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VOLUkE YL—NO. 35.
PHILLIPS. His Address Before the Cris pins’ Organization * in 1872. s , - Relation of the Labor Movement to the Republic’s Future. “One Third of the People ill the World Never Hare Enough to Eat.” Gentlemen: I feel honored be thia welcome of your organization, and especially so when I consider that the marvelously rapid success of the political strength of the labor movement, espe cially in New England, is due mainly to this organization. There has never been a party formed that in three years attracted toward itself such profound at tention throughout the United States. Some of you mav be old enough to re member that when the anti slavery sen timent, nearly thirty years ago, endeav ored to rally a political party, It took them some seven or nine years before they had an organization that could be considered national in any real sense. The political labor movement in three years has reached a position of influence which it took that idea nine years to obtain. I trace that rapid progress in popular recognition to the existence of these Crispin lodges and trades unions of the state. You cannot marshal 50,000 men taken at once promiscuously from par ties and sects ; they must be trained to work together, must be disciplined in co-operation, and it is the training and the discipline w hich the workingmen got in these organizations that enabled the labor movement to assume its pro portions so rapidly. • Then, again, I stand here with great Interest from another consideration—l stand in the presence of a momentous power. Ido not care exactly what your idea is as to how you will work in this channel or in the other. lam told that you represent over 70,000 men here and elsewhere. Th:nk of it! A hundred thousand men! They can dictate the fate of this nation. Give me 50,000 men in earnest, who can agree on all vital questions, who will plant their shoulders together, and swear by all that is true and just that for the long years they will put their great idea before the country, -and those 50,000 men will govern the nation. So if I have 100,000 men repre sented before me, who are in earnest, who get hold of the great question of labor, and, having hold of it, grapple with it, and rip and tear it open, and in vest it with light, gathering the facts, piercing ihe brains about them, and crowding those brains with the facts, then 1 know, sure as fate, though 1 may not live to see it, that thev will certainly conquer this nation in twenty years. It is impossible that they should not. And that is yonr power, gentlemen. I rejoice in every effort workingmen make to organize ; I do not care on wliat basis they do it. Men sometimes say to me, “Are you an Internationalist?” I eay, “I do not know what an Intern-.- tionalist is but they tell me it is a sys tem by which workingmen frim Lon don to Gibraltar, Moscow to Paris, can clasp hands. Then 1 say God speed, God speed, to that or any similar movement. Now, let me tell you where the great weakness of an association of working men is. It is that it cannot wait. It does not know where it is to get its food for next week. If it is kept idle for ten days, the funds of the society are ex hausted. Capital can fold its arms, and wait six months, it can wait a vear. It will be poorer, but it does not get to the bottom of the purse. It can afford to wait; it tires you out, and starves you out. And what is there against that im mense preponderance of power on the part of capital ? Simply organization. That makes the wealth of all the wealth of every one. So I welcome organiza tion. 1 do not care whether it calls itself trades union, Crispin, Interna tional or Commune; anything that masses up a unit in order that tbev may put up a united force to face the organi iation of capital, anything that does that, 1 say amen to it. Oue hundred thousand men! It is an immense army. 1 do not care whether it considers chiefly the industrial or the political questions , it can control the nation if it is in earnest. The reason why the abol itionists brought t! e nation down to fighting their battle is tnat they were really in earnest, knew what they wanted, and were determined to have it. Therefore they got it. The leading statesmen and orators of the day said they would never urge abolition ; bat a determined man in a printing office said that they should, and —they did it. An so it is with this question exactly. Brains govern this country, and I hope to God the time will never come when brains won’Lgovern it, for they ought to. And the way in which you can compel the others to listen and to attend to yon on the question of labor, actually to con centrate the intellectual power of the nation upon it, is by gathering together by hundreds of thousands, no matter whether it be on an industrial basis or a political basis, and say to the nation, we are the numbers, and we will be Beard,” and you may be sore that you THE LABOR ENQUIRER will. Now, an Englishman has but one method to