The Labor enquirer. [volume], February 06, 1886, Image 2

About The Labor enquirer. [volume] (Denver, Colo.) 1882-1888

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I THE labor enquirer.
i sos LUOVCB ram.
F@ J. R. BUCHANAN, Ml tor.
: | I I
We will renew the times of truth and Jus
' OODdenelne In’ a Rtr, free common wealth
yetnieh equality, hot equal righto.”
Itatered at the Denver postoffice as eeoond
elaae matter.
The Labor Enquirer U pnttHEhed every
Saturday. It will be devote to the <H»cu»-
don of all subject* which tend to educate,
elevate and advance the laboring class**.
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The Labor Enquirer, S6B Larimer Street,
Denver Colorado.
The publisher of this paper is not respon
sible for the opinions of contributors. The
Mi name will always be open for the discus
sion of all sides of the labor questions of the
day. Contributions always welcome.
"DANGER AHEAD.”
In Century Magazine for February
is an article from the pen of H. C. Ful
ton, which is intended as a criticism of
Lyman Abbott’s paper on “The Danger
Anead.” that was printed in the Novem
ber edition of the same magazine, and
which appeared also in this paper. The
article of Mr. Folton is directed chiefly
against Mr. Abbott’s claim thattfie gov
ernment should own and control the
telegraph, telephone and railway lines
and the waterways of the country.
Mr. Folton assumes an air of intellec
tual superiority, spiced with knownoth
ingism, and from his elevated position
attempts to show tie necessity for a
government conducted by a select few,
and holds that the g/owth of Socialism
(“the danger ahead”) is dno to the loose
policy of the government in “inducing
the Old World to unload itii surplus, and
oftentimes lawless population upon us.”
I do not deem this worthy of a reply
from oLe who remembers ths source
from whence the founder of this re
public sprang, and the cosmopolitan
character of the population which has
made and dqfendei our institutions.
But before passj&g to a consideration of
the main question in Mr. Fulton’s ar
ticle I desire to correct what I deem a
wrong construction of Mr. Abbott’s
"Danger Ahead,” which has been placed
upon it by some writers: Ido not un
derstand that he means "hat Socialism
is the “danger anead,” but. that the peril
lies in the things which give birth to,
and encourage the spread of Socialistic
ideas, which are based upon a desire for
“a more just form of governmentand
Mr. Abbott’s advocacy of measures of
relief which are purely Socialistic is
proof of the correctness of this defini
tion qf his position.
In speaking against government con
trol of distribution Mr. Fulton says:
“The government was established
solely for the protection of the people.
Its departments ware organized for this
purpose only. I’or the protection of
life, liberty and property. Onr funda
mental law make:! the government a
protector, not a guardian. It is riot for
government to assume the functions of
the individual and engage in pursuits
other than those necessary for this pro
tection. What the people can do for
themselves It is not necessary for the
government to do for them; for it
wonld be useless to form a government
for the doing of what conld be done be
fore it was formed. Because, perchance,
the government can carry on some work
better than the individual, is no reason
it should do so ; for by so doing it be
comes a dictator.”
Mr. Fulton either does* not under
stand the generally recognized offices of
government or lie is an Anarchist; he
would repudiate the latter, and so he
must admit the former. In the consid
eration of this question he seems to for
get that it is the boast of the class to
which he belongs that in the United
Status the government is of, for and
the people; therefore it is the people,
and that when it ceases to be a full ex
pression of the people’s will, it is no
longer conducted on the principles em
braced in the “of, for and by.” That It
has ceased to lie such, all intelligent
people admit.
. Mr Fulton st :ains himself extremely
when he says, “the government is a
protector, and not a guardian.” If he
will point out bis authority for asserting
that “protector” and “guardian” mean
different things, he will confer a favor
, on humanity, ,ind especially the dic
tionary-makers. Such expressions as the
above are simpl y nonsensical vaporings.
I would ask Mr. Fulton if a govern
ment which is controlled by a class can
perform the functions of “protecting the
life, liberty, and property of the peo
ple?” Are not thousands annually
starved, murdered, under the present
government, which fails to provide them
with the means of obtaining a bare sub
sistence, while the land is over-bur
dened with the necessaries of -life ? Is
this protecting the “life” of the people ?
When the gre it army of producers are
enslaved by the iron law of wages for
the aggrandizement of a few, is the “lib
erty” of the people insured ? While the
land of the nation is owned by a few
corporations end syndicates, is the prop
erty of the people guarded? A refer
ence to what Mr. Fulton considers “the
functions of government” is not very
appropriate under the present circum
stances of the American people.
“Because, perchance, the government
can carry on some work better than an
individual,is no reason it should do so;
for by so doiag it becomes a dictator.”
