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4 I- 70 & ERJO NT TE LE GRAPH. No. 13 Vol. VIH- What is his business but to make drunk-1 ed me from friends in the south ; and al ards, which cold water men hare to sup-1 though I have more than once replied to nan 2 -. B ut the time is cominff when this I these complaints through the public prints. great injustice will not be tolerated in this I in a manner that, should be satisfactory to ' free country. ; iv " " erery candid person, yet, presuming you of danger from one side only, it was quite natural that the opposite should escape their riffUance. But do not let us imitate the morbid sensitiveness of the south, nor seek to drive them (as our Board) to our hare not seen my communications on the I side of the question, and so endanger a has pushed on too far ; advance and re treat, arc both alike difficult. . lie is con scious that the public, confidence, is now Cist ebbing away-front 'him; and both charity and humanity forbid that we at tach a .responsibility to his ' convulsive flouncing which "could belong only to de liberate motion. v . Three facts that 2500 persons sub scribed for the New York Evangelist while - these lectures . were publishing that ten or twelve thousand copies of the mame lectures have' been sold since they were published in a volume and that Mr .Finney has since been appointed by the trustees of the Western Itcserve College, to a theological professorship in that in etirution. with nearly the unanimous con sent of the ministers on the Reserve may show how well this reviewer is qua! ified to judge of the standing of ministers whom he undertakes to revile as trans gressors of the rules of morality. He did wiselv in concealing his name, New Yorkj$vangelist. COMMUNICATIONS. - Akontmocs: The Litersrv and The-1 subject, 1 feel that justice to the Society, ological Jleview has adopted the excellent as well as to yourselves and others, re rule of having the writers give their names, quires me to answer your inquiries and But in the last No. there Is a deviation.- gire you an explanation. The review of Finney's Lectures is anon- Although I am mrinciple opposed to vmous. r And those who read the article slavery,, yet I have not, and never had any will not wonder. Read a sentence : ,1 fellowship with the measures of the abo . . We Art not fil dianosed to aoolv the I liiiohists. believing that they are interfer- iulcs of a ti orous morality, to. some , of mg in an unjustifiable manner with the the artifices of the book ; and it is openly 1 ngms ot tne soum. i nave never aesign hsKa tm!s connected .with new meas-1 ediy in any way, ; either directly or indl ures, and takes the lead in tho prevalent I rectly, openly or covertly, aided the cause wfm of disnriranization. that we . have 1 of the abolitionists. I have never sent, felt remitted to allude to his character at I nor had any agency whatever in sending all We say we do not know how much. I any anti -slavery paper to any person in miiit mv attach to these artifices, thoneh 1 tho world. And 1 nave full confidence we can see much mischief as the result. in those employed in the Depository dur . Th truth is. Mr V. U now aware that he f ine Bv absence from home, to believe that no anu-Siavezy puuiicauou was ever sem from the office oy. them, or through their agency. We have never furnished the abolition agents with your names, nor have we ever, given them access to the list of our patrons and subscribers. No mem ber of the Board, I am confident, has had any agency in sending anti-slavery publi cations to our friends in the south ; and no member of the Board, to my knowl edge, is friendlv to the abolitionists. When the Disclaimer of the Board was published in . the Christian Index, September 23, 1834, I was wholly iguo- ram ox ine loci, wnicn nas since come to the knowledge of the Board, that one of our travelling agents on his return from the south in the early part of 1633, so far yieiaea to tne solicitations oi some aooii tionists in the chy of New York, as to give them the address of several individ uals in the south, and' yours probably among them. But as this was done with out the knowledge of the Board, and is an act which we regard with feelings of aeep regTet ana enure uisapprooaiion, we trust the Society will continue to receive theconfidence and patronage of its friends throughout the land. Believing, dear brethren, that the above explanation will be perfectly satisfactory to you, permit me to commend this Insti tution to your prayers, ana to tne increas- 1 ' . TV . f . I 1 1 ea ana untiring enons oi tnose wno love the Savior and desire the spread of his truth. Yours affectionately in the patience and kingdom of Jesus Christ. I. M. Allen. 