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VOLUME VI.—NO. 6.
PRACTICAL MEN. A Call for Sucfi is Simply an Inquiry as to What is Practicable. A Criticism of Tiews by one Who Believes in Magnanimity in All Discussions. » | Three Questions Based Upon the Opin ion That no Single Agency can Ac complish the Bevolntion. For the Enquirer. “Practical men wanted” is, I observe, the head line of “Sarassa’s” open letter, and a sufficiently attractive title it is until one reflects that the object of every earnest worker in the labor movement is neither more or less than to find out what is really practical. The issue that contains this oDen letter (in the course of which the writer brands the “fearless, outspoken John Swinton” as an ntterer of fallacies; speaks of a peaceful, indus trial Revolution, and remarks that the Anarchists alone have seen the folly of aiming at political influence), also con tains a summary by “Zeno” of the An archiets’ Revolutionary creed, in which all who contribute to The Enquirer, or for that matter the Alarm, are classed among the weak spirits "who prattle in meetings or as writersa powerful plea by the same writer in favor of the bal lot, and an article on proportional rep resentation by Mr. Alfred Cridge who considers all other subjects as “compar atively superficial issues.” Inasmuch as the practical men are they who adopt only a practical coarse, it is at once ap parent that a call for practical men is bat another way of inquiring what is prac tical. If the ballot in the hands of the wage slave is a delusion, and if it is true that those who are economically slaves can not be politically free, Messrs. Cridge and "Zeno” are not practical men; if on the-other hand force is distinctly reac tionary, and will but involve us in a greater tvranny, the best use force can be put to is to apply it to the authors and advocates of “the groundwork of the Social Revolution ;” as being not merely useless, but most dangerously impractical. “Sarassa” himeelf, calling aloud for “practical men,” would have the workers of the world learn the art of aggregating wealth in their own hands, and considers that in our land a peaceful, industrious Revolution has been rendered possible by the existing laws/or corporations % For'my part, during a two years’ resi dence in California I have been assidu ously gazing at the spectacle of a state, which may be regarded as a unit in its hatred of a certain railroad corporation, endeavoring to force that corporation, by virtue of these much-vaunted cor poration laws, to pay its taxes. As I find that the more sanguine among us are about beginning to regard such pay ment as now coming within the range of “practical politics,” I am by no means violently enthused with a conviction of the practicability of the “Sarassan” method. Let us now turn to a consideration of the position taken up by Messrs. Cridge and “Zeno,” as also by the Socialistic Labor Party, which holds that the work ers must get hold of the political, as a preliminary to.securine the economical powers of the state. The question here again is not whether von prefer a politi cal to an economical Revolution, but whether you can get one without the other; a point abont. which many of us have seriotiß doithls, but which these gentlemen take for granted. I have been talking and writing a good deal latelv on Wendell Phillips and the anti-slavery agitation, believing that the history of that movement is full of les sons which are eminently apnlicableio the situation of to-day. I thought, that I bad discovered that so long as ths slave owners held supreme control of the poli tics of this country tbev remained quies cent, but that the moment this slipped from their grasp they flew to arms. Mr. Cridge and I have both read of war as “the last argument of kings ;” are money kings exempted rule? Will the political stable be easier so clean out than the economical? That is what we want to know; and when von have thoroughly scoured it, will everything else necessarily rigbt.itseLf? It is very easv to shout “Proportional Represents tion,” but, if it is clearly understood that this will carry with it possession of both land and tools, there may be ODposition. What then? Nothin i is further from my intention than to deride the efforts of a single re former; indeed, if this article has an object, it is to plead for tolerance, for the exercise of that virtue, so pre-emiuentlv ' the characteristic of a cultured mind, known a* “magnanimity. As ont who has reached Socialism through the study of evolution L necessarily believe in growth. Our business is to make men grow, and the first step is to get a man interested in his growing. If I can rouse a man to a study of social ques tions by giving him Simeon Stetson on “The People’s Power” —the ballot. I give it to him. So it is with Henrv George’s works, and a thousand others. There is no universal panacea bat the Truth, whenever the human mind shall take the trouble to evolve it. Force! As a mode of argument it THE LABOR ENQUIRER. would be entirely