And why ; why is it not a reason that
the government should do. so? Is it not
a sterling pxinciple of good societary
castoms that everything shall be done
as near perfection as possible ? If
not, then let organized society be en
tirely abolished, and let individuality,
whether for good cr bad, be the only law
—or rather, no law. And if the gov
ernment ts the people, then who should
It not be dictator? If the people have
not the right to dictate their own affairs,
■i then who lw> that right?
A Mr. Fttlten baa certainly, a very DB-
S'?' l
tenable position, and he will find that it
will be impossible for him to hold it,
even against a proper construction of
the arguments which he brings in his
own support, for they are founded upon
contradictions, both in theory and in
fact.
Every ißsue of Thb Enquirer contains
more or less unanswerable argument in
fayor of governmental control of distri
bution, and I need not lengthen this ar
ticle in that direction. I will leave it to
Mr. Abbott to show Mr. Fulton what a
foolish fellow he is, and shall expect the
spectacle in an early issue of the Cen’
tury Magazine.
IMPERATIVE MANDATE.
As the editor of this paper was ap
proaching the chairman’s stand to cal!
the Social League to order, on last Sun
day evening, he was handed a note,
signed‘‘A Workingman and Ad
mirer.” Its contents were upon the
subject of the imperative mandate, as
advocated bv Socialists, and was in
praise of the chairman for having advo
cated this principle in some remarks
made by him at a previous meeting of
the League. But the writer of the note
was in error when he said that I was
“the first to bring it ud in public.” Social
ists have been advocating the imperative
mandate ever since I have been ac
quainted with their teachings, and I do
not know how long before.
The error of my friend is an illustra
tion of the unwholesome truth that peo
ple donot try to post themselves upon
the principlee of a new and advanced
school oftbinkers. These advanced ideas
are condemned, without consideration,
by those who could endorse them if they
were understood; and so it has been
necessary that nearly every important
and permanent good should be baptised
in war.
But what is the imperative mandate ?
It is simply this: That the representa
tive officers or servants of tne people
should serve so long as they conformed
to their instructions, and no longer; that
such instructions should be imperative,
and the representatives or agents should
be recalled by the votes of those whom
they were chosen to serve if they devi
ated. from the path of duty,. and others
chosen to fill the vacancies; that those
recalled should be immediately tried
and punished with the utmost rigor if
found guilty.
Under the present system a represen
tative in national, state or municipal leg
islature may violate the trusts reposed
in him by his constituency whenever
opportunity is offered, and, unless his
conduct be squaring and dishonest as to
secure impeachment he remainsin office
to the conclusion of a stipulated term.
For instance, the senators from Colorado
might oppose the silver interests of this
state —they might honestly differ in
opinion with their constituency, or thev
might sell out to the Wall street gang—
but the people would be helpless during
a term of six years. And besides their
helplessness, the government would have
to pay the traitors $48,000 in salary.
There is not a community ten years
old in the country which has escaped
suffering through this.idiotic system. It
is idiotic; so'much so that no business
man would conduct his affairs upon such
a plan. If a merchant or manufacturer
employs a man to do a certain thing for
him —to look out for his interests—and
the employe fails to follow instructions,
or carry out what he knows to be the
will of his employer, he is discharged
forthwith. If this is a good rule in indi
vidual cases, why is it not a good rule to
apply where the interests of thousands—
aye, millions —are at stake ?
If there are any who will bring the ob
jection that the Socialistic plan of the
imperative mandate is "impracticable,”
I am prepared to show that they do not
know what they are talking about I
shall have more to say upon this subject
another time.
WYOMING BILLS.
I have received from Brother Joseph
Grainger, of Cheyenne, copies of three
bills that have been introduced into the
territorial legislature of Wyoming and
which are at present under considera
tion. All three of the bills refer to the
mining industry, and are humanitarian
and just measures; but it is doubtful if
either becomes a and the prospects
are that all will be defeated ; while one
of the bills, providing for the appoint
ment of a coal mine inspector, may be
the means of causing the passage of a
law creating that office, it is not likely
that all of the ideas of Mr. Bussell,
author of the bill, will be incorporated
in the law.
Another of the bills, introduced by
Mr. Whitehouse, provides for an act to
regulate the weighing of the coal at the
mines, and fixes a penalty for any com
pany or superintendent who may cheat
the coal digger in weights. This is cer
tainly a just measure, but the Union
Pacific Coal companv will fight it teeth
and toe-nails.