pursue to be heard. He puts his arm up amone the cog-wheels of the industrial machine, and stops it. This is a strike. The London Times looks down and says, “What in heaven is the matter?” This is just what the man wants. He wishes to call public atten tion to the facts, and the consequence is that every newspaper joins with the Times and asks what is the matter, and the whole brain of the English n ition is turned to consider the question. That is good, but we have a quicker way than that. We do not need to put our hands up among the cog-wheels and stop the machine. Pierpont said' of the little ballot-- ✓ “It executes the freeman's will, As lightning does the will of Goil” Now, I turn my sight that way be cause I am a Jeffersonian democrat in the darkest bour. England can look down into Lanca'ihire, lotten in ignor ance ; and if the people there rise up to claim their share of the enjoyments of life, she need not care, because she says, “I have got the laws of the state in the hands of.tbe middle classes ; and if that man down there can Uandle a spade or work in a mill, it is all I want of him ; and if he ever raises his hand against the state I will put my cavalrymen into the saddle and ride him down. The man is nothing but a tool to do certain kind of work.” ; But when America looks down into h er Lancashire, into the mines of Pennsyl vania, she savs literally, “Well, this hand holds the ballot, and I cannot afford to leave him down there in ignor ance.” I admire democracy because it takes bonds on wealth and power, that they shall raise tire masses. If they don’t do it there is no security, There fore, on every great question I turn in stantly to politics. It is the people’s normal school; it is the way to make the brains of s> nation approach the subject. Why, la 1861 or 1862, when I first approached this question, yon could n c get an arti cle on the labor movement in any news paper or magazine, unless, indeed, there was a strike or something of that sort. Now you cannot take up any of the lead ing newspapers or magazines without finding them full of it; editors eat, drink and sleep on it. The question is so broad, it has so many different chan nels, that it puzzles them. Even John Stuart Mill has not attempted to cover its whole breadth. It takes in every thing. Let me tell you why i am interested in the labor question. Not simply be cause of the long hours of labor ; not simply because of a specific oppression of a class. I sympathize with the suf ferers there; I am ready to fight on their side. But I look upon Christen dom, with its 300,000,000 of people, and I see that, out of this number of people, 100,000,000 never had enongh to eat. Physiologists tell us that this bo ly of ours, unless it is properly fed. properly developed, fed with rich blood and care fully nourished, does no justice to the brain. You cannot make a bright or a good man in a starving bi dy ; and so this one-third of the inhabitants of Christendom, who have never had food enough, can never be what they should be. Now, I say that the social civiliza tion, which condemns every third man in it to below the average in the nour ishment God prepared for him, did not come from above ; it came from below ; and the sooner it goes down the better. Come on this side of the ocean. You will find 40 1)00,000 of people, and 1 sup -0086 thev are In the highe t state of civ ilization, and yet it is not too much to say, that out of the 40,000,000, 10,000,000 at least, who get up in the morning and go to bed at night, spend all their effort to get bread enough to live. Thev have not enough elasticty left in miud or body to do anything in the way of in tellectual or moral progress. I take a man, for instance, in one of the manufacturing valleys of Connecti cut, If vou get into the care there at 6:30 o clock in the morning, as I have done, von will find getting in at every little station a score or more of laboring men and women, with their dinner in a pail, and they get out at some factory that is already lighted up. Go down the same valley about 7:30 in the evening and you will again see them going home. They must have got up about 5:30 ; they are at their work nigh upon 8 o’clock. There is a good, solid fourteen hours. Now, there will be a strong, substantial man, like Cobhett, for instance, who will sit up nights studying, and who will be a scholar at last among them, perhaps ; but he is an expert. The average man, nine out of ten, when he gets home at night, does not care to read au article from the North American, nor a long speech from Charles Sumner. No ; if he can’t have a good story, and a warm snpper, and a glass of grog perhaps, he goes off to bed. Now, I say that the civilization that has produced this state of things in nearly the hundredth year of the American republic, did not come from above. I believe in the temperance move, ment. I am a temperance man of nearly forty years’ standing ; and I think it one of the grandest things in the world, because it holds the basis of self-control. Intemperance is the cause of poverty, I know ; bat there is another side to that; poverty is the cause of intemperance. Crowd a man with fourteen hours’ work a day, and yoa crowd him down to a mere animal life. Yon have eclipsed his aspirations, dolled his tastes, stunted DENVER, COLORADO, SATURDAY, AUGUST 28. 