inadmissable, were R not that there are * people who have to be'frightened into thinking. I have however for long been convinced that they are a small, and exceedingly worth less portion of humanity ; and it is, to my mind, an open qneetioa whether they are worth the tronble and sacrifice involved in winning them. What, in the name of,tolerance, is almost intoler able, is the propensity of the enthusiast to pnt his Morrison’s Pill of a reform — whether labeled land tax, trades union ism, dynamite, or any other title—on the market and brand it “Sole and Uni versal Panacea.” As for the sagacious gentleman who Bpeaks so patronizingly of the weaklings who “prattle in meet ings or as writers,” I venture to refer him to the “Letters to Young People” by Krapotkine, who is perhaps the most distinguished Anarchist of the day. Krapotkine holds a very decidedly dif ferent opinion from the gentleman in question; and, as Krapotkine has proved both his ability and devotion bv a life of work and sufiering, I prefer him as a guide. All this intolerance is bat another name for egoism; the conceited convic tion that yonr iudgment is infinitely su perior to that of other men, and that you can drive the world the wav you would have it go. I happen to be of somewhat different opinion, and to think that I can cite abont a thousand parallels from history in support of my position. I hold that we can, far more easily than is generally supposed, con vince people that the ultimate end of all reform is the abolition of economical dependence, and the attainment of self government. There must be already in these United States some 10,000 at the least, who understand this clearly ; that n umber could, with the exercise of little judgment, be increased at an enormous ratio. Having shown them the end we want to reach, we can also point out va rious ways of getting there; but, willy, nilly, so far as we are concerned, each individual will eventually select his own road for travel. We can however go somewhat further, for we can help wonld-be travelers to come together and select their route ; we uan organize them for their journey. We can also stand bv them in theif difficulties and help them to overcome whatever obstacles thev may meet. In other words, we can ed ucate, we can organize, and we can help different organizations in their trouble., Inasmuch as, in attacking private property, we are endeavoring to tear up bv the roots an institution which has existed since the dawn of history, we have evidently got no light task on hand. The following questions will ac cordingly, I submit be in order: To Messrs. Cridge and “Zeno” Can you inform us of anv great change which has been accompleshed by the ballot alone ? To the Author of “The Groundwork of the Social Revolution Can you inform us of anv great change which has been accomplished by force alone? To the “Morrison Pill” Gentlemen Generally :—Can you inform us of any great change which has been accom plished by any one agency single handed ? Although I am sincerely conscious that these gentlemen should themselves reply to ray question. I shall en deavor to anticipate their answers, with the ed itor’s consent, in next week’s issue. W. C. Owen. An Irishman on the English Press If these emolumentary guides of class oppression imagine tbev are preserving the integrity of the empire bv the pres ent so called system of constitutional ism, which gives to landowners, capital ists, monopolists an 1 professionals, the labors of community, the process may be continued too long. A day of reckoning mav come, when paper barriers, pen sioned philosophy, and aristocratic apa thy will not suffice to prevent collisions of class, which ere now have been re corded in the most regretable pages of mankind’s history. The Irish, as a peo pie, have no presept quarrel with the English as a people, who do not benefit by our pauperization, emigration and destruction. We have common cause with the democracies of the world against systems of government which destroy liberty, decimate populations, rule and rob in the interest of a limited class who are loyal only to privilege, pay or pension. We do not .covet any man’s profession, earning, or inheri tance, bat we fail to recognize the “gen eral utility” of a government which fa vors the few at the expense of the mul titude. —From Home Rule by Rex. The Tariff Blind. Editor Labor Enquirer. Sib There is a great amount of use less contioversv upon the subjects of protection and free trade. We all ad mit that it is of vital interest to the workers of this great republic. The poor wage slaves are the persons indi rectly affected by free trade. I remem ber the time when it was the monster conjured up to bewilder the ignorant in England, as it is in America to day. Who I ask receives the benefit of pro tection ? —not the wage slaves—for it is patent to every workingman that he is not protected. Who brought those crowds of Hungarians who are repre sented by our daily press as being so ig norant and bloodthirsty, into the coke regions of the east. I will venture