The third bill is by Mr. Downey, and
is for the protection of the coal miners,
who may be killed or injured in the
mine, and to provide for the care of the
family of any snch unfortunates. The
first section says:
“That every miner or other person
employed in or about any coal mine in
this territory, who shall loose his life by
reason of fire damp, or the explosion of
dangerous gases, or by any other cause
incident to the business of coal mining,
the person, companv, or corporation,
leasing or operating such mine, shall
pay to the legal representative of such
deceased person, the sum of (1,000, and
to each surviving child, if there be any,
the sum of $500.”
There are other sections providing for
damages in case of permanent or tempo
rary injary, and also defining the pro
cess by which the law shall be enforced.
This measure is certainly a just one,
bat if the Wyoming legislature is any
thing like that of Colorado, it will bury
*■• . ■
Mr. Downey’s bill so deep that it can
never again be dng up.
If the government controlled and
worked the coal mines, which certainly
belong to the people, such measures
would not only be adopted, but carried
out without any hitches. The govern
ment pensions those who are injured in
its service; and besides, under govern
mental control the accidents in mines
would decrease 99 per cent. Proof of
this will be given if wanted.
A TEACHER (?).
The ignorance of some men who pro
fess to be teachers is simply astounding.
This is more noticeable among editors
than any other class of educators; due
probably to the fact that, as a rale, they
aspire to securing a larger number of
learners. The latest instance of monu
mental ignorance which has come to my
notice is worthy of mention in these
columns.
The Interior is a paper published in
Chicago, and it is the official journal for
the Presbyterian church. Its editor is
W. C. Gray. Mr. Gray has lately taken
it upon himself to attack Socialism, and
has been slashing right and left with his
abuse of Socialists and what he has as
sumed were their doctrines.
Comrade Tower, of this city, has been
a reader of the Interior, and, like any
sensible man wonld, became verv weary
of the idiqtic onslaughts made by Gray
upon a class whom he (Tower) knew to
be the only one which combines hon
esty, intelligence and humanitarianism.
Onr comrade wrote a letter to the In
terior, asking that it be published, show
ing the errors made bv its editor, and
explaining the doctrines of Socialism.
I have seen a copy of Comrade Tower’s
letter, and I can see nothing in it which
conld be considered objectionable by
any editor who is disposed to be fair.
Mr. Gray refused to print the letter in
the Interior, and wrote a short note to
Comrade Tower, from which I will quote
the closing sentences, and leave it for
readers to judge whether the criti
cisms!?) of such men as Gray are worthy
of a kinder feeling than contempt, and
whether it would not be better for the
cause of education .that such mutton
heads be removed from positions as edi
tors of society journals or be starved out
by the reading public.
It is not necessary to comment upon
the words of Mr. Gray; those who know
anything about Socialism are aware of
the ridiculous misrepresentations con
tained in it; and those who are not had
best brighten up their own intellects.
Following is the concluding paragraph
of the note received by Comrade
Tower:
“I heartily subscribe to the doctrine
that ‘to the worker belongs the fruit of
his toil,’ but that is radically opposed to
Socialism as I understand it. Socialism
means that the fruits of a worker’s toil
belong to other people, not to him.”
“W. C. Gray.”
.
The rotton tumor which has been
growing in the Denver News office has
at last come to a head, and the doctor
has pronounced it ready to lance, the
M. D. in this case being W. A. H. Love
land. When the knife has been applied
to the morbid swelling it will probably
reveal a more rotten pns than even Mr.
Loveland, as yet, looks for. The En
quirer long ago warned the L^v elands
that Arkins, hv his idiotic course, would
kill the News and depreciate its value
until it was absolutely worthless. He
has done this, and the respectable por
tion of the people of Colorado would
rather have the Police News in their
homes than the sheet made so foul by
the Arkins-Stapleton outfit. It is to be
hoped that Mr. Loveland will fire the
whole gang and put his paper under the
control of decent journalists, who will be
respectable themselves and who can
hold the respect of the public.
Shades of Bvers, contemplate to what
base uses has been prostituted the once
great journal, the Bocky Mountain News.
Its columns have become a journalistic
scavenger wagon, and its counting-room
the haunt ofblear-eyed, red-nosed bums,
who insanely flourish pistols in the faces
of respectable citizens.
It is rumored in private circles that
the friends of Mr. Loveland are talking
of organizing a committee for the pur
pose of hanging John Arkins and Bill
Stapleton to “one of the convenient
cottonwoods on the banks of the Platte.”
The Enquirer is crowded this week,
and scores of good articles from regular
contributors are laid over, among them a
story from the pen of "Zeno,” which
will run through several issues.
Arkins is a handy man himselv in
pulling a gun; but there is no accounting
for the breaks of an inebriate.
California Women.