1886. his intellect, and made him a mere tool, to work fourteen hours, and catch a thought in the interval; and while one man in a hundred will rise to be a genius, ninety-nine will cower down under toe circumstances. Now, I can tell you a fact. In .London, the other day, it was fonod that one club of gentleman, 1,000 strong, spent $20,000 at the club house during the year for. drink. Well, I would allow them $20,000 more at home for liquor, making in all $40,000 a vear. These men were all. men of education and leisure ; they had books and paint ings, opera, race course and regatta. A thousand men down in Portsmouth in a shipyard, working under a boss, spent at the grog shops at that place, in that year, sßo,ooo—double that of their rich brethren. What is the explanation of such a fact as that 7 Why, the club men had a circle of pleasures and of com pany. The operative, after he had worked fourteen hours, had nothing to look forward to but his grog. That is why I say lift a man, give him life, let him work eight hours a day, give him the school, develop his taste for music, give him a garden, give him beautiful things to see, and good books to read, and you will starve out those lower appetites. Give a man a chance to earn a good living, and you may Bave his life. So it is with women in prosti tution. Poverty is the road to it; it is this that makes them the prey of the wealth and ieisure of another class. Give 100 men in this country good wages and eight hours' work, and ninety - nine will disdain to steal. Give 100 women a good chance to get a good liv ing, and ninety-nine of them will disdain to barter their virtue for gold. You will find in our criminal institutions to-dav a great many men with big brains, who ought to have risen in the world, per haps gone to congress. You may laugh, but I tell you the biggest brains don’t go to congress. Now, take 100 criminals; ten of them will be smart men. but take the remaiuder and eighty of them are below the average, body and mind ; they were, as Charles Lamb said, “never brought up; thev were dragged up.” They never had a fair chance; they were starved in body and mind. It is like a chain weak in one link ; the moment temptation came it went over. Now, just as long as you hold two-thirds of this nation on a narrow, superficial line you feed the criminal classes. Any man that wants to grapple the labor question must know how you will secure a fair division of production. No man answers that question. I hail the labor movement for two reasons : and one is, that it is my only hope for democracy. At the time of the anti-slavery agitation, I was not sure whether we should come out of the strug gle with one republic, unless the labor movement succeeds. Takes power like the Pennsylvania Cenfral railroad and the New York Central road, and there is no legislative independence that can exist in its sight. As well expect a green vine to flourish in a dark cellar, as to ex pect honesty (o exist under the shadow of those upas trees. Unless there is a power in your movement, industrially and politically, the last knell of demo cratic liberty in this Union is struck ; for, as I said, there is no power in one state to resist such a giant as the Penn sylvania road. We have thirty-eight one-horse legislatures in this country, and we have got a man like Tom Scott with $350,000,000 in his hands ; and if he walks through the states, thev have no power. Why, he needn’t move at all. If he smokes as Grant does, a puff of the waste smoke out of his mouth upsets the legislature. Now, there is nothing but the rallying of men against money that can contest witti that power. Rally industrially if you will, rally for eight hours, for a little division of profits, for co-operation; rally for such a banking power in the government as would give us money at 3 per cent. Only organize and stand together. Claim something together, and at once ; let the nation hear a united demand from the laboring voice, and then, when you have got that, go for another; but get something. I say let the debts of the country be paid ; abolish the banks and let the gov ernment lend every Illinois farmer (if he wants it) who is now borrowing money at 10 per cent, money on the half value of his land at 3 per cent. The same policy that gave 1,000,000 acres to the Pacific railroad, because it was a great national effort, will allow of our lending Chicago $20,000,000, at 3 per cent, to rebuild it. From Boston to new Orleans, from Mobile to Rochester, from Baltimore to St. Louis, we have now but one purpose ; and that is, having driven all other political questions out of tUe arena, haying abolished slavery, the only ques tion left—labor. The night before