'BAPTIST . GENERAL TRACT SOCIETY AND THE SLAVERY QUESTION.' As we design to give both sides an im partial hearing, we now give below the correspondence between certain Georgians and brother Allen as formerly adverted to in the Telegraph -which appeared in the No vember, number of the Tract Mag azinc,the monthly organ of the Baptist General Tract Society. I? j?Z V. Brother Colver has very ably, clearly, and pointedly exposed brother Allen's du- pucuy anasycopnancy." yveaonot pre- - cisely"agree with him in regard to the du ty of the Board, as our brief notes indi cate. . -.-EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE GENERAL AGENT. , Cretntcoodt Lincoln Co. Ga., wvvf : 251 Sept. 1835. Brother J.' M.t Allen, To our great surprise, there has-been recemly sent to ' our adJrrcs, through tho public mail, an incendiary abolition paper, called Hu man Rights,1 published in the city of N. York, and circulated by the American Anti-Slavery Society of that State. Our feelings, dear brother,' have been greatly mortified and afflicted; and we ore extremely sorry Co sav that our suspi cions have fallen upon you as the eanse of these papers being sent us, and we feel it ti duty wo owe you, as well as ourselves, to inquire whether yon have had any agency in causing that publication to be cent us T Our suspicion has been excited from the fact, that none- other than our selves in this vicinity have received them; and that we are the only individuals in the neighborhood whd subscribed for the Baptist (Tract) Magazine ;; and our names not being on any other subscription list at the north, or in any other way known to the northern fanatics, who would in volve the south in scenes of blood and car nage to gratify a morbid philanthronv. which would cause the truly philanthrope ic soui to weep, anu iue pairiotto mourn. ' We think an explanation from you is due, . not only to us, but on account of the In stitution for which you are engaged : as it is to bo"anDrehended the cause mav suffer materially in consequence of the measure of which we complain.'4 " 1 We have felt, and still leel a lirelv in- terest b the Institution for-which you are Agent, and would be sorinr that anv cir- cumstance should transpire to retard its beneficent operations t but, sir, we can never consent to patronize any institution, whose officers will connect with it, open ; ly or covertly, measures calculating or leuuuig w vim i vvu. i m i uiu, orinemis , err of any portion of her population. " . In conclusion, we ask you", dear broth er. ( we ask von seriously,) whether have furnished the aboluion agents with bur names, or given them access to your 'subscriDtion lis: with a knowledge or the Assign to forward tttfse incendiary publi " cations to our patrons J We hope you may bo able to givea satisfactory answer ,to our inquiry, and if you pleO$0 com munication through the Christian Iildex VcsW bo gratifying to us, as it would re- ' rr.or? cny prquaico mat may have been ir l ,1 :1 by any of oar fellow citizens in const, yacnea of those papers being sent us. ; la bonds of a Jpvmg gospel we sub f cribe ounclvcs your brethren in Christ , Benjamin BaxTLrr, " " ' ' Abxjcr 'Vm9qm. t 1 ' , - '' ''' : . REPLY. r' ' Philadelphia .October 28i, 1835. ;i Dear UreMra, Your complaint is not the first of the kind which has reach- Dear Brother Murray: t perceive by the perusal of a commu nication from brother Case, in the last Telegraph, that the Baptists in Vermont feel themselves injured oy the resolutions ot the Board of the Baptist General Tract Society, and the accompanying letter of T ''.11 .1. . J T l. XYl. Alien uieir ascui. Ana i must confess ihat I hare felt the same with hem. But permit me through your col umns to intrcat that no hasty measures may oe aaoptea wnicn may jeoparaize the interest of the Tract Society. It is a cause that should lie near our hearts, as it is one with which no doubt the immortal destinies of thousands are concerned. It seems to me that this is a case which calls for the exercise of christian forbearance and kindness. It should be remembered that our Board occupy a critical and un enviable, as well as responsible station, having both the north and the south to re gard in this matter. II.) Itn well ap preciate their motive for wishing to keep the Tract operations disconnected from the question of slavery. And as yet I am compelled to justify them in their resolu tion to do so, even to the requiring of their agent to abstain from all Interference mth it (notwithstanding brother Case con demns this feature of their doings.J It does seem to me that brethren should be willing that the Tract Society should not be trammelled in its operations by con necting with it a question