A personal letter to the editor con
veys the intelligence that the women of
San Francisco are beginning to take an
interest in labor organization and aie
joining the Knights of Labor. The let
ter says “I have just come from the
meeting of an assembly where I wit
nessed the initiation of fonr exceed
ingly intelligent ladiesand the letter
goes on to say a great interest is being
awakened there among the women.
This is good, and it is not necessary for
The Enquirer to say that it is highly
pleased, as its ideas upon this subject
are well known.
A Union Office.
Editor Labor Eaqulrer.
Hall or Detroit Typographical 1
Union, No. 18, Detroit Mich., I
Janaary 16, 1886. J
Notice is hereby given, that the De
troit Tribune (successor to the Detroit
Poet), is now a Union office, and employs
none but Union printers.
Robert T. Ogg, President
a W. Duncan, Secretary.
THE LABOR ENQUIRER.
“EMINENT DOMAIN.”
[Continued Horn first paged
nations that are made against him on
every hand, it looks as if it might be im
possible for him to ever extricate him
self. Think of the protective tariff cut
ting off relief from the outside, the in
ternal exchange entirely cutting off
competition from the inside, and the
importation of cheap foreign labor to cut
wages down below the decent living
point, and yon are in a verv bad situa
tion.
If yon can be relieved from 40 per
cent of your expenses by free trade, do
you not think you had better have it?
Or what is more reasonable, had you opt
better strike all protection off of your
tariff and only keep so much of a duty
on imports as shall pay the expenses of
tfye government ?
The next mode of relief that I should
suggest is to drive speculative money out
of the lands and allow them to be held
only for homes.
The surest way to preserve perfect
eauallty among a people it to preserve a
perfect division of their lands. There is
no danger of a man suffering materially
so long as he has land upon which he
may raise a living. Rome was prosper
ous so long as she preserved an equita
ble division of her domain. Had she
abided by the doctrine that “he is a
dangerous citizen who owns more than
seven acres of land,” there is probably
no question but that she would have
been the mistress of the world to-dav.
But she passed under the control of a
landed aristocracy and when Gracus
protested in behalf of the people and
claimed the lands for them, he paid the
debt of his indiscretion with his life.
The proud city is no more.
The trouble in Russia to-day is over
her lands, they are virtually withheld
from the people.
The lands of Ireland have all been
taken from the Irish people and they
are virtually slaves.
The lands of England are principally
owned by a few dukes and earls, and we
are told their rental value is about sls
per acre. She has close to 1,000,000 pau
pers.
? In France before the Revolution the
lands were owned by the church and
state, but at that time they were re
stored to the people. This accounts for
the rapidity with which she recovered
from the Prussian war. France with a
population of 37,000,000 has 10,000,000
land owners, or a land owner to every
family of three to four persons. We,
with a population (in 1880) of 55,000,000,
had only 4,500,000 land owners,or aland
owner to every family of eleven persons.
Of our public domain we have given
away in grants nearly 300,000,000 acres,
or a territory about equal in extent to
the thirteen original states. The most
of this has been given to mighty corpor
ations to assist as we have been told in
building railroads. Large and almost
unlimited estates are building up. We
have less than 50,000,000 acres of good
agricultural lands now owned by the
government. English companies and
landlords by the score own estates of
from 100,000 to millions of acres.
The Earl of Dunraven, a member of
the British parliament, owns the better
portion of Estes park. In short, we
have the foundation laid of :he most un
limited landed aristocracy the world has
ever known.
This system must be broken down or
your government must succumb. The
two cannot stand together; they are an
tagonistic in the extreme. The man that
owns the land must necessarily own the
vote of the man who is compelled to
make bread for his children from the
land.
It Ts folly to talk about a nation of
tenants remaining free or perpetuating
this republic. The people must have
these lands. Can they reclaim them
lawfully and rightfully ? I believe they
can.
In offering a remedy I shall humbly
slate one that I never heard of being
offered by any but mvself. It may be
that I have become too much wedded to
my own opinions, but if so you will dis
cover my error.
There is a principle of law known and
exercised in every civilized land, and
has been practiced bv every government,
called the law of “Eminent Domain.”
There is not a state in the Union but
what has enforced it in hundreds of in
stances. Its constitutionality cannot be
questioned, and no class have done so
much toward building it up as the rail
roads.
Under this principle the government
has the right to call upon you and me,
whenever it is for its welfare or conve
nience, for every dollar’s worth of prop
erty we possess. It may grant this right,
as it often does, to citizens. We see it
exercised almost daily by railroad com
panies. Cooly “Constitutional Law,”
Page 652, defines it as follows:
“More accurately, it is the rightful au
thority which exists m any sovereign to
control and regulate those rights of fL
public nature which pertain to its citi
zens in common and to appropriate and
control individual property for the pub
lic benefit as the public safety, necessity,
convenience or welfare may demand.”