the assertion that it was some of those pro tected coal and iron masters or their agents that imported this cheap labor, while they themselves were protected. DENVER, COLORADO, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 6,1886. They bought this labor like- true free traders in the cheapest market, as thev always do, and then get their poor wage slaves to vote against free trade which would give every poor family cheap stoves, cheap blankets, cheap clothing of all kinds; while protection levies a tax of abont 45 per cent uuun all your pur chases. By which they are enabled to undersell the free traders of England in clocks, watches, sewing machines and other protected articles. And what is the result? Whv these skilled workmen come over here to compete with yon in the labor market, as you are not protected against their cheap labor. When will the wage slaves be wise and not allow these crafty financiers to throw dust in tbeir eyes so that they cannot see their own interest ? They talk to you of the pauper labor of Europe, and are they any greater pau pers than the wage slaves of America? Does the protected manufacturer pay yon any more wages than he is com pelled to do ? Do thev not compel you to compete in the labor market with Mexicans, Hungarians, Italians and Chi nese— all of whom can live upon that which would Btarve an American to death ? How are these wage slaves treated bv their employers in any of the great manufacturing centers of this land of boasted freedom ? Yea, free to starve, free to go hungry and naked. Brothers, let these protectionists fight their own battles or you will certainly be the under dog in the fight. A Unionist. . Some Interrogations. Mr. S. P. Rounds, the public printer, advances the opinion that “the type setting machine lately invented by a Baltimore German American will in five years completely revolutionize the art preservative in the United States and throughout the world.” Can it take the place of the old time compositor on whose willing shoulder are placed the ’blunders of the editor? Can it strike a town broke, and in two hours be as mellow as a sunflower and have a board ing house? Is it capable of taking goose-tracks and quilltrailing and con verting them into readable articles on the tariff or the national debt ? Can it put on a “sub” and borrow the money he makes, and keep it up for a week or a month, as occasion requires? Can it go out on a strike and have more fun with less money than a monkey with' a cage full of peanuts? We think when Mr. Rounds comes to view the matter over he will revise his opinion. There is nothing that can take the place of the old time compositor , unless it possesses Borne of the -» ingredients of a cyclone. And, in due respect be it added, it must possess brain.—Pretzel’s National Weekly. The Tramp Problem. When eociety secures opportunity for every man to work and keep for himself and family the product of his labor, then and not tili then has it a right to con demn as incapable and vicious those who do not work. And this is not sim ply “sentimental;” it is a sound com mon-sense, practical position. Society— cultured. comfortable, enlightened, Christian(?) society—has put a money price on a man’s heritage, the land, and then DUt a premium on money in the form of interest. Is it any wonder home less vagabonds are on the increase? God help us! Sometimes, in scorn of the greed and hollow-heartedness and selfishness of the “respectable portion of our community,” I feel as if I would turn tramp myself. For humanity’s sake look at this “tramp problem” as it is. Whether we will qr not, whether we know it or not, humanity is a brother hood, and “the injury of one is the con cern of all.” —Celia B. Whitehead in Our Country. The River Steal. From $10,000,000 to $20,000,000 are an nually appropriated by congress to the pretended improvement of rivers and either stolen or utterly wasted. Hun dreds of millions have been waste! in this way and not a cent’s worth of bene fit shown in return. Every vear ship ping bv water grows less, and by rail larger, because the latter is the mosl sat isfactory and can be done most cheaply. The money already wasted on rivers would have built four double track rail roads from the Atlantic to the Mi°souri river and thereby saved enough each year in freights to build 1,000 miles of branch lines, but this would be serving the people and curtailing profits of rail road kings, and that is not the kind of work done by congress. The present con gress will make very large appropriations of the people’s money, ostensibly to im prove rivers, but really to be divided among the congressmen and a few fa vored contractors—literally stolen. A Chicago minister in his sermon presented figures to show that bad Van derbilt been born at the time Adam was created (according to the Jewish myth ology) and had saved $25,000 each year since, he wonld still be 2,315 years short of having accumulated the fortune left bv him. Slavery has disappered south of Mason and Dixon’s line only to reappear north of the line in shape of a funded debt of $2,000,000,000, the holders of which will hereafter prize the whole producing class, north and aonth, just in propor tion to the docility they manifest under the craci&l application of the thumb screws, to make them bleed golden drops of blood from the finger ends of labor in the shape of interest—Ex-President Andrew Johnson in 1871. ‘“WHO WOULD BE FREE HIMSELF MUBT STRIKE THE BLOW I ” EMINENT DOMAIN. This Right Should be Exercised by Individuals as Well as Corporations. i # The Condition of the Workers as Depicted by Thomas B. Stuart, «. * Before the Social League—What a Lawyer and Legislator Thinks of a Corrupt Government. 