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I THE labor enquirer.
i sos LUOVCB ram. F@ J. R. BUCHANAN, Ml tor. : | I I We will renew the times of truth and Jus ' OODdenelne In’ a Rtr, free common wealth yetnieh equality, hot equal righto.” Itatered at the Denver postoffice as eeoond elaae matter. The Labor Enquirer U pnttHEhed every Saturday. It will be devote to the <H»cu»- don of all subject* which tend to educate, elevate and advance the laboring class**. Subscription rates, 12.00 In advance. j All communications must be addreMedto The Labor Enquirer, S6B Larimer Street, Denver Colorado. The publisher of this paper is not respon sible for the opinions of contributors. The Mi name will always be open for the discus sion of all sides of the labor questions of the day. Contributions always welcome. "DANGER AHEAD.” In Century Magazine for February is an article from the pen of H. C. Ful ton, which is intended as a criticism of Lyman Abbott’s paper on “The Danger Anead.” that was printed in the Novem ber edition of the same magazine, and which appeared also in this paper. The article of Mr. Folton is directed chiefly against Mr. Abbott’s claim thattfie gov ernment should own and control the telegraph, telephone and railway lines and the waterways of the country. Mr. Folton assumes an air of intellec tual superiority, spiced with knownoth ingism, and from his elevated position attempts to show tie necessity for a government conducted by a select few, and holds that the g/owth of Socialism (“the danger ahead”) is dno to the loose policy of the government in “inducing the Old World to unload itii surplus, and oftentimes lawless population upon us.” I do not deem this worthy of a reply from oLe who remembers ths source from whence the founder of this re public sprang, and the cosmopolitan character of the population which has made and dqfendei our institutions. But before passj&g to a consideration of the main question in Mr. Fulton’s ar ticle I desire to correct what I deem a wrong construction of Mr. Abbott’s "Danger Ahead,” which has been placed upon it by some writers: Ido not un derstand that he means "hat Socialism is the “danger anead,” but. that the peril lies in the things which give birth to, and encourage the spread of Socialistic ideas, which are based upon a desire for “a more just form of governmentand Mr. Abbott’s advocacy of measures of relief which are purely Socialistic is proof of the correctness of this defini tion qf his position. In speaking against government con trol of distribution Mr. Fulton says: “The government was established solely for the protection of the people. Its departments ware organized for this purpose only. I’or the protection of life, liberty and property. Onr funda mental law make:! the government a protector, not a guardian. It is riot for government to assume the functions of the individual and engage in pursuits other than those necessary for this pro tection. What the people can do for themselves It is not necessary for the government to do for them; for it wonld be useless to form a government for the doing of what conld be done be fore it was formed. Because, perchance, the government can carry on some work better than the individual, is no reason it should do so ; for by so doing it be comes a dictator.” Mr. Fulton either does* not under stand the generally recognized offices of government or lie is an Anarchist; he would repudiate the latter, and so he must admit the former. In the consid eration of this question he seems to for get that it is the boast of the class to which he belongs that in the United Status the government is of, for and the people; therefore it is the people, and that when it ceases to be a full ex pression of the people’s will, it is no longer conducted on the principles em braced in the “of, for and by.” That It has ceased to lie such, all intelligent people admit. . Mr Fulton st :ains himself extremely when he says, “the government is a protector, and not a guardian.” If he will point out bis authority for asserting that “protector” and “guardian” mean different things, he will confer a favor , on humanity, ,ind especially the dic tionary-makers. Such expressions as the above are simpl y nonsensical vaporings. I would ask Mr. Fulton if a govern ment which is controlled by a class can perform the functions of “protecting the life, liberty, and property of the peo ple?” Are not thousands annually starved, murdered, under the present government, which fails to provide them with the means of obtaining a bare sub sistence, while the land is over-bur dened with the necessaries of -life ? Is this protecting the “life” of the people ? When the gre it army of producers are enslaved by the iron law of wages for the aggrandizement of a few, is the “lib erty” of the people insured ? While the land of the nation is owned by a few corporations end syndicates, is the prop erty of the people guarded? A refer ence to what Mr. Fulton considers “the functions of government” is not very appropriate