You see how broad, how far reaching
is this principle. Is there anything
more “necessary” for the “welfare” of
this nation than that every voter should
be entirelyy free and own his own home ?
I shall not argne it further, the propo
sition is self-evident to every one except
a man who is determined not to see it.
I now ask yon why not give every man
who wants a home the right of eminent
domain, to be exercised in his own name
or that of the state against all corpora
tions and English non-resident land
lords, and let, him take the lands by
paying the yalne thereof, as assessed bv
a jury of his neighbors.
Give to the workingman the same.as
sistance in procuring a home from the
railroad lands that yon gave the railroad
in condemning his lands to its use.
letnaiM how it wonld work. Over
in Illinois lives an old man on a forty
acre farm. The railroad rnns its line di
rectly through his home. It save to him,
we want this land for right of wav, stock
yards, etc., etc. The old man objects, but
the railroad company call out a jurv.tell
them incidentally of the great advantage
of having “competing lines,” etc., etc..
and the jury fixes the value of the old
man’s land. The law compels him to
take the money and surrender the land.
He takes his family and starts west.
When he reaches Nebraska, he sees ad
vertisements on every hand, “Millions
of acres of land for sale” by this same
railroad company. He finds a 160-acre
tract that suits him, walks into the rail
road office and inquires the price; he is
told S2O peracreon ten years’ time, with
10 per cent interest. The old man oro
tests that the land was never held by the
government at more than $1.25 per acre,
and that it never cost the railroad com
pany anything. The agent replies, "Our
prices are fixed by our board in Boston,
if you do not want it you need not take
it.” The reply is, “I want it and I will
take it, but not at that price. Call out a
jury and we will try how eminent do
main works on vour land. I will apply
tbe.same law to your land that you did
to mine.”
The jury could not help but take into
consideration that the lands never cost
the railroad company anything, and
that the old man must by hard labor
make them valuable and assist in devel
oping the country. I have no doubt but
that their verdict would be a just one,
and I have no doubt that when tele
graphed to the Boston office it would
fall like a bomb shell among the dude
proprietors therein.
What would be the result if this rufe
were established T You- would find cap
ital in a ereater hurry to get out of land
than ever it was to monopolize it. It
would flee from lands as it would flee
from destruction. Money, which is the
blood of commerce, would again seek its
arteries, It would go into trade. The
wheels of factories would begin to turn,
vast sums would be thrown upon the
market and interest would be reduced.
Lands would be held as God intended
they should be, for homes. A freeman’s
home would rise upon every hill, and
every vote that came therefrom would
be a freeman’s vote,
Henry George proposes to drive capi
tal from land by placing all the taxes on
the land. But I ask, Who can tax lands
in proportion to the power of the land
lord to raise his rents? As the taxes
increase he will increase his rents, and
thus at last shift the burden onto the
tenant.
I think you are satisfied that if the
right to condemn lands and take them
for homes is once established, that it
at once wrings all the waters of specula
tion therefrom, and makes the landlord’s
title so uncertain, so precarious, that
he will at once put his money elsewhere.
You cannot starve a family so long as
they have ten acres of, good land upon
which to work. Therefore drive the
speculator’s money out of the land and
keep it for homes..
At this time it appears to me that
American labor needs far more to be re
lieved from obnoxious laws and institu
tions than it does to have the state be
come the one overseer of all industries.
Place the laborer in a proper position as
regards the land; release him from the
effects of a protective tariff which serves
to make the rich richer and the poor
poorer.
Take another step. Place the rail
roads, the canals and the telegraphs un
der governmental control. Every insti
tution that is in its nature a servant of
the people, at least a quasi public insti
tution, should be owned and controlled
bv the government, just the same as the.
postal service. The people of the
United States have paid for every rail
road three times the price that it has
cost. They have paid Jay Gould ten
times the cost of his telegraph system.
Is it policy to place the business of the
nation in the hands of these monopo
lists, so that they may build up or tear
down a state as they please?
In section VIII. of article XV. of the
constitution of this state we find this
language:
“The right of eminent domain shall
never be abridged nor so construed as to
prevent the general assembly from tak
ing the property and franchises of in
corporated companies and subjecting
them to public use, the same as the
property of individuals.”
And by section IV. of the schedule it
is provided:
“The general assembly shall pass all
laws necessary to carry into effect the
provisions of this constitution.”
I doubt not that it is a surprise to
many of you to see how nearly within
your reach is relief, and still year after
year the oppression continues. You
elect senators and representatives ex
pecting them to labor for your interests.
Do they do it. At the last session of
the legislature I introduced bills regu
lating railroad companies, express com
panies. telegraph companies, city water
companies and city gas companies.
