The Freeman's journal, or, New-Hampshire gazette. [volume], July 13, 1776, Image 1

About The Freeman's journal, or, New-Hampshire gazette. [volume] (Portsmouth, N.H.) 1776-1778

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Sreemnisforal
C Q. 9 ' '
O R
New-Hampthire Gazette.
(Nl k]
Dear COUNTRYMEN, T
SUPPOSE America peopled by as many
) millions of inhabitants, as the continent
could contain ; suppose a demand made of
it by the remote heirs of the fir{t grantors;
at so distant a period of time from the ori
ginal grant, for non compliance with the
unreasonable; iniquitcus, and unlawful terms
of the agreement ; could not the wife heirs
of the imprudent grantees, very modestly,
jultly, and reafonably,demand another place
of fubfifterice;and where in any plan of geo
graphy, could such a vacant place in the o
ther 3 quarters of this little ball of earth be
found, as would be fufficient, to support the
future inhabitants of America ? Admit that
the distant heirs of the original grantors,
were perishing for want of these habitations,
or the fulfilment of the conditions of the
original grant ; would not the prelent pol
feflors (from the law of necefiity) have a
tight to hold their pofeffions, as 2 man
drowning may take a plank from another,
though in his poffefion, ard which lis his
property ; 4 fortiori—may he keep one in
his own pofieffion, which belongs to the o
ther ? If it be answered, fulfil the promise
and keep the pofit(lion, I reply, that the
terms being {lavery, are worse than the fot
feiture or death itfelf, (which would be the
consequence of such forfeiture,) which we
have a right to avoid, by Keeping the pos
session, without performiong the condiiion,
which being, 1 {ay, worle than death, oUght
to be fhun’d, upon the fame principle of
felf preservation in a higher degree. 1f any
grrantees in America have stipulated, the en
tire legiffation over them, to be vested in
the parliaent of Great Britain, to me it is
most evident, that they ought by o means,
to stand to the engagement. As no mdn
has a right to fell or parc with his life, so
neither can he lawfilly dispose of his liberty
absolutely, entirely, and in thie most ezten
five fenfc ; without which, life is less desi
rable than déath, and without which a man
had better never been born. Hence it ap
pears that if an original deed could be pro
duced from: the King, orif you please, from
the King Lords and Commons, to the origi
nal grantees of America, or from any one
élfe exdcept the Almighty himsfelf, (who has
4 right to dispose of our possessions, condi
fions, and persons, as he thinks fit) contain
ing the terms of ablolute slavery to our an
¢eftors, and to devolve from them t& their
polterity, it would nat be lawfully binding
opon the latter, nor even upon the former,
in it’s full extent, there being certain rights,
4 man can’t lawfully and authentically divest
hmifelf of ; for though every bad promise,
SATURDAY, Fuly 13, 1776.
(that is every unprofitable agreement) is not
better broke than kept, yet an unlawtul pro
mise ought not to be performed : Who
doubts this in the case of Herod’s promise,
(which he bound by an oath) to the daiugh
ter of Herodias, concerning the head ot John
the baptist 7 much less can an evil obliga
tion be annexed by ancestors to posterity,
and becomie binding upon their conicier.ces
to perform it, but jult the contrary. Ab
solute slavery includes every thing spiritual
dnd temporal, for time and. for eternity;
if humane laws could extend {c far to be dit
posed of by the master for the fclvant.—
A most Hocking state and condition this!