under the present circum stances of the American people. “Because, perchance, the government can carry on some work better than an individual,is no reason it should do so; for by so doiag it becomes a dictator.” And why ; why is it not a reason that the government should do. so? Is it not a sterling pxinciple of good societary castoms that everything shall be done as near perfection as possible ? If not, then let organized society be en tirely abolished, and let individuality, whether for good cr bad, be the only law —or rather, no law. And if the gov ernment ts the people, then who should It not be dictator? If the people have not the right to dictate their own affairs, ■i then who lw> that right? A Mr. Fttlten baa certainly, a very DB- S'?' l tenable position, and he will find that it will be impossible for him to hold it, even against a proper construction of the arguments which he brings in his own support, for they are founded upon contradictions, both in theory and in fact. Every ißsue of Thb Enquirer contains more or less unanswerable argument in fayor of governmental control of distri bution, and I need not lengthen this ar ticle in that direction. I will leave it to Mr. Abbott to show Mr. Fulton what a foolish fellow he is, and shall expect the spectacle in an early issue of the Cen’ tury Magazine. IMPERATIVE MANDATE. As the editor of this paper was ap proaching the chairman’s stand to cal! the Social League to order, on last Sun day evening, he was handed a note, signed‘‘A Workingman and Ad mirer.” Its contents were upon the subject of the imperative mandate, as advocated bv Socialists, and was in praise of the chairman for having advo cated this principle in some remarks made by him at a previous meeting of the League. But the writer of the note was in error when he said that I was “the first to bring it ud in public.” Social ists have been advocating the imperative mandate ever since I have been ac quainted with their teachings, and I do not know how long before. The error of my friend is an illustra tion of the unwholesome truth that peo ple donot try to post themselves upon the principlee of a new and advanced school oftbinkers. These advanced ideas are condemned, without consideration, by those who could endorse them if they were understood; and so it has been necessary that nearly every important and permanent good should be baptised in war. But what is the imperative mandate ? It is simply this: That the representa tive officers or servants of tne people should serve so long as they conformed to their instructions, and no longer; that such instructions should be imperative, and the representatives or agents should be recalled by the votes of those whom they were chosen to serve if they devi ated. from the path of duty,. and others chosen to fill the vacancies; that those recalled should be immediately tried and punished with the utmost rigor if found guilty. Under the present system a represen tative in national, state or municipal leg islature may violate the trusts reposed in him by his constituency whenever opportunity is offered, and, unless his conduct be squaring and dishonest as to secure impeachment he remainsin office to the conclusion of a stipulated term. For instance, the senators from Colorado might oppose the silver interests of this state —they might honestly differ in opinion with their constituency, or thev might sell out to the Wall street gang— but the people would be helpless during a term of six years. And besides their helplessness, the government would have to pay the traitors $48,000 in salary. There is not a community ten years old in the country which has escaped suffering through this.idiotic system. It is idiotic; so'much so that no business man would conduct his affairs upon such a plan. If a merchant or manufacturer employs a man to do a certain thing for him —to look out for his interests—and the employe fails to follow instructions, or carry out what he knows to be the will of his employer, he is discharged forthwith. If this is a good rule in indi vidual cases, why is it not a good rule to apply where the interests of thousands— aye, millions —are at stake ? If there are any who will bring the ob jection that the Socialistic plan of the imperative mandate is "impracticable,” I am prepared to show that they do not know what they are talking about I shall have more to say upon this subject another time. WYOMING BILLS. I have received from Brother Joseph Grainger, of Cheyenne, copies of three bills that have been introduced into the territorial legislature of Wyoming and which are at present under considera tion. All three of the bills refer to the mining industry, and are humanitarian and just measures; but it is doubtful if either becomes a and the prospects are that all will be defeated ; while one of the bills, providing for the appoint ment of a coal mine inspector, may be the means of causing the passage of a law creating that office, it is not likely that all of the ideas of Mr. Bussell, author of the