which involves not only the liberty of the slaves but the liberty of our whole country. While this question is marshalling its mighty hosts, sustained and invigorated on tne one side by philanthropy and justice, and love, and God, and on the other by tyran ny, pride, cupidity and lust ; and while the moral elements are shaken with the conflict, : why not let the unassuming and sincle purposed Tract Societv eo on undisturbed in its own benevolent work of carrying its instructions to the ignorant, its Christ to the destitute and its consola tions to the afflicted ? (2.).' I am not disposed to apologise for any wrong that may have been done, nor to stay the hand of kind rebuke. If either tne Hoard or tneir agent nave erred in this matter.et kind remonstrance seek to put it right ; but never let a thought of abandon in 2". the Tract Society be indulged for a moment (3.) Let not the union of tho north and the south in this benevolent and sin trie purpose be disturbed. I must say further .that the wrong in this case seems mainly ifi the agent, and not m the Hoard. All l can nna m my heart to blame the Board for is, not strict ly keeping to their purpose of neutrality, tn thi I confess I think , they have erred. When ihev had decreed neutralitv. and that their acrnt" Should in no wav inter- M.J J?. . ..P ., would have heen expected that instead o sanctioning giving a pce in the Tract Magazine to that unwise and meddle some letter of brother Allen's, they would navo iwiuw nun as they did the agent, who" (according to ' their W,rsbin,W had meddled on the other side of the ques tion. But from a personal acquaintance with the, members of the Board, and a knowledge of their moral worth, I canno for a . moment indulge a suspicion that there was any intention of departing from the standard of neutrality which they had set qp. Feeling at the time the pressure cause which needs, (and can have if a proper spirit do maintainwi,; me praye and enorts ot botn tne nonn ana me soum. It seems to me however that the letter of brother Allen' deserves not only the condemnation of the Board, but of every christian, both at the north and the south, who believe with him that slavery is asm, and who claim the right to proclaim it such, and .to seek its removal by the force of truth. Who has read that letter and not felt his heart sicken at its manifest syc ophaney and injustice It would have been enoucrh for him solemnly as agent, . .t a. to announce to tne soutn nis neutrality, to which all would have responded, Amen. But what right had he to lay upon the al tar of southern petulence the rights of his brethren of the north ? What cruel in justice to charge the great body of his northern brethren with an unjtuUfiable in terference with the rights of the south a charge as false as it is unkind. Such a charge is unkind every way to the abo litionists, because it is a false imputation of crime -to the south because it deceives them in this matter. Much of the irrita tion of the south is to be attributed to this and kindred assertions, loosely made, by those who are in more haste to please the oppressor, than to plead the cause oi the oppressed. Jtt is ojsjust sucn gratuitous assertions -that our brethren of the south are' made to count us their enemy, because we xcould tell them the truth Abolitionists interfere with the rights of the south? What rights? Where? When 7 How ? A charge so grave as this, and made on so grave an occasion, and jeopardizing so dear an interest ; a charge too on which he was about to pro claim his non-fellowship with the great bodv of his brethren of the north, should have been accompanied with specifica tions, and Sustained by proof: but either he cannot give. I confess I am at a loss to find either motive or apology, for so reckless and unkind a charge. I ask again with what rights of the south are the abolitionists unjustly inter- ferine? have thev.cver sought to legis late for them ? iHeyer. Have they sought to endanger their domestic quiet, by ad dressing the slave I Never. Have they taught any other duty as devolving upon the slave but obedience to his master, not only to the gentle but even to the forward ? Never. If they have neither brother Al len, nor any ofjthe disingenious accusers of abolitionists, would be backward to spe cify it. It is not the rights of the south with which the abolitionists are meddling but the wrongs brother Allen himself being judge. Hear him: "I am opposed to slavery." Does he oppose a right? or a wrong? wrong of course. Agreed; so do abolitionists. Does he exercise the right to say that he is opposed to slavery? So do they. " To write that he is opposed to slavery and send it to the south ? So do they, (but not in the Tract