but it is to be hoped that duress in religion
will eventually fali heavieit, upoun the heads
of tyrants, dnd lightly, it at 2ll; upon their
conicientious, constrained and opprefs’d sub
je&s: Be this as it mmay, how terrible is the
lot and portion bf that people; whose King
is a tyrant ; and wo be to that nation whole
King; tho’ in his own disposition may be as
innocent as a child, or in the present conre
language the beflt of princes, yet is rendered
tyrannical by evil councellors (his minifiry)
who are impious lawless and cruel opprel
fors. But to return from this short, natural,
and neceflary digression, I would add a few
words more, on our American pe{l-flions ;
which we iave fought and found in the
ridft of the wildernels 5 which we haveim
proy’d by the {weat of our brow, and fe
cur’d by oir blood and treasure. The su
perior value of these pofl:{Tions by improve
ment,({tanding on the shoulders of creation)
inhances their native value,and demouftrates
the inequity, »f their ever reverting to the
€rown, or to any body oo this [ide heaven &
many other things might be wrote to this
purpose, on the present question, so Ifay as
to swell the fubj=& to a volume ; all tending
to ptove, that neither such forfeirure not
{uch condition; as has been mentioned,
ofight to take place to be perform’d either
by posterity or even. the original grantees,
if they had made so unlawful and unrigh
teous a contralt ; which my next letter will
(hew they never have done.
ORTHODOXUS.
Mr. Alderman Bull’s Speech, to refer 1o a
Cosmiittce of the House ibe Consideration
of thé Treaties for taking into British pay
17,000 for2ign Trdops 1o be fens to Ame
rica. " - |
I Cannot, Sir, at this time, forbear to ex
press riy astonishment & concern, that
early in the present session so many .geo
tlemen should have been prevailed upen, by
any considerations, to stand forth in the most
serious and solemn manner, to approve and
fan@ify those cruel and arbitrary theafares
which were recommended, and have been
fatally carried into execution, by an unfeel
ing and unrelenting adminiftracion, who
have dared to abuse the throne by their wic
ked & sanguinary councils, & whose whole
conduct has proved them entirely delticutg
of every principle of justice, humnanity, dud
the religion of their country. Their infatid~
ble thirlt for Protestant blood Has been long
evident 3 & cries aloud to Hedven for ven
geance, as well as the just indignation of a
long abused, insulted opprefled pzople.
To exult in the deftruion of our most va
luable comrhercial friends, 4and protestant
fellow fubjecs ; to pray that-the fatte o
rid {cenes may be repeated ; that war,blood
thed, and desolation may pervade the whol#
Continent of America, ualefls it thall Bow
its devoted head to Fopety, to Poverty, &
the most abje&t and ignominious Slavery,
were not the faf? on record, would be tho’c
incredible | That record, Sis, to a nation
proftfling a regard to liberty, and the righits
of humanity. will remain an eternal fonu
ment of reproach. ( o
Sir, is it certain, is it grobable, that the
exertions of ministerial tyranny and revenge
will be much longer permitted ? that there
will be mo appesi to stop the furtber effufiont
of Protestant blond ? Or can it be expecled
that the people of #bis country, reducing by
thousands to beggary and want, will remairt
idle [pefiators till the sword is at sbeir breasts,
or dragoons at tbeir doors? God forbid. I
am not infen{ible how much proleflions of
patriotiim are become a fubjeét of ridicule.
To the aftonithmeat of the wotld, the lové
of our country hzs been ridiculed within
these walls t and yet, Sir, this shall not re
{train me, While I uniformly witkbold the
offer of my life and fortune in support of
ministerial despotism, [ wish to be undef
{tood, that whenever an occqfion may Cill.
for it, I will chearfully facrifice bosb in dé
fenck of the liberties of the people,
The war that you aré nOw wagiag, is 40
unjust ope ; it is founded in oppression, and
its end will be difirefs and dijgracs. Let
not the historian be obliged to fay the Ruf
fian and the German save was hired to sub
due th= sons of Englithmen &of freepen g
and that in the reign of a Prince of the
House of Brunswick eiery infamicns tool
was made use of to extinguith the fpirig
which broaght his ancestors to the thtone,
and in {pite of treachery & rebellion seated
them firmly on-it. o Lo T
I shall not now trouble the HOIItE ‘g:_{’
further than to declare my abhostenge of &1
{ No.™s. ]