Most of those bills passed the house,
either in their original form or as
amended, but when they reached the
senate they were slaughtered. I re
member one in regard to the regulating of
the gas companies. I talked to differ
ent members of the senate. I was in
formed by them that they had no ob
jections to the bill, but that there was
one of their body that was largely inter
ested in gas companies, and I must ap
pease him. That was an easy thing to
do you know. I talked to him ; but,
“no, no ! I can do nothing for you.”
Now there was not one of these meas
ures but what I am satisfied the people
of this state would have enacted by a
nine-tenths vote. lam not here how
ever to argue the right or the wrong as
regards either measure. Although these
measures were rejected, I simply lay
their battered and torn remains at yonr
feet, and beg to Mv I am proad of them, j
If any man save that I would so legis
late or encourage legislation as to iaflict
injury upon capital invested in corpora
tions, he is much mistaken; all I ask is
that they should not be above the peo
ple, above the law; that their, conduct
should be regulated as yours and mine
iB. That is all that the people ask.
Nay, I believe that if the blind desire of
these corporations to make money would
allow them to opdh their eyes and look
at this subject justly and properly for
one moment, they ” T ould acknowledge
me as a friend. f
I look all around me to-day and on
every side I see oppression and unjust
discrimination. I hear the muttenpgs
of discontent; the battle cloud upon the
horizon has been spreading and grow
ing darker and darker for years. There
is a storm coming, and I protest mv ob
ject is to arrest its fury. "Justice is
mine,” saith the Lord; but he strikes
with the hands of men. By the great
unrest, sometimes resulting in unlawful
acts, mobs and riots, he has been saying
to the oppressor for years “let my people
go.” He. will allow you to keep the
bricks that have been made —with, and
without straw —but what is desired is
the liberty, now and hereafter, of His
people. Now lam in favor of throwing
up the sponge right here and letting
Him have His way. We sometimes
think His justice is slow, but it is not so
long after all “to Him who reckons each
of His days a thousand years.”
.Oppression and liberty, since the
dawn of the first morning, have been
continually struggling. When oppres
sion is beaten at one point it changes
front and attacks at another. The strug
gle of to day is different from what it
was twentv-five years ago. Then it was
for the liberty of the black men, the
most of whom had comfortable homes
and plenty to eat but were deprived of
their liberty. Now the battle is for the
white man, who has no home and hut
little to eat, and is deprived of his rights
by having the products of his labor
taken from him.
In France they have what they call
the “Consuls Des Prud Hommes,” a tri
bunal selected from employers and em
ployes to settle their disputes. If they
cannot settle it an appeal may be
taken to higher courts. The members
of this council serve without pay. They
are divided into two chambers called the
private bureau and the general bureau.
The sole duty of the former, which is
composed of two menbers only, is to try
to conciliate the parties and settle ais
putes without formal trial. Failing m
this the case is taken before the general
bureau, where another attempt is made
to settle. If this fails the case is tried.
The costs are very light; in the majority
of cases not being over 6 cents, the'cost
ofa letter calling the parties in. In 1847
the councils had brought before them
19,271 cases, of which 17,951 were settled
in the private bureau, 951 by the gene
ral bureau, and only in 519 of these
cases was there any formal judgment.
In 1878 the number of cases was 35,047;
18,415 of these were settled in the pri
vate, and 9,076 in the general councils.
Formal judgment was entered in only
7,555 of these cases. Of the causes of
dispute in 1878, 21,368 cases related to
wages, 4,733 to dis missals, and 1,795 to
apprentices. About the same law exists
in Belgium and in some other countries.
In free America we are left to fight it
out.
Whenever labor has found relief it
has been through organizations. Jn
England such organizations were pro
hibited by the heaviest penalties from
the year 1360 down to about 1600. Laws
were continually in force against labor
organizations,but finally these organiza
tions have triumphed, and thev have at
least gained some good laws in favor of
the working classes. Co-operative so
cieties have been formed. The neces
sity of perfect organization of the pro
ducing classes is made evident by the
number of organizations against them,
or affecting directly or indirectly their
interests. As soon as a class of men by
organization can control a few hundred
votes, just that soon do they become a
very important element, and just that
soon do they draw to themselves and
their principles respect and a careful
consideration of their claims. In the
state of Colorado a very few hundred
organized voters can change the politi
cal complexion anv day.
Were I asked to lay down a rule for
your success I would say: Build up law
abiding organizations that will hold and
throw their votes as one man. And were
I asked to lay down a second and a
third rale, I would repeat the first.
There will come a day when this na
tion mast have defenders. Men who for
love of country are willing o offer their
lives upon its altar; mothers who will
kiss their sons and bid them go ; wives
who will widow themselves and orphan
their children for the nation’s sake.