4 Thomas B. Stnart, ex-speaker of the Colorado hpuse of representatives, de livered the following address before the Denver Branch of the Rocky Mountain Social League, on Sunday evening, Jan uary 31: Ladies and Gentlemen : The wrongs that give rise to the Socialistic orderare recognized and most be admitted by all men. But how these wrongs shall be righted in quite another and different question. Bv philosophical truth, wherever a barrier exists against labor it ought to be removed.. And such governmental principles adopted as in their natural workings evolve protection to the classes that cannot protect themselves. It is the lower bricks in the wall of the national structure that we should be careful to protect from the influences that lead to and cause national decay. Let us now proceed to investigate ' the condition of the producing classes in this nation, and ascertain if there is anv disease that needs treatment. It has been correctly estimated that every Dead of a family by working three hours perdav, can in this country accu mulate enough to keep himself and fam ily comfortably. This leaves -the pro duct of at least five hours per day as a surplus. But while this is true it was shown by the census of 1880 that out of 55,000,000 of a population, we only have 18,000,000 who are producers ; and out of these 18,000,000 there are 16,000,000 who receive ODly S3OO per year for what they produce. I will invite you to go with me a little further into the census reports, and allow me to premise by saying first that my figures are not absolutely correct, as I have frequently thrown out fractions, and second, that when we take into con sideration that the manufacturer is not apt to tell any stronger story against himself than he is compelled to, we shall be fully able to draw a just conclusion from what we have. Again it is well to say that these figures cover one year (1880). The factories in this country are noi compelled to run more than two thirds of the time to supply the market, but it is nevertheless necessary for the wage worker to live 365 on what he earns in that time., In the manufacture of boots and shoes the wage workers make on an average $1.05 per dav. The value of their pro duct was $196,920,481. After paying for all materials used and for the labor em ployed, the manufacturer had left $30,958,762, or near 1/57 per cent on the capital thev had invested. In bread and baking products, the wag 9 workers made on an average $1.12| perdav. The capitalists, after paying for labor and material, cleared $13,801,- 541, or over 72 per cent on their capital invested. In carpentering, the wage workers re ceived on an average $1.31 per dav. The capitalists controlling tbe work, after paying for all material and the wages due tbe workingmen, cleared $17,948,942, or aver 91 per cent on the capital they had invested. In the manufacture of men’s clothing the wage worker received on an average 78 cents per day (a large proportion be ing females). The manufacturer, after paying for all material and all wages, cleared $32,244,825, or a little over 40 per cent on the capital he had invested. In the manufacture of women’s cloth ing the wage worker received on an av erage 72 cents per day. And the manu facturer, after paying all wages and for all material, cleared $5,784,562, or over 70 per cent on the capital he had in vested. [Here the great majority of the laborers are females.] In the manufacturer of fire works the wage workers received on an average 81 cents per day. The manufacturer, after paying for all material and wages, cleared $334,186, or over 57 per cent on the capital he had invested. In foundries and machine shops the wage workers received on an average $1.25 per day. After paving all wages and for all material, the capitalist re ceived $45,051,252, or 28 per cent on the capital he had invested. It must be born in mind that these plants only ran from one-half to two-thirds of the time and the amounts invested in capital are very large. . In the manufacture of jewelry the wage workers received an average of $1.87 per day, and the manufacturer made 47 per cent on the capital invested clear of all expense. v In the mannfactnre lead bar, pipe and shot, the wage worker received at the rate of $1.51 ner dav, and the manufac turer cleared 33 J per cent on his capital invested. i Ip the mannfactnre of planed lumber the wage worker received