bill, will be incorporated in the law. Another of the bills, introduced by Mr. Whitehouse, provides for an act to regulate the weighing of the coal at the mines, and fixes a penalty for any com pany or superintendent who may cheat the coal digger in weights. This is cer tainly a just measure, but the Union Pacific Coal companv will fight it teeth and toe-nails. The third bill is by Mr. Downey, and is for the protection of the coal miners, who may be killed or injured in the mine, and to provide for the care of the family of any snch unfortunates. The first section says: “That every miner or other person employed in or about any coal mine in this territory, who shall loose his life by reason of fire damp, or the explosion of dangerous gases, or by any other cause incident to the business of coal mining, the person, companv, or corporation, leasing or operating such mine, shall pay to the legal representative of such deceased person, the sum of (1,000, and to each surviving child, if there be any, the sum of $500.” There are other sections providing for damages in case of permanent or tempo rary injary, and also defining the pro cess by which the law shall be enforced. This measure is certainly a just one, bat if the Wyoming legislature is any thing like that of Colorado, it will bury *■• . ■ Mr. Downey’s bill so deep that it can never again be dng up. If the government controlled and worked the coal mines, which certainly belong to the people, such measures would not only be adopted, but carried out without any hitches. The govern ment pensions those who are injured in its service; and besides, under govern mental control the accidents in mines would decrease 99 per cent. Proof of this will be given if wanted. A TEACHER (?). The ignorance of some men who pro fess to be teachers is simply astounding. This is more noticeable among editors than any other class of educators; due probably to the fact that, as a rale, they aspire to securing a larger number of learners. The latest instance of monu mental ignorance which has come to my notice is worthy of mention in these columns. The Interior is a paper published in Chicago, and it is the official journal for the Presbyterian church. Its editor is W. C. Gray. Mr. Gray has lately taken it upon himself to attack Socialism, and has been slashing right and left with his abuse of Socialists and what he has as sumed were their doctrines. Comrade Tower, of this city, has been a reader of the Interior, and, like any sensible man wonld, became verv weary of the idiqtic onslaughts made by Gray upon a class whom he (Tower) knew to be the only one which combines hon esty, intelligence and humanitarianism. Onr comrade wrote a letter to the In terior, asking that it be published, show ing the errors made bv its editor, and explaining the doctrines of Socialism. I have seen a copy of Comrade Tower’s letter, and I can see nothing in it which conld be considered objectionable by any editor who is disposed to be fair. Mr. Gray refused to print the letter in the Interior, and wrote a short note to Comrade Tower, from which I will quote the closing sentences, and leave it for readers to judge whether the criti cisms!?) of such men as Gray are worthy of a kinder feeling than contempt, and whether it would not be better for the cause of education .that such mutton heads be removed from positions as edi tors of society journals or be starved out by the reading public. It is not necessary to comment upon the words of Mr. Gray; those who know anything about Socialism are aware of the ridiculous misrepresentations con tained in it; and those who are not had best brighten up their own intellects. Following is the concluding paragraph of the note received by Comrade Tower: “I heartily subscribe to the doctrine that ‘to the worker belongs the fruit of his toil,’ but that is radically opposed to Socialism as I understand it. Socialism means that the fruits of a worker’s toil belong to other people, not to him.” “W. C. Gray.” . The rotton tumor which has been growing in the Denver News office has at last come to a head, and the doctor has pronounced it ready to lance, the M. D. in this case being W. A. H. Love land. When the knife has been applied to the morbid swelling it will probably reveal a more rotten pns than even Mr. Loveland, as yet, looks for. The En quirer long ago warned the L^v elands that Arkins, hv his idiotic course, would kill the News and depreciate its value until it was absolutely worthless. He has done this, and the respectable por tion of the people of Colorado would rather have the Police News in their homes than the sheet made so foul by the Arkins-Stapleton outfit. It is to be hoped that Mr. Loveland will fire the whole gang and put his paper under the control of decent journalists, who will be respectable themselves and who can hold the respect of the public. Shades of Bvers, contemplate to what base uses has been prostituted the once great journal, the Bocky Mountain News. Its columns have become a journalistic