Doubtless the capitalists a ill stands
ready to take your bonds if thev see in
them a speculation, but not otherwise.
So treat your class then from whom
your soldiery must come, that from pure
affection for a nation that has done tbem
good and no harm, every hamlet m this
broad land shall at the roll of the dram
arise to arms, making the earth tremble
beneath the feet of the hosts that march
to battle and to victory.
Kerr’s Meat.
Cheyenne, Wyo. Feb. I.—The meat
market owned by Kerr Brothers at Car
bon, Wyoming, is boycotted by the local
assembly of the Knights of Labor be
cause of the stands which Mr. Kerr, the
speaker of the Wyoming house of rep
resentatives took against appropriating
SI,OOO of the territorial funds for the re
lief of the families of the men who were
killed in the Almy mine disaster. The
Carbon county delegation waited on the
miners at Carbon but Saturday, and got
a lively tongue lashing. The bill which
had been amended in the upper house
to give the sofferers $l,lOO, will prob
ably meet with more opposition than
before.
LOCAL LABOR ORGANIZATIONS.
KNIGHTS OF LABOR.
Notices under this head are IB Hr year In advance
77 ■ —Hope Assembly, No. 771, meets every
111 Tuesday evening at 7:30 o’clock, in
Mesolon’s Half. Erie Colorado.
, ■ A A C— Cosmopolitan Assembly, No. 1006,
I Ull Oof Leadvllle, meets every Wednes
day evening at 7:30 o’clock, In Knight* of
Labor Hall, 126 East Sixth street
I a n m -Montgomery Benevolent Assembly
I 4z4no 1424, meets every Friday evening
at J. S. Dreyfhss’ Hall, No. 379 Larimer
street, Denver, at 7:80 o’clock. A cordial wel
come extended to visiting members.
IA D O— Louisville Assembly, No. 14*1,
| 4DO meets every Thursday evening at
7:30 o’clock, at School Hall.
Aon 7— Union (benevolent) Assemblv, No.
tut / 2327, meets every Monday evening
at 7:30 o’clock. In McLelland hall, Lawrence
street uear Fifteenth. Strangers In the olty
and other brothers and sisters are cordially
Invited to attend.
AOOA— Pioneer Assembly. No. 2300, o
AO O U Butte City, Montana, meet* every
Monday evening at 8 o'clock, In Miners' Union
New Hall, Travelling brothers always wel
come.
A Ifl 7— Rocky Mountain Assembly, No,
|4O I 2487, meets every Monday evening at
7:30, In Saint Johns' Half, corner Nineteenth
and Ferguson streets, CneWanne, Wyoming.
Members ot other Locals always weloome.
A a I 7— lnternational Assembly, No. 3217,
At | / meets every Thursday evening at
7:30 o’clock. In Independent hall, oemer of
Santa Fe avenue and Bear street Denver,
Colorado.
OA I O— Fidelity Assembly, No. 3218, meets
At | O every Wednesday evening at 7;SO
and fourth Sunday afternoon at 2 o’clook, in
McLelland hall, on Lawrence street, near Fif
teenth, Denver. Members of other Locals
always welcome.
AO C E —Progressive Assembly, No. 3255, of
A tO O Pueblo, meets every Saturday even
ing, In Odd Fellows’ Hall. Corner Sixth and
D. streets
A A C fi—Dawn of Light Assembly. No. 825«,
At O DLaramie, Wyoming, meets every
Thursday evening, at 7 o'clock, In Knights of
Labor hall. Traveling members are always
welcomed.
A A C I —Advance Assembly. No 3281, meets
At D I every Saturday evening in Masenio
Hall, corner Fourth and Cedar streets, Raw
lins, Wyoming. Visiting members always
welcome.
A A ■ a— Hope Assembly, No. 3314, (female,)
001 *rmeets every Thursday evening at
7:30, In Dreyfuss' Hall, 379 Larimer street,
Denver. Visiting brothers and sisters always
welcome.
AA A Q— Litchman Assembly, No. 3336
OQQO meets every Saturday evening at7:3o
o'clock, In K. of L. hall. Rock Springs,
Wyoming Territory. Members of the order
are cordlall v Invited to visit.
A n N A — North Platte Assembly, No. 3343
0 040 meets the first and third Wednesday
evenings of each month at 7:30 o’clock. In
Odd Fellows’ Hall, comer Spruce and Third
streets. North Platte, Nebraska. Members of
other Locals always weloome.
OdflO - Eureka Assembly, No. 3402, Den
ilwU&rer, meets every Friday night at
7:30 o’clock. In MoLelland hall, comer Law
rence and Fifteenth streets. Members of the
order are Invited to visit.
