administration and working of it than his honor and good Beqse would permit him to pretend to be.'pro* nounced it a fraud and a composition of “meaningless jargon,” and declared it as almost invariably administered against the industrial classes and their progress ive movements. „ Commenting still further on the law of [conspiracy, F. Harrison says: “So long as it is confined to cases of fraud, of personal malice, or public disorder, this vague power is eminently useful. When it is brought to bear on class and trade disputes, when it rests on certain doctrines tibout society, industry and capital, it is not so just. Open,” he says, “any one of. the legal controversies re. lating to trade conspiracies (as in Chief Justice Erie’s book), and you will find yourself in a jungle of economic dogmas which large classes of mankind declare to be fallacies. Surely an indictable crime should be defined in language more like that of a statute and less like that of an essay.” And this is one of the laws Judge Markham points to' in his opening 'Ad dress before the bar association as being “so perfect, so sublime” that it is incor porated into the laws of almost every state in this union. Then, I say, a plague on your legislation that would in corporate such laws. Of the purity of this English law which shall we believe, 700,000 British workmen, who know and have experienced the law, or shall we believe Judge Markham, who has no experience of it, and, therefore, knows nothing of it except a paper knowledge? Put aside the workmen and place the opinion of the London barrister against that of the judge, and I leave the public to decide. Does Judge Markham know it was little over a hundred years ago that slavery was abolished from Ihe British Isles? Does he know that until 177 the Scotch colliers and salters weurtflf [Continued on Page 4.] y jl. Only $10 ■ j ■ ■ .. ■ %