scavenger wagon, and its counting-room the haunt ofblear-eyed, red-nosed bums, who insanely flourish pistols in the faces of respectable citizens. It is rumored in private circles that the friends of Mr. Loveland are talking of organizing a committee for the pur pose of hanging John Arkins and Bill Stapleton to “one of the convenient cottonwoods on the banks of the Platte.” The Enquirer is crowded this week, and scores of good articles from regular contributors are laid over, among them a story from the pen of "Zeno,” which will run through several issues. Arkins is a handy man himselv in pulling a gun; but there is no accounting for the breaks of an inebriate. California Women. A personal letter to the editor con veys the intelligence that the women of San Francisco are beginning to take an interest in labor organization and aie joining the Knights of Labor. The let ter says “I have just come from the meeting of an assembly where I wit nessed the initiation of fonr exceed ingly intelligent ladiesand the letter goes on to say a great interest is being awakened there among the women. This is good, and it is not necessary for The Enquirer to say that it is highly pleased, as its ideas upon this subject are well known. A Union Office. Editor Labor Eaqulrer. Hall or Detroit Typographical 1 Union, No. 18, Detroit Mich., I Janaary 16, 1886. J Notice is hereby given, that the De troit Tribune (successor to the Detroit Poet), is now a Union office, and employs none but Union printers. Robert T. Ogg, President a W. Duncan, Secretary. THE LABOR ENQUIRER. “EMINENT DOMAIN.” [Continued Horn first paged nations that are made against him on every hand, it looks as if it might be im possible for him to ever extricate him self. Think of the protective tariff cut ting off relief from the outside, the in ternal exchange entirely cutting off competition from the inside, and the importation of cheap foreign labor to cut wages down below the decent living point, and yon are in a verv bad situa tion. If yon can be relieved from 40 per cent of your expenses by free trade, do you not think you had better have it? Or what is more reasonable, had you opt better strike all protection off of your tariff and only keep so much of a duty on imports as shall pay the expenses of tfye government ? The next mode of relief that I should suggest is to drive speculative money out of the lands and allow them to be held only for homes. The surest way to preserve perfect eauallty among a people it to preserve a perfect division of their lands. There is no danger of a man suffering materially so long as he has land upon which he may raise a living. Rome was prosper ous so long as she preserved an equita ble division of her domain. Had she abided by the doctrine that “he is a dangerous citizen who owns more than seven acres of land,” there is probably no question but that she would have been the mistress of the world to-dav. But she passed under the control of a landed aristocracy and when Gracus protested in behalf of the people and claimed the lands for them, he paid the debt of his indiscretion with his life. The proud city is no more. The trouble in Russia to-day is over her lands, they are virtually withheld from the people. The lands of Ireland have all been taken from the Irish people and they are virtually slaves. The lands of England are principally owned by a few dukes and earls, and we are told their rental value is about sls per acre. She has close to 1,000,000 pau pers. ? In France before the Revolution the lands were owned by the church and state, but at that time they were re stored to the people. This accounts for the rapidity with which she recovered from the Prussian war. France with a population of 37,000,000 has 10,000,000 land owners, or a land owner to every family of three to four persons. We, with a population (in 1880) of 55,000,000, had only 4,500,000 land owners,or aland owner to every family of eleven persons. Of our public domain we have given away in grants nearly 300,000,000 acres, or a territory about equal in extent to the thirteen original states. The most of this has been given to mighty corpor ations to assist as we have been told in building railroads. Large and almost unlimited estates are building up. We have less than 50,000,000 acres of good agricultural lands now owned by the government. English companies and landlords by the score own estates of from 100,000 to millions of acres. The Earl of Dunraven, a member of the British parliament, owns the better portion of Estes park. In short, we have the foundation laid of :he most un limited landed aristocracy the world has ever known. This system must be broken down or your government must succumb. The two cannot stand together; they are an tagonistic in the extreme. The man that owns the land must necessarily own the vote of the man who is compelled to make bread for his children from the land. It Ts folly to talk about a nation of tenants remaining free or perpetuating this republic. The people must have these