Charles Sumner left Boston for Wash ington the last time, he said to me, “I have just one thing to do for the negro, to carry the civil rights bill, and after that is passeed I shall be at liberty to take up the question of labor.” "Law and Order” Journals. Doubts exist in Chicago as to whether there is law enough to hold and punish the Anarchists now on trial. If the coprts cannot find law enongh for the purpose, plenty of good cotton rope can be had cheap and the lamp posts are thought to be fairly staunch in th it city. —Kansas City Times. It would be good policy on the part of society, if practicable, to drive this class of rogues into the open meeting against the law —New York Tribune. “ WHO WOULD BE FREE HIMSELF MUST BTRIKE THE BLOW I” Written for The Enquirer. THE COMMON CURSE. BY LIZZIE M. SWANK. A spirit from afar, passed over the earth To look upon its sons, and learn the source Of that sad cry, which trembled through the spheres Where’ er the planet hurried on its course. Poising aloft, on pinions of swift light Where ocean winds and island breezes meet; With wild, free waters rolling far behind And all the peopled world beneath his feet. He looked and listened. Over every land Himg the same shadow -somber, dark and drear; And, rising heavily beneath, the moan Of suffering myriads, swelling to his ear. What is the cause ? Why thus do mortals mourn? Is Nature derelict? Has earth grown cold ? Have oceans, forests, mines turned miserly That men must toil and slave, and young —die old ? He looked beneath the cloud, in every land And saw that bounteous earth gave back to man A hundred fold for every stroke of toll Yet toilers lived in want as ’neath a ban. First, hovering on an ice-bound coast he saw A vast division—dotted o’er with slaves Whose fates lay in the hand of one proud man; Ending in living deaths or tortured graves. Wealth and starvation, palaces and prisons Were here. A track parked out with bleaching bones And blood, where trav’lers, chained and driven passed, Stretched its terrific distance through twe zones. The people said: "If our great king were less a king And bound by laws we might create, With lessened power to punish or reward, We should be free, and prosperous, and great.” Now thence, the sphit passed a fair land Where kindly ruled a queen, whose well made laws She could no sooner break, than subjects might, Nor take from them a right without a cause. A noble constitution, Magna Charts, House of Commons as well as House of Lords Had they—and yet the burdened people groaned. Economists witn many learned words Laid all the poverty and idleness To “over population,” “greed,” “free trade,” * The “monarchy,” “nobility,” “church-rule” All pretexts but the truth, the cause was made. Now onward toward a sunny clime he sped And saw a wealthy nation reared by might; A stern republic, built above the bones Of those who died for liberty and lignt. Emperor and king, the people’s rule, the church; All forms of government had come and gone; And misery witn each—it dwelt there now, Where neither king or noblemen were known. Across a purple stream a kingdom rose In proud defiance of a weaker world; With its “strong government” and army grand And flag of menace constantly unfurled. And here the masses groaned beneath their toil Or sulked In idleness ; while Poverty Gnawed its stale crust at Luxury’s soft feet And Truth, and Thought in chains crept stealthily. From o’er a dark blue ocean gleamed a light Where “Liberty” in golden letters glowed; A shield, a flag, an eagle poised for flight Proclaimed that “Freedom” here had her abode. But when the spirit nearer drew, he saw, The glowing shield was brass, and “Lib erty” Shone luminous through tinsel, while the bird Was ragged, and looked fierce at all things free. The goddess was a tyrant hag, disguised Beneath a flag striped with the blood of slaves As Columbia, and her shadow fell On needy tollers, paupers, tramps aud knaves. Here ruled no king—the people made the lavls, “Protected labor” and “gave homes to all;” Yet strangely, even here, the shadows dark Hung heavily and low, a deep’ning pall. “Oh, blinded race of men!’, the spirit cried, You would dispel the clouds with futile breath Or vow they were not there, while all around Your brothers but exist in living death. You may swear allegiance to a God-sent king. Or swear it to republics or to a church; Thin out your restless crowds of unused slaves, Or deep in statute lore for causes search; Protect your ‘trade,’ reduce production still The woe and misery the people feel Is undisturbed; here will remain until You dare to know the truth and make it real. You hope for happiness, while Nature’s gifts Are stolen from her children? Or for peace Until the robbery of Industry By pampered, selfish Idleness shall cease ? No never! One curse blights each land alike. The gifts the bounteous earth bestows Are stolen by the few—the rest are slaves, Slaves to the thieves and suppliants to foes. He Discuases the Labor and Temperance Questions With the