on an average ■sl.oß pet day, and after paying all wages and for material the capitalist cleared 36 per cent on hia capital in vested. Certain departments in iron manufac ture paid the wage worker $1.16 per day and the capitalist made 37 per cent on his capital invested, while in steel man ufacture the wage worker got $1.51, and the capitalist made 67 per cent. I might go on, but I deem this amply sufficient for the present. Mr. Kelly, speaking in favor of pro tection at the last congress, describes with much feeling the miserable houses in which the workingmen live in En gland. A Christian woman ofMr. Kel ly’s district wrote a letter to a member of congress giving some light as to the con dition of Mr. Kelly's constituency. This woman savs she has been through every street and alley in her ward (Fifth Ward of Philadelphia) and that she is thoroughly acquainted with the condi tion of the working classes therein. She says: “I have seen hundreds of little girls 7 or 8 years old, employed in cotton mills. They work at spooling because their hands are small and there is less danger from the machinery, etc. The effect on such children of tender years is apparent in their wan countenances. They work full time. Women generally go to work in the morning at 7 and work until 6in the evening. When they go home they are often compelled to work several hours at washing, ironing, patch ing, scrubbing, cooking, etc. 1 know it is a common practice on the part of many mothers going out to work to lock out their children in the streets.- They do this because it is safer than locking them in their rooms. Fatal results have, fol lowed the latter practice. In very.many :ases the children are given a piece of bread when so turned out. There are ieveral sections in this citv in which it would be no exaggeration to say that Jiere are daily thousands of little chil iren roaming the streets uncared for in ;he absence of their parents.” Speaking of mothers leaving their tit le children at the “baby farm,” when ;hey go out to work, she says : "A mile or two is not an uncommon listance for mothers to carry their babies jo these places. I know a case where a mother carried her babe three miles ivery morning and then walked back a nile to the factory where she was em iloyed. She had to repeat the same walk returning from her work after 6 >’clock every evening. It makes no dif erence as to the kind of weather there s to be encountered. Think of a woman icarcely half clad, getting up at 5 o’clock n the winter, preparing a scanty break ast,'then wallring with a baby in her irms and perhaps a couple of children .rudging alongside, through the rain, mow and sleet by gaslight to a nursery, [t appears to me the condition of the working class Is getting worse instead of letter.” It was also shown by sworn evidence, hat the miners of Pennsylvania, in irder to make a living for their families were compelled to take with them into he mines their bovs of 12 years of age rad upwards. They would go to their work so early in the morning and come >ut so late at night that they would lever see the sun except on Sundays. Another blessing that they have in Pennsylvania, and indeed in all mining listricts, is a store kept by the proprie ,ors of the mines. The miners are com lelled to buy at these stores, and pay ibout 25 per cent more thaD they would n the open market. Thev are known p Pennsylvania as “pluck-me-shops.” rhey used to be known in England as ‘Tommy shops.” They are now prohibi ted in that “king-ridden” country, and inly flourish where the “free intelligent imencan laborerer” is found. There is not a class of producers that s accumulating anything except the far mer, and the statistics show that he makes a scant 10 per ceut on the capital le has invested. Take a man that has i family to feed, cloth and educate, who must pay rent, and how can he care for ;hat family properly, in S3OO or even £SOO per year? Let alone the question if laving up anything for old age. Still, iii the face of these facts and fig ires, the politician comes to us about election time and with a great hurrah points to these census reports lor the ourpose of sho wing what a great and jlorious government we have. He says: ‘See! your total wealth is $43,000,000,- )00.” Where is this $43,000,000,000? rhe producers have it not. The men that made it all have but a very small fraction of it. If your producers are laying up treasures it must be in heaven, for they are certainly not shown by your census reports. Where is this $43,000,000,000 of wealth then? Ask vour 600 millionaires of New York City. Did they ever create any of their wealth ? Ask “the people be d —d” Vanderbilt family. Did that family ever create or produce any of the wealth they control? Had William H. Vanderbilt been born in Adam’s time, and had he made $25,000 per year from that time np to this, it is estimated he would have had at that rate, to lived 2,000 years longer to have accu mulated the wealth of which he died possessed. Ask Jay Gould with his Western Union Telegraph company. There