lands. Can they reclaim them lawfully and rightfully ? I believe they can. In offering a remedy I shall humbly slate one that I never heard of being offered by any but mvself. It may be that I have become too much wedded to my own opinions, but if so you will dis cover my error. There is a principle of law known and exercised in every civilized land, and has been practiced bv every government, called the law of “Eminent Domain.” There is not a state in the Union but what has enforced it in hundreds of in stances. Its constitutionality cannot be questioned, and no class have done so much toward building it up as the rail roads. Under this principle the government has the right to call upon you and me, whenever it is for its welfare or conve nience, for every dollar’s worth of prop erty we possess. It may grant this right, as it often does, to citizens. We see it exercised almost daily by railroad com panies. Cooly “Constitutional Law,” Page 652, defines it as follows: “More accurately, it is the rightful au thority which exists m any sovereign to control and regulate those rights of fL public nature which pertain to its citi zens in common and to appropriate and control individual property for the pub lic benefit as the public safety, necessity, convenience or welfare may demand.” You see how broad, how far reaching is this principle. Is there anything more “necessary” for the “welfare” of this nation than that every voter should be entirelyy free and own his own home ? I shall not argne it further, the propo sition is self-evident to every one except a man who is determined not to see it. I now ask yon why not give every man who wants a home the right of eminent domain, to be exercised in his own name or that of the state against all corpora tions and English non-resident land lords, and let, him take the lands by paying the yalne thereof, as assessed bv a jury of his neighbors. Give to the workingman the same.as sistance in procuring a home from the railroad lands that yon gave the railroad in condemning his lands to its use. letnaiM how it wonld work. Over in Illinois lives an old man on a forty acre farm. The railroad rnns its line di rectly through his home. It save to him, we want this land for right of wav, stock yards, etc., etc. The old man objects, but the railroad company call out a jurv.tell them incidentally of the great advantage of having “competing lines,” etc., etc.. and the jury fixes the value of the old man’s land. The law compels him to take the money and surrender the land. He takes his family and starts west. When he reaches Nebraska, he sees ad vertisements on every hand, “Millions of acres of land for sale” by this same railroad company. He finds a 160-acre tract that suits him, walks into the rail road office and inquires the price; he is told S2O peracreon ten years’ time, with 10 per cent interest. The old man oro tests that the land was never held by the government at more than $1.25 per acre, and that it never cost the railroad com pany anything. The agent replies, "Our prices are fixed by our board in Boston, if you do not want it you need not take it.” The reply is, “I want it and I will take it, but not at that price. Call out a jury and we will try how eminent do main works on vour land. I will apply tbe.same law to your land that you did to mine.” The jury could not help but take into consideration that the lands never cost the railroad company anything, and that the old man must by hard labor make them valuable and assist in devel oping the country. I have no doubt but that their verdict would be a just one, and I have no doubt that when tele graphed to the Boston office it would fall like a bomb shell among the dude proprietors therein. What would be the result if this rufe were established T You- would find cap ital in a ereater hurry to get out of land than ever it was to monopolize it. It would flee from lands as it would flee from destruction. Money, which is the blood of commerce, would again seek its arteries, It would go into trade. The wheels of factories would begin to turn, vast sums would be thrown upon the market and interest would be reduced. Lands would be held as God intended they should be, for homes. A freeman’s home would rise upon every hill, and every vote that came therefrom would be a freeman’s vote, Henry George proposes to drive capi tal from land by placing all the taxes on the land. But I ask, Who can tax lands in proportion to the power of the land lord to raise his rents? As the taxes increase he will increase his rents, and thus at last shift the burden onto the tenant. I think you are satisfied that if the right to condemn lands and take them for homes is once established, that it at once wrings all the waters of specula tion therefrom, and makes the landlord’s title so uncertain, so precarious, that he will at once put his money elsewhere. You cannot starve a family so long as they have ten acres of, good land upon which to work. Therefore drive the speculator’s money out of the land and