Supervisor*. For the Enquirer. I reken ihet but preshus fa uv my reeders hev ever figgered upon what kind ny a critter a human beein is. Ef SOAP-SUDS' FILOSFY. they hed, they wood’nt make so menv mistakes regardin uv em; and he wood’nt hev suffered so much from the effecs uv their ignorance on that pint, nnther. Talk is cheep’rn dirt, bat it takes mony ter by whisky ! A man es wanz ter bild a corraal orter kno, fast, what kind uv a critter he is a’bildin it far. No man, es nu anythin about ’em, wood make a fish-pond for aturkv-hen ; nor, wood he bild a chicken-coop for a trout. , A rinosoios np a tree wood turn a nig ger white with fear, but a fat coon in the sem place, wood make his teeth water. This makes me think thet no man hez a morl rite ter make laus fur a critter es he don’t understand, fust. Thecheif glory of our revolnshunary four-fathers wnr: thet they made an ex ostiv study of the man-critter ; and arter they found out who he reely waz, they, imeejetly-at wanzt writ out a “Declara tion of independence,” and swore by the etarnal thet they wood fite fur it. Well, they fit—and fit d—d hard too—and got what they wanted —the rinosoros got outer) the tree, and the nigger got his coon. Since thet time, the studyin uv a hu man beein as a pint in pergressive poln ticks has kind uv gone to seed, and I’m uv the opinyun that easten folks nev to to be licked into it. I mebe rong ; but by gosh it looks much like it round these diggins. The program advocated by sum tame, closet fellers, with good fat salaries, all-us reminds me uv what the immor tal Bill Shakespeare sed, abouten these yer fine chaps as don’t understand a hu man beein. Bill know’d ’em! You bet! and, regarding uv the program, he sed, ses he is, “one part wisdom and two parts cowardice” and dog-on my heart ef it aint so, By Gosh ! Well, the program mebe all rite, but I think the exercises will be different — kind er livelier, like! Edgar Allan Poe wanst sed, ses he : "I am not more sure that my soul lives, tfian I am that perverseness is one of the primitive impulses uv the human heart, —one uv the indivisable primary faculties or sentiment which give direc tion to the character nv man. Who has not a hundred times found himself com mitting a vile or a silly action, for no other reason than because he knew he should not? Have we not a perpetual inclination to violate tnat which is law, merely because we understand it to be such? Of this spirit,philosophy takes no account.” I’m a liven witness to the trooth nv the abuv ! I never got drunk but wanzt, and thet waz about two hours arter I’d jined a temperance society as a good example to others. I cood’nt stand the plege ! I busted her afore sundown, and wanted ter fite the hull bord uv soopervisors fur their issuin uv license to rumsellers. But they sed: "Well, looney ; I sup pose you know we must hev a govern ment?’! I sed es “I did'nt know es mv mind waz quite clear, yet, on that pint.” “Well,” ses one rv ’em, “we’ll gin you time to clear it up ! Officer, arrest that man.” “Hold on ! hold offl” ses I, “I want to argv the pint with you. You saves we must hev a government?” “Yes, looney,” ses he, “we must hev a government; and in order to hev one, we must hev money to run it; and in order to hev mony, suthing must be taxed, and the more dangerous to the health and the morals uv the commu nity the article to be taxed is, the more mony the government gets fur it and the easier it comes on the people.” “Taxed be d—nd ! you tarnal old bald heded fool,” sea I, "you hev turned the ‘peepels government’ into a lecherous procuress. And so far as ‘making it eas ier fur the peepel’ isconcarned, yer mite es well tax their taters ; ef through your procuring powers you hev made rum a social necessity,—the ‘peepel’ hes to nav fur it enyhow. You say es only the rich drink the wines uv the country, and consequently the tax falls upon them instead nv on the poor. Yer develish cute, aint yer,” ses I, “but thet’s not the pint just now. If 'all men,’ as vou say, ‘are eekal afore ihe law,’ what matters it ter > on, who drinks, or pays fur it? I sav, accordin ti yer own doctrine, its none uv yer bizness, —guverments shud be imparshul.” “Don’t yer see, vou gold-pizen’d dunce thet the hull thing is a boomerang,—it cums back agen in the shape uv crime, (murder, arson, etc.,) and vou hev to pay out to sum devilish cute lawyer or nuther, to defend the state, the sem mony, and more, es you kerlected from yer stupid licence, dog-on you 1” Immeejctlv-at-wanzt a beefy, wine complexioned feller stood np and sed es I was a “soshlist,” and hed “insulted the dignity uv the court” and orter be “locked no.” I was bilen mad but had to go. Some pesky - fool told my wife that I was in hoc for gettin drunk, and she sed, ses she : “Thet’s Obadiah to a dot. He went to a temperance lecter Sunday arternon, and I’ll bet he’s taken the ‘plege.’ We’ll never hear the last of it, for he’ll insist on all on us gettin drank an a’livin for awhile at the ex pense nv the government; fur it’s cheep’ru payin rent and a’buyin uv grub on credit, at a percentage, at the corner grocery. Lizzie; git yonr bat and things on, quick, and we’ll go out to mothers until your father gits sober.” Sombodv has sed: "self is odious” and I fully agree with the doctrine, — more especially now; being covered with government lice —consequently will now change to some one else. Byron wanzt sed to Lady Blessington, ses he : “Man being sensible must get drank.” Uv corce, to simple folk, thet looks kinder pazzlin, not to say paradocksical; but compound peepel kno mighty well thet man is, and alius has been a para docks. Ever since the devil hed himself appointed es a committee-uv one to intervu Eve in the bushes east uv Jordan, in order to pnt up a job on her husband, the hull human family hes knon both sides nv the question ; and insists upon their uv prac tlsin uv it, too,—one side or tuther, or both,—jist es they see fit. A critter es wanz to do rong, caus he knos it to be rong, is no tarnal fool, lem me tell ye that; and I’d rather bunk with him over night, where injins are plenty—or, at least, hev ’em within shoMtin distance—than eny other critter es I ken think uv jist now, and did’nt git drunk cause he d:d’nt kno it was rong. A critter es can chue terbacco, I say, and git drunk on rot-gut-whisky, wanz lots uv room to experiment on his life ; and its no use abusin uv ’em, nuther, by say’n thet he does meny silly and filthy things theta hog or a hen wood’nt be gilty uv. Thet mebe impashuns, but it’s not fllosofy,—excuse me. A hen will never disciver the north west passage, and a hog will never squirt terbacco-juice on the north pole. In conclusion, permit me ter say, thet a human beein is inexplicable on env Bistem uv fllosofy thet is not bilt on a foundation uv, at least, two-thirds mjia rubber. He is a cronic speckelater and wanz lots uv room. I say, sum’thin must give, or sum’body must stand by with a chib; and if thet sum’body— whom we all kno —goes awtey, ver bound ter hear sum'thin bust. Yours, a’lis’nen, Obadiah Soap-Suds. SOLVING PROBLEMS. The Author of "The New Republic" Present, a Logical Essay on the Subject. For The Enquirer. BY E. J. BCHELLHOUB. If anyone were to attempt to gather up the so-called solutions of the prob lems of life he would engage in an end less task. The wisdom of the world’s sages, ancient and modern combined, al though brought to bear with special force upon these questions, has left them as much in doubt as ever. The theologian relegates the whole matter to the domain of the supernat ural. He ignores all rational attempts at solution, and declares that implicit obedience to th# will of God as revealed in the Holy Scriptures is the only solu tion ; but he is met at every turn by his brother theologian with a different m terpre ation of that will. Upon these differences of opinion and the conflicts of interest growing out of them, antag onisms arise which are sought to be de termined by the sword and the rack. The result is, the victor becomes the tyrant and the victim a cowardly sub servient slave. These relations resolve themselves into despotism, self-aggran dizement and imperial authority cn the one hand, and bigotry, superstition and fanatical devotion to authority on the other. These conditions do not meet the re quirements of life; and while the right to exercise authority thus gained is con ceded on the part of the subjugated, a, vague and indefinaule unrest and dis content pervade all classes of society. The statesman enters upon the solu tion of life’s problems by a different ap proach. He refers the whole matter to the domain of government. He studies the origin of customs long established, which he takes for granted are founded on justice because they receive universal assent. He formulates these into laws which become the supreme power of the land. Upon their administration he finds it necessary to establish courts. Conflicting interests arise which are sought to be determined by the meaning and intent of the law. Advocates for the litigants appear before the judge. They discuss the law in all its bearings on the case. A decision is reached which becomes a precedent for other like cases. These multiply until thou sands of volumes are filled with them, and many other thousands contain the laws upon which they are founded. The consequence is, that a large class of professional men, many of them are possessed oPrare talent and great ability, exercise absolute control over the ad ministration of the law ; and have de veloped an interest exclusively their own, and, to say the least, not in har mony with the people’s interest. In the eager pursuit of wealth,, indi vidual conflicts arise involving great in terests. These are to be adjudicated in accordance with the law. These pro fessional men, who have the control of the whole matter, manage the interests of those in dispute in such away as to secure their own greatest interests. So the conditions brought into exist ence bv this mode of solving life’s prob lems reduces the community to depend