AN A A— Platte Valley Assembly, No. 3403,
04U yof Sterling, Colorado, meets the seo
ond ana fourth Mondays of each month at
the School House in Knights of Pythias Hall,
at 7 o’clock o. m. Visitors welome.
A MM 7— Golden Assembly, No. 3447, meets
jqq | every Monday evening at 7:30, In
K. of P. Hall, on Washington avenue, Golden,
Colorado. Members of other Locals always
welcome.
AA e A— J. R. Buchanan Assembly, No. 3433
04 y y meets every Sunday evening at 7:30
in McFarlane's Hall, Como, Colorado. Mem
bers of other assemblies always welcome.
A N C Q —Progress Assembly, No. 8483, meets
Owupevery Saturday evening, at 7:30
o’clock, in Odd Fellows' hall. Carbon, Wyom
ing.
0(1 ftO~S tea< U i!ls t Assembly, No. 3492, meets
049 Z First and Third Wednesday at 7:30
o’clock, in Reno hall, corner Holladay and
Twenty-seventh streets. Denver. Members
of the order Invited tp visit.
A C A A —Sumner Assembly, No. 3608, meets
OuUO every Thursday evening at 7:3*
o’clock, in McLelland Hall, All brother and
sister Knights welcomed.
AC A A— Ogden Assembly, No. 8633, meets
O u OOevery Thursday eveningatßo’olook,
in Knights of Pythias hall, Main street, be
tween Fourth and Filth, Ogden, Utah. Visit
ing brothers always welcome.
A A A A— Justice Assembly No. 3889, meets
O U O 9 every Sunday evening, In Dreyfuss
hall, 379 Larimer street, Denver. Clerks and
salesmen desirous of joining this assembly
can obtain information at this office.
A AN A— Lewis Assembly, No. 3642, meets
O 04Z every Tuesday evening, at 7:30
o’clock, at 557 Downing avenue.
AAN A— Foody Assembly No. 3848 meets
O 040 every Tuesday evening at Dreyfuss’
hall, 879 Larimer street, Denver, Colo.
A 7 | N— Local Assembly No. 8714, meets at
011 48 o’clock every Tuesday evening. In
McClellan’s hall, cpmer Lawrence and Fif
teenth Btreets, Denver. Members of the
order are Invited to attend.
TRADES ASSEMBLY.
The Trades Assembly of Denver and Vicin
ity meets on the Becond and fourth Sundays
er each month. R. WATSON, President.
GEO. E. GRAY, Secretary.
TYPOGBAPHIOAL.
Typographical Union, No. 49, meets on ths
first Sunday of each month In Polios Court
Room, City Hall, at 2 o’clock p. m.
O. L. SMALLWOOD, Rec. and Cor. Sec’y.
W. H. MONTGOMERY, Fin. Bec.
Collier A Cleveland's office.
TAILORS.
The Tailors’ Protective Society, of Denver
meets In Judge Jeffries’ court room, a
o’clock p. m., on the first Monday of each
month. FRED WEIDER, President.
T. HAMLIN, Bee., »1 l«th street
Room 58 Skinner Block.
CARPENTERS.
Carpenters’ Union, No. 56, of the Brotker
uood of America, meets every Saturday
evening at Euclid Hall. All good Carpeatere
are Invited to Join.
JAMES D. MACDONALD, President.
THOMAS MUIRHEAD, Rec. Sec.
FRALK BAYER, State Organiser.
E. E. RICE, Cor. and Fin. Seoetary,
230 South Seventh street.
IEOH HOLDERS.
lion Molders’ Union, meets every second
and fourth Tuesday of each month at Rsno
Hall. Twenty-seventh and Holladay, at 7:30 p.
m- J. J. SMITH, Cor. Sec.,
1015 Holladay street.
PLASTERERS’ UNION.
The Plasterers’ Union, of Denver, meet*
every Monday eveningat 7:30 o’clock, lu St.
Joseph’s Temperance Hall, corner Fifteenth
and Stout streets.
__ „ HARRY COLE, President.
CHARLES M. McCABE, Secretary.
Address, 180 East 18th street.
BRICKLAYERS.
Bricklayers’lnternational Union, No. 1, of
Colorado, meets the second and fourth Mon
day evenings In each month, at No. 879 Lari
mer street, Denver, Colorado.
JAMES COOK, Sec’y. ED. SMYTH,
1028 Blake Street. President.
HIBERNIAN STORE.
Fall Underwear,
Shirts, Socks,
Gloves, Pants,
Hats, Caps, Etc
McENERY & EGAN.
COR. 12th AhD LARIMER SU