keep it for homes.. At this time it appears to me that American labor needs far more to be re lieved from obnoxious laws and institu tions than it does to have the state be come the one overseer of all industries. Place the laborer in a proper position as regards the land; release him from the effects of a protective tariff which serves to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. Take another step. Place the rail roads, the canals and the telegraphs un der governmental control. Every insti tution that is in its nature a servant of the people, at least a quasi public insti tution, should be owned and controlled bv the government, just the same as the. postal service. The people of the United States have paid for every rail road three times the price that it has cost. They have paid Jay Gould ten times the cost of his telegraph system. Is it policy to place the business of the nation in the hands of these monopo lists, so that they may build up or tear down a state as they please? In section VIII. of article XV. of the constitution of this state we find this language: “The right of eminent domain shall never be abridged nor so construed as to prevent the general assembly from tak ing the property and franchises of in corporated companies and subjecting them to public use, the same as the property of individuals.” And by section IV. of the schedule it is provided: “The general assembly shall pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this constitution.” I doubt not that it is a surprise to many of you to see how nearly within your reach is relief, and still year after year the oppression continues. You elect senators and representatives ex pecting them to labor for your interests. Do they do it. At the last session of the legislature I introduced bills regu lating railroad companies, express com panies. telegraph companies, city water companies and city gas companies. Most of those bills passed the house, either in their original form or as amended, but when they reached the senate they were slaughtered. I re member one in regard to the regulating of the gas companies. I talked to differ ent members of the senate. I was in formed by them that they had no ob jections to the bill, but that there was one of their body that was largely inter ested in gas companies, and I must ap pease him. That was an easy thing to do you know. I talked to him ; but, “no, no ! I can do nothing for you.” Now there was not one of these meas ures but what I am satisfied the people of this state would have enacted by a nine-tenths vote. lam not here how ever to argue the right or the wrong as regards either measure. Although these measures were rejected, I simply lay their battered and torn remains at yonr feet, and beg to Mv I am proad of them, j If any man save that I would so legis late or encourage legislation as to iaflict injury upon capital invested in corpora tions, he is much mistaken; all I ask is that they should not be above the peo ple, above the law; that their, conduct should be regulated as yours and mine iB. That is all that the people ask. Nay, I believe that if the blind desire of these corporations to make money would allow them to opdh their eyes and look at this subject justly and properly for one moment, they ” T ould acknowledge me as a friend. f I look all around me to-day and on every side I see oppression and unjust discrimination. I hear the muttenpgs of discontent; the battle cloud upon the horizon has been spreading and grow ing darker and darker for years. There is a storm coming, and I protest mv ob ject is to arrest its fury. "Justice is mine,” saith the Lord; but he strikes with the hands of men. By the great unrest, sometimes resulting in unlawful acts, mobs and riots, he has been saying to the oppressor for years “let my people go.” He. will allow you to keep the bricks that have been made —with, and without straw —but what is desired is the liberty, now and hereafter, of His people. Now lam in favor of throwing up the sponge right here and letting Him have His way. We sometimes think His justice is slow, but it is not so long after all “to Him who reckons each of His days a thousand years.” .Oppression and liberty, since the dawn of the first morning, have been continually struggling. When oppres sion is beaten at one point it changes front and attacks at another. The strug gle of to day is different from what it was twentv-five years ago. Then it was for the liberty of the black men, the most of whom had comfortable homes and plenty to eat but were deprived of their liberty. Now the battle is for the white man, who has no home and hut little to eat, and is deprived of his rights by having the products of his labor taken from him. In France they have what they call the “Consuls Des Prud Hommes,” a tri bunal selected from employers and em ployes to settle their disputes. If they cannot settle it an appeal may be taken to higher courts. The members of this council serve without pay. They are divided into two chambers called the