ence on a class of men whose interests are not in common with the people’s in terest. A growing discontent and fr©: qnent riotons outbreaks testify to the fact that the solution of the problems of life does not lie in this direction. [Continued on fourth page.] PRICE FIVE CENTS. A RIGHT TO LIVE. That is What All Who Labor Are Entitled to and Should Assert. Meek Submission to the Tyr anny of Corporations Unnecessary. The Principle of Justice as Against Law In the Case of the N. P. Coal Company. For the Enoulrer. In The Enquirer of -August 7 is an account of the conduct of the Northern Pacific Coal company toward the miners. It clearly illustrates the stu pidity so common to working people. Thev think tha f if rascality is only ac cording to law it must be respected. Starving or freezing a man to death, or kicking him, his wife and little ones out dcors like dogs, should not be resented or resisted if it is done according to law. The twenty-four rules of tlret company would disgrace a ship. The men seem to think because they have agreed to work under those rules that therefore thev have no right to break them, though thev well know they were forced to accept the rules under duress; or in other words, they could work under them or go hungry. The law does not require a man to carry out an agree ment that he signed under duress. And getting a man into a position where he must sign er go hungry, is duress; and not only the law but common sense and common decency do not require him to carry out such agreements, and we can only sustain our liberty by breaking such agreements as often as opportunity offers. If those men had the manhood that workingmen ought to have, they would have united and taken forcible posses siorqof all the stores of Ihe company and made prisoners of the officers and then lived like men on the food and clothing in the stores, and they should have taken this course as soon as possible offer the lockout went into effect. When the militia came, if too strong for them, they could have retreated and had something to retreat with, and not have to slink off like tramps as they must now. Having the officers as prisoners they could hold them as hostages for terras. But slinking off as tramps they can get no justice whatever and no hear ing. All the goods in the stores were earned by the honest labor of the men and stolen from their wages under the law of prifits and rents. Taking interest, rent or commission or any other form of profit is justifiable only on one condi tion ;to illustrate: When a boss takes a profit from the earnings of his work men, if he uses that profit for the joint good of himself and those workmen then he is lustified in having taken it. But wfien he uses it only f-r his own inter ests, and especially when he uses it di rectly against the interests and comfort of those men who produced it, then he is a robber and ought to be treated as such, all laws to the contrary notwith standing. It is time workingmen saw this distinction and acted upon it. The law will soon get into line when work ingmen refuse to respect any title to property that is being used against the interests of the producers. / The Northern Pacific Coal company are using their property and the power their property gives them against the interests of the men who produced that property, namely, against the miners. Therefore, by common sense, in the in terest of justice and in defense of human liber v those miners should not respect the company’s tide to its property. Liberty and justice cannot be sustained under any other policy, and, in fact, all human liberty tuat has ever been sur rendered to capitalism has been sur rendered beciuse the producing classes have through ignoranca or cowardice or both failed to sustain this policy. That company hired thotementogo there and work so th it that company could reap a profit from their labor. The company has taken so much profit from their labor that the men nave nothing left. Now the company has seen fit to turn them out as penniless tramps, with no funds to travel with and nothing to leave their families, and their families to be turned out of doors by the company from the company’s houses, and turned out immediately. Because the law does not furnish these men any defense or any remedy they think they therefore have no remedy, and this is a stupid conclusion that they should get rid of. y Allowing that the company got every cent of their property honestly, still that would be no excuse for allowing them to keep it if they used it and the power it gives them to oppress and coerce these men. Suppose I own a ship and cargo of provisions, and hire five men to help me sail her across the ocean ; and then, wh6n in the middle of the ocean, I con clude to discharge the men and refuse to feed them any longer, because, having been discharged, they are not at w ork for me, and not being in my employ, I eject them from their 'lodgings: what would the men do in such s case? Would the men gf peaceably out oq [Continued on fourth page.