is a property with which a con gressional committee has been nnable to trace more than $8,000,000, and still Gonld has stocked it at $80,000,000, and compels the people of this nation and the employes that operate the property to pay him a large per cent per annum interest on over $70,000,000 of watered stock. A«k the proprietors of the Union Pa i- cific railroad company. Recently one of them died. A few years ago he was not i- worth a cent;; now his administrator* y returned the amonnt of his estate under a oath as being $42,000,000. Ask the bondholders who in the dark 1 days of the republic patriotically took its bonds at 50 cents on the dollar; f these men for whom we have taken so much care to preserve the public credit, - and who now come to yon to-day and s ask yon to demonetise silver and pay s their bonds in gold. Ah yes, this is the -way they have made all they havq, - Yojjr little property to-day is worth f sl,ooo'in Wall Street gold, bat strike out - silver and yop will find that it is worth but SSOO. Why not doable the yalae of i your property by a legislative act in i stead of doubling the value of theirs? 1 Ask the railroad monopolies as to this ■ $43,000,000,000 of wealth. Yon will find 1 that from beggars they have btcome 1 aristocrats. From pennies they have at 1 one bonnd gone to millions; and the 1 truth is, that all of this wealth has been 1 taken from the people without any con -1 sideration paid therefore. There most 1 be some remedy found and applied to ■ this evil. If twenty-fiveVyears to come shall add to the suffering of the produc ing classes in the same ratio that the last twenty-five years havaywhat may we expect. * This is far from being a pleasant sub ject to talk upon. Let a man word his sentiments as he may, it sounds like demagoguery. But when we are brought to face these cold, relentless figures that establish these facts as plainly as twice two makes four, it will not do to attempt to deny or palliate. It is far better to honestly seek at once for some remedy. I am not so presumptuous as to claim that I havffMtttoedy for these evils, but I wish to leave with you a few sugges tions: Of what benefit is the protective tariff to the producers? It is very strange indeed that upon all questions except that of “protection” capital and labor appear to be at enmity. Bnt when vou talk about free trade the capita'ist at once draws his sword and swears that “free, intelligent Amer ican labor shall be protected.” Now a protective tariff, as to the capi talist means that no foreign made goods shall enter this market to sell in oppo sition to his manufactures. On all im ported necessaries of life there is a duty of about 40 per cent This presumes that our home manufacturers mav sell these articles at 40 percent in advance of their value, or nearly double what they are worth. Who pays that for them? Every citizen that purchases, in cluding the wage worker that works in the factory to produce the article. He pays nearly double what it is worth. Now if the wage worker got the bene fit of it by increased wages, no one would comnlain; but we have seen that he does not. He is reduced to starva tion wages. It becomes necessary for the manufacturer to allow him enough to keep him in working order, and that is just about what he does allow ljjm. Take the difference in table living in the cities of this country and in England, and you will find-it much cheaper there. Take the difference in wages paid, and there is not so much difference; not enough to justify our manufacturers in shipping in English labor; they have to get a cheaper class. 'But the great dif ference comes when we find that the English laborer purchases his clothing at from 40 to 60 per cent cheaper and other necessaries at abont 40 per cent cheaper. Bat it is said that the protective tariff deyelopes our “infant industries,” and protection gives “competition.” «Our infant industries have been thus unduly developed until we have about twice the amount of machinery that is necessary to Bupplv our people. As for “competi tion” yon find that as soon as the Inter ests of capital begin to'clash the capi talists combine. You have yonr "gro-, cers exchange,” vour “dry goods ex change,” vour "hardware . exchange,” vour “petroleum exchange,” and so on without number. These exchanges fix the price at which articles shall be sold, and the amonnt that shall be produced or manufactured. But recently the “hardware exchange” estimated the number of tons of iron and steel rai 1- road rails that could be manufactured this year and the price at which they should sell. Competition in any of these lines is like competition in railroading. This 1 confidence game will do to play on the people until the last dollar of subsidy has been obtained, and then when vour competing line comes to town It imme diately goes into the pool, and the pool commissioner raises the freights. He finds the same amonnt of freights to be shipped and an additional railroad that mast have profits on its stock. Right here in the city of Denver with all its competing lines freights are mnch higher to-day than thev were when you only had one line (the Kansas Pacific) and allowed it to charge all that its manager’s conscience wonld allow him to ask. Now as yon have almost doable the machinery that is necessary to supply yon with manufactures, the result is 1 that they ran about half of the time, and by this combination in connection with the protective tariff compels the con sumer to pay themenormoua profits for what time they do me, and also interest for what time they do not ran. When the consumer and producer looks around him to-day and sees the combi- [Continued on second page. J PRICE FIVE CENTS?