private bureau and the general bureau. The sole duty of the former, which is composed of two menbers only, is to try to conciliate the parties and settle ais putes without formal trial. Failing m this the case is taken before the general bureau, where another attempt is made to settle. If this fails the case is tried. The costs are very light; in the majority of cases not being over 6 cents, the'cost ofa letter calling the parties in. In 1847 the councils had brought before them 19,271 cases, of which 17,951 were settled in the private bureau, 951 by the gene ral bureau, and only in 519 of these cases was there any formal judgment. In 1878 the number of cases was 35,047; 18,415 of these were settled in the pri vate, and 9,076 in the general councils. Formal judgment was entered in only 7,555 of these cases. Of the causes of dispute in 1878, 21,368 cases related to wages, 4,733 to dis missals, and 1,795 to apprentices. About the same law exists in Belgium and in some other countries. In free America we are left to fight it out. Whenever labor has found relief it has been through organizations. Jn England such organizations were pro hibited by the heaviest penalties from the year 1360 down to about 1600. Laws were continually in force against labor organizations,but finally these organiza tions have triumphed, and thev have at least gained some good laws in favor of the working classes. Co-operative so cieties have been formed. The neces sity of perfect organization of the pro ducing classes is made evident by the number of organizations against them, or affecting directly or indirectly their interests. As soon as a class of men by organization can control a few hundred votes, just that soon do they become a very important element, and just that soon do they draw to themselves and their principles respect and a careful consideration of their claims. In the state of Colorado a very few hundred organized voters can change the politi cal complexion anv day. Were I asked to lay down a rule for your success I would say: Build up law abiding organizations that will hold and throw their votes as one man. And were I asked to lay down a second and a third rale, I would repeat the first. There will come a day when this na tion mast have defenders. Men who for love of country are willing o offer their lives upon its altar; mothers who will kiss their sons and bid them go ; wives who will widow themselves and orphan their children for the nation’s sake. Doubtless the capitalists a ill stands ready to take your bonds if thev see in them a speculation, but not otherwise. So treat your class then from whom your soldiery must come, that from pure affection for a nation that has done tbem good and no harm, every hamlet m this broad land shall at the roll of the dram arise to arms, making the earth tremble beneath the feet of the hosts that march to battle and to victory. Kerr’s Meat. Cheyenne, Wyo. Feb. I.—The meat market owned by Kerr Brothers at Car bon, Wyoming, is boycotted by the local assembly of the Knights of Labor be cause of the stands which Mr. Kerr, the speaker of the Wyoming house of rep resentatives took against appropriating SI,OOO of the territorial funds for the re lief of the families of the men who were killed in the Almy mine disaster. The Carbon county delegation waited on the miners at Carbon but Saturday, and got a lively tongue lashing. The bill which had been amended in the upper house to give the sofferers $l,lOO, will prob ably meet with more opposition than before. LOCAL LABOR ORGANIZATIONS. KNIGHTS OF LABOR. Notices under this head are IB Hr year In advance 77 ■ —Hope Assembly, No. 771, meets every 111 Tuesday evening at 7:30 o’clock, in Mesolon’s Half. Erie Colorado. , ■ A A C— Cosmopolitan Assembly, No. 1006, I Ull Oof Leadvllle, meets every Wednes day evening at 7:30 o’clock, In Knight* of Labor Hall, 126 East Sixth street I a n m -Montgomery Benevolent Assembly I 4z4no 1424, meets every Friday evening at J. S. Dreyfhss’ Hall, No. 379 Larimer street, Denver, at 7:80 o’clock. A cordial wel come extended to visiting members. IA D O— Louisville Assembly, No. 14*1, | 4DO meets every Thursday evening at 7:30 o’clock, at School Hall. Aon 7— Union (benevolent) Assemblv, No. tut / 2327, meets every Monday evening at 7:30 o’clock. In McLelland hall, Lawrence street uear Fifteenth. Strangers In the olty and other brothers and sisters are cordially Invited to attend. AOOA— Pioneer Assembly. No. 2300, o AO O U Butte City, Montana, meet* every Monday evening at 8 o'clock, In Miners' Union New Hall, Travelling brothers always wel come. A Ifl 7— Rocky Mountain Assembly, No, |4O I 2487, meets every Monday evening at 7:30, In Saint Johns' Half, corner Nineteenth and Ferguson streets, CneWanne, Wyoming. Members ot other Locals always weloome. A a I 7— lnternational Assembly, No. 3217, At | / meets every Thursday evening at 7:30 o’clock. In Independent hall, oemer of Santa Fe avenue and Bear street Denver, Colorado. OA I O— Fidelity Assembly, No. 3218, meets