Magazine.) What then is the difference between him and them ? (for now he seems to be anti slavery to all intents and purposes !) The difference is simply this, he lacks their honest consistency they lack nis servin tv. Nor will the south be backward to discern tiiS true difference, or to hold such duplicity in uUgr abhorrence. Let us put the sentiments oi ms icuer into nlain Endish, and sttf how it reads. " I am opposed to slavery that is, you of the south are doing wrong, l ne acoii tionists are determined at all hazards to ell you of your wrong, and persuade you (2.) Is it the duty of every christian to IB. Wilkins. The following are among labor for the promotion of Temperance! the resolutions passed: Yes. Is it the duty of every christian to Resolved. That in view of the efforts labor for the abolition of slavery ? Yes. now making for the final and triumphant Is it the duty of all christians, at all times, succf 0I.tne - Dy isutuot j ; the American Temperance Society m ex- to cast their influence against any and all & inebriating drinks as a com- J A - -T -t 1 iL.l 1 . .1 manner oi sin f x es. now men can u i mon oeverage, mai we lewmmena to tne be the duty of a certain body of christians to reouire one of their number to M ab- i stain from all interference with " a cer tain species of sin ! (3.) It is not duty to abandon a Tract Society. And the Tract society should messengers and churches composing this association to exciuae as a Deverage all intoxicating dnnks. Agreed to, not only by all the ministers, deacons, and dele- m - gates, but, by almost all the assembly. Resolved. That we recommend to all our brethren in this association to patron ize and encourage the JN. Y. Baptist Re- be adhered to so long as it encourages no gister and the Ifarmont Telegraph. manner of sin. But if it makes use of our money and influence to sustain sin, it is time for us to remonstrate at least.- How can it be our duty to contribute mo ney or influence, in support of sin ? (4.) This is sound doctrme, Just so ar as the Board is implicated in sin, ap- nlv the same reasoning to them as to brother Allen that's all. to repent; therefore I have no fellowship with them, but will uphold you in your wrong. I misunderstand him entirely if this is not fairly the sentiment of his letter. And really such a letter must be as onen- sive to the south, as to the north. No honorable man of the south can be pleased with such barefac ed duplic ity. I have too good an opinion of our slave-holding brethren generally, to suppose lor a mo ment that they will admit the wrong, and yet be angry at the faithful remonstrance of their northern brethren. The fact is, they have not felt that slavery in the ab stract issjn. "An object ever pressing dims thesight" They have slept over he sin of slavery just as other christians have slept over other sins that have come down to them from "other generations. Familiarized to it from childhood, and hav ing misapplied the scriptures on the sub ject, while they have eschewed many of its evils, they have not thought thatrtate r itself is sin. Let them but see that slavery at its root is sin, is guilt, is crime, and you may expect trom them sucn ac tion on the subject as becomes christians. They are now beginning to wake up. The expostulations of the 44 few janatics " of the north, have disturbed" their slu in fers. It is true they are a little petu lent but what of that, it is nothing strange or discouraging. Children, vou know. are apt to be pevish when partly awaked. But let them be fairly awaked and they will not be backward to fix a proper esti mate of such lulaby productions as the letter upon which I am commenting, which have sought to prolong their slum bers in the midst of their sin, and over the volcano which threatens their destruction. On the whole, sir, 1 must think that brother Allen has wrought folly in Israel Let him be rebuked; repent and confess. But in the mean tune let us all cherish the precious cause of Tracts; and though we seek to correct his error let us here even his appeal for our prayers, our sympa .t j .u. . It NATH'L COLVER Greenwich Jan. V2th, 1836. (1.) No, Brother neither the south, nor the north, but the commands of God We are sorry that the tollowmg was received twenty-four hours too late for our last number. It seems that our "concili atorii brother "did not want' the Anti- Slavery anniversary held in his meeting house! Furthermore, he refused, or at least neglected, to let the readers of the Telegraph have the notice of this meet ing, in connexion with the notice which he gave of the others. Further still, the colonization papers of that county refused to give notice of the Anti-Slavery Society's meeting. Here is conciliation