* v r-s MAMMON’S TOOLS. I Our Poet Tells of the Venal Preachers, who Are Hired by Money, | As its Christian Teachers; and the Press, Another Mono*- oly Tool, Is Depraved, While the Law Disgraces the Golden Bnle— M De as Ton’d Be Done By.” For the Enquirer. Six-tenths of all that toilers earn Is set aside as plunder, To it the rich men’s preachers turn, Kneel down, adore and wonier. They think the Master said in vain, That love of money is the cause Of every great or little stain Which mankind pnt on Heaven’s laws. • Sure, every rich man’s preacher shows, Deploring it with gravity. That almost all the evil flows From workingmen’s depravity. • And oft with sanctimonious face, And phrases that appalled ns, They’ve bid us occupy the place Where “God himself hath called us.” How do that kind of preachers pray ? With understandingV No, sir 1 They do it always in this way, Wherever you may go, sir: They say, “Our Father,” and they deem The kinship is well merited, But do not condescend to dream 0/ us, the disinherited. His kingdom, then, they ask for, too, With rhetoric quite splendid; But still conclude their own will do When it’s a little mended. And then they say, “Thy will be dons,” But if it were they’d rue it. They have no need to ask for food — In riches thev are “wallowing”— And so thev touchingly allude To us in manner following: “Give us our daily bread; do not Forget one son or daughter;” And Beecher, boldest of the lot, Says, “Add a little water.” That settles us, and next they ask For grace of their own fashions, Who leave us starving at our task, While they devour the rations. Continuing, with pious airs, Their further invocation, Thev move that Heaven avert the snares That lure them to temptation. They need no tempting, save to tell The truth, and they have missed it; Or, if it ever tries its Bpell They valiantly resist it. They asK not that the demon, Greed, Shall cease to wield his power, Nor shall the millions soiled by need May find their share of Heaven’s dower. Most of the sinful fashions That poverty betide, Are God-Implanted passions Repressed and crucified. The last petition of the "meek,” Who know their Latin and their Greek, Proves that thev have a quite unique Endowment of what men call “cheek.” They say, “Free us from evil’s hold,” While Mammon’s finger leads them, And “love of money” steals the gold That buys their clothes and feeds them. The press is also deeply dyed With Dives’ pet opinion, And all the “statesmen” we have tried Acknowledge his dominion; And while deliv’rance we invoke, Still farther down thev thrust ns; Let us throw off the legal yoke And try a little justice. For just so long as we abide By courts, we’ll lose our cause; Remember that the other side Have written all the laws. And if we go to law, indeed, As villains they’ll depict us, For every statute which thev read Was written to convict us. All laws deny our right to hope, For this most potent reason : That all tbeir meanings and their scope Bustain the ancient treason, Wberebv the birthright of our race Was given to the snoiler, Investing him with legal grace To starve and rob the toiler. Thatwas the birth of all onr woe; The original sin ’gainst Heaven’ plan; From thence all sins and sorrows flow ; That was the primal fall of man. That was the root of every ill That hurts and grieves. My brothers, do not waste yonr skill ' In plucking leaves. , If ye are weary of their poison breath And wish to be forever free— To strike them with a lasting death— Then touch them not; dig up the tree. Then shall their upas shade for aye Depart between God’s smile and us; .Tne fountain of all sin gone dry. All men shall be converted thns. And would the rich be losers? No, Not as wise men reckon loss. They’d deem their former station low, And find their gold was mostly dross; But will they heed sweet wisdom’s plea? Did they ever heed it yet? Their future, as their past, shall be , Nothing to give and all to get. A few may hear; a few may heed; And tarn from darkness onto light, Renounce the villainy of greed, And come ont on the side of ri£bt. Bnt most of them will sow the wind Until, when clouds are gathered thick, The whirlwind’s wrath shall strike them blind And make their reeling hearts grow sick. The cap of trembling they’ve filled For poverty to drink so fast, Shall through their pallid lips be spilled; They’ll taste its bitterness at last ' A. J. JaNxiNos.