At | O every Wednesday evening at 7;SO and fourth Sunday afternoon at 2 o’clook, in McLelland hall, on Lawrence street, near Fif teenth, Denver. Members of other Locals always welcome. AO C E —Progressive Assembly, No. 3255, of A tO O Pueblo, meets every Saturday even ing, In Odd Fellows’ Hall. Corner Sixth and D. streets A A C fi—Dawn of Light Assembly. No. 825«, At O DLaramie, Wyoming, meets every Thursday evening, at 7 o'clock, In Knights of Labor hall. Traveling members are always welcomed. A A C I —Advance Assembly. No 3281, meets At D I every Saturday evening in Masenio Hall, corner Fourth and Cedar streets, Raw lins, Wyoming. Visiting members always welcome. A A ■ a— Hope Assembly, No. 3314, (female,) 001 *rmeets every Thursday evening at 7:30, In Dreyfuss' Hall, 379 Larimer street, Denver. Visiting brothers and sisters always welcome. AA A Q— Litchman Assembly, No. 3336 OQQO meets every Saturday evening at7:3o o'clock, In K. of L. hall. Rock Springs, Wyoming Territory. Members of the order are cordlall v Invited to visit. A n N A — North Platte Assembly, No. 3343 0 040 meets the first and third Wednesday evenings of each month at 7:30 o’clock. In Odd Fellows’ Hall, comer Spruce and Third streets. North Platte, Nebraska. Members of other Locals always weloome. OdflO - Eureka Assembly, No. 3402, Den ilwU&rer, meets every Friday night at 7:30 o’clock. In MoLelland hall, comer Law rence and Fifteenth streets. Members of the order are Invited to visit. AN A A— Platte Valley Assembly, No. 3403, 04U yof Sterling, Colorado, meets the seo ond ana fourth Mondays of each month at the School House in Knights of Pythias Hall, at 7 o’clock o. m. Visitors welome. A MM 7— Golden Assembly, No. 3447, meets jqq | every Monday evening at 7:30, In K. of P. Hall, on Washington avenue, Golden, Colorado. Members of other Locals always welcome. AA e A— J. R. Buchanan Assembly, No. 3433 04 y y meets every Sunday evening at 7:30 in McFarlane's Hall, Como, Colorado. Mem bers of other assemblies always welcome. A N C Q —Progress Assembly, No. 8483, meets Owupevery Saturday evening, at 7:30 o’clock, in Odd Fellows' hall. Carbon, Wyom ing. 0(1 ftO~S tea< U i!ls t Assembly, No. 3492, meets 049 Z First and Third Wednesday at 7:30 o’clock, in Reno hall, corner Holladay and Twenty-seventh streets. Denver. Members of the order Invited tp visit. A C A A —Sumner Assembly, No. 3608, meets OuUO every Thursday evening at 7:3* o’clock, in McLelland Hall, All brother and sister Knights welcomed. AC A A— Ogden Assembly, No. 8633, meets O u OOevery Thursday eveningatßo’olook, in Knights of Pythias hall, Main street, be tween Fourth and Filth, Ogden, Utah. Visit ing brothers always welcome. A A A A— Justice Assembly No. 3889, meets O U O 9 every Sunday evening, In Dreyfuss hall, 379 Larimer street, Denver. Clerks and salesmen desirous of joining this assembly can obtain information at this office. A AN A— Lewis Assembly, No. 3642, meets O 04Z every Tuesday evening, at 7:30 o’clock, at 557 Downing avenue. AAN A— Foody Assembly No. 3848 meets O 040 every Tuesday evening at Dreyfuss’ hall, 879 Larimer street, Denver, Colo. A 7 | N— Local Assembly No. 8714, meets at 011 48 o’clock every Tuesday evening. In McClellan’s hall, cpmer Lawrence and Fif teenth Btreets, Denver. Members of the order are Invited to attend. TRADES ASSEMBLY. The Trades Assembly of Denver and Vicin ity meets on the Becond and fourth Sundays er each month. R. WATSON, President. GEO. E. GRAY, Secretary. TYPOGBAPHIOAL. Typographical Union, No. 49, meets on ths first Sunday of each month In Polios Court Room, City Hall, at 2 o’clock p. m. O. L. SMALLWOOD, Rec. and Cor. Sec’y. W. H. MONTGOMERY, Fin. Bec. Collier A Cleveland's office. TAILORS. The Tailors’ Protective Society, of Denver meets In Judge Jeffries’ court room, a o’clock p. m., on the first Monday of each month. FRED WEIDER, President. T. HAMLIN, Bee., »1 l«th street Room 58 Skinner Block. CARPENTERS. Carpenters’ Union, No. 56, of the Brotker uood of America, meets every Saturday evening at Euclid Hall. All good Carpeatere are Invited to Join. JAMES D. MACDONALD, President. THOMAS MUIRHEAD, Rec. Sec. FRALK BAYER, State Organiser. E. E. RICE, Cor. and Fin. Seoetary, 230 South Seventh street. IEOH HOLDERS. lion Molders’ Union, meets every second and fourth Tuesday of each month at Rsno Hall. Twenty-seventh and Holladay, at 7:30 p. m- J. J. SMITH, Cor. Sec., 1015 Holladay street. PLASTERERS’ UNION. The Plasterers’ Union, of Denver, meet* every Monday eveningat 7:30 o’clock, lu St. Joseph’s Temperance Hall, corner Fifteenth and Stout streets. __ „ HARRY COLE, President. CHARLES M. McCABE, Secretary. Address, 180 East 18th street. BRICKLAYERS. Bricklayers’lnternational Union, No. 1, of Colorado, meets the second and fourth Mon day evenings In each month, at No. 879 Lari mer street, Denver, Colorado. JAMES COOK, Sec’y. ED. SMYTH, 1028 Blake Street. President. HIBERNIAN STORE. Fall Underwear, Shirts, Socks, Gloves, Pants, Hats, Caps, Etc McENERY & EGAN. COR. 12th AhD LARIMER SU