with a witness! Why can't the two societies co-operate?" Is- not the question abun dantly answered by the conduct of those who ask it ? Washington County (N. Y.) Anti Slavery Anniversary. Br. Murray. I see by the last Telegraph, that Br. Baldwin, of our county, has requested you to notice the approaching anniversaries of tne Denevoient institutions m this county. Allow me to add, by way of supplement to Br. B s. notice, that the Washington Coun ty Anti-Slavery Society will hold its an niversary on the same week and at the same place with the other anniversaries ; to wit, on Thursday the 28th of January, at 10 o'clock A. M., at the South village in Hartford. Although the notice of this anniversary is excluded from all our coun ty papers except one, yet I rejoice that you have given notice of all the others in your paper. Br. Baldwin thought proper to pass by this anniversary, having his eye intent on the colonization meeting; and then, as if something needed proping, adds a letter by way of apology, and attempts a reconciliation between belligerent par ties. We trust we shall not be deemed uncharitable, if like a true Yankee we shrewdly guess the object of that concili atory letter was to get people to attend the colonization meeting. Very well, this is all right. If Br. Baldwin wishes to pro nounce a eulogy over the carcass of the dead Lion, he will see some 'honest friends' of the black man there to shed the tear of condolence with him ; and all we ask in return is that Br. B. and all who think with him, will attend the Anti-Slavery meeting and hear and judge. True, Br. B. did not want our anniversary held at his church, for fear of "getting up an ex citement" but we trust his fears will prove groundless. An excitement seems to ter rify the good brother. If a rum-seller, on being reasoned with, should get mad and threaten to dissolve the Union; Br. B. would of course "strive for the things which make for peace," lest the rum-seller should get up an excitement, and make a noise in community! But we say "no, to them that cry peace, peace, where the Lord has not spoken peace; who sew pillows to arm-holes, and bolster up the Southern peoplein iniqui ty." We should rejoice to see any of our Ver mont friends at the anniversary. Yours truly, E. D. CULVER. Fort-Ann. Jan. 17, 1836. Resolved, That in view of the destitute condition of many parts of our own State and rennsyivania wnicn tne convention has undertaken to supply; and the state ot many destitute places oi the valley of the Mississippi and all North America, spread ing as it is with Roman Catholicism, and all manner of errors, to which territory the American Baptist Home mission so ciety is sending out missionaries by the aid of funds raised by the convention, we earnestly recommend to the churches of this association to raise at least $100 for the convention of the state the ensuing year. Resolved, That we view slavery as now existing in these United States to be repugnant to the law of God, and the spir it of our national charter which recogni zes the right of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuu of happiness, and the best and dearest interest of man; Therefore, Re solved, That we will hold no communing fellowship with slave-holding churches or individuals agreed to without ' a dissent ing voice by the delegates; arid by request almost every person in the house mani fested their approbation of the resolution by rising. From the New-York Times. SPECIAL MESSAGE From a correspondent in Middlebury. We had an excellent meeting at Ver gnnes. No disturbance, and well attend ed by the substantial farmers around. Addresses were given in the afternoon by ur. Alien, Air Johnson, and K. D. Bar ber Esq.; and in the evening by Rev. Mr. j .baton ot Charlotte. The grounds taken were, that the Anti-Slavery Society com mends itself to the public, equally with the Am. Foreign Missionary Society, the Am. Bible Society, or any other benevo lent society of the day hence it becomes an object of immense interest to Chris tians. The arguments adduced to sustain these positions were unanswerable. Mr Eatons address I did not hear ; but it is said, by competent judges, to have been a splendid production. Lake George Association. Minutes just received. Its nineteenth annual ses sion was held at Minerva, September 2d and 3d Levi Scofiefd, moderator Al yin Barton, clerk. In this Association there are 13 churches; 4 ordained minis- ters and i licentiates. Total number of communicants, 1006. Additions by bap tism, during the year, 41. Next session to be holden at Clueensbury, 1st Wednes day in September, 1836. Introductory , , , ( lu luc uisiuricai i sermon on that occasion by Rev. Joseph 1 (he commencement of v FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Tb the Senate and House of Representatives : Gentlemen, In my Message at the open ing of your session, I informed you, that our Charge d'Affaires at Paris had been instruct ed to ask for the final determination of the French Government, in relation to the pay ment of the indemnification, secured by the treaty of the 4th of July. 1831, and that when advices on the result should be received, it would be made the subject of a special com munication. In execution of this design, I now trans mit to you the papers numbered from 1 to 13, inclusive, contaming,among other things, the correspondence on this subject between our Charge d'Affaires and the French Min ister of Foreign Affairs, from which it will be seen, that France requires, as a condition precedent to the execution of a treaty uncon ditionally ratified, and to the payment of a debt acknowledged by all the branches of her Government to be due, that certain ex planations shall be made, of which she dic tates the terms. These terms are such as that Government has already been officially informed cannot be complied with ; and, if Persisted in, they must be considered as a de berate refusal on the part of France to fulfil engagements binding by the laws of nations, and held sacred by the whole civilized world. The nature of the act which France requires from this Government, is clearly set forth in the letter of the French Minister, marked No. 4. " We will pay the moneyt" says he, " when the Government of the United S tates is ready, on its part, to declare to us, by ad dressing its claim to us officially, in writing, that it regrets the misunderstanding which has arisen between the two countries ; that this misunderstanding is founded on a mis take ; that it never entered into its intention to call in question the good faith of the French Government, nor to take a menacing atti tude towards France;" and he adds, "if the Government of the United States does not give this assurance, we shall be obliged to think that this misunderstanding is not the result of an error." In the letter marked No. 6, the French Minister also remarks, that "the Government of the United States knows, that upon itself depends hencefor ward the execution of the treaty of July 4th, 1831." Obliged bv the Drecise lanmi.afre thu nspd by the French Minister, to view it as a per emptory refusal to execute the treaty, except on terms incompatible with the honor and independence of the United States, and per suaded, that on considering the correspon dence now submitted to you, you can regard it in no other light, it becomes my duty to call your attention to such measures as the exigency of the case demands, if the claim of interfering in the communications between the differentbrancb.es of our government shall be persisted in. This pretension is rendered the more unreasonable by the fact, that the substance of the required explanation has been repeatedly and voluntarily given before u was insistea on as a con anion a condi tion the more humiliating, because it is de manded as the equivalent of a pecuniary con sideration. Does France desire only a de claration that we had no intention to obtain our rights by an address to her fears rather than to her justice ? She has already had it frankly and explicitly given by our Minister' accredited to her Government, his act ratifi ed by me, and my confirmation of it officially communicated by him, in his letter to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the 25th of April, 1835. and repeated by my pub lished approval of that letter after the pas sage of the bill of indemnification. Does France want a degrading, servile repetition of this act, in terms which she shall dictate, and which will involve an acknowledgement of her assumed right to interfere in our do mestic concerns ? She will never obtain it. The spirit of the American people the dig nity of the Legislature, and the firm resolve of their Executive Government, forbid it. Aa the answer of the French Minister to our Charge d'Affaires at Paris, contains an allusion to a letter addressed by him to the representative of France at this place, it now becomes proper to lay before you the corres pondence had between that functionary and the Secretary of State relative to that letter and to accompany the same with such expla nations as will enable you to understand the course of the executive in relation to it. Re- u,uuo l" uisnuricai statement made at our session, of tht origin and progress of our difficulties with France, it will be recollected that, on the re turn of our Minister to the United States 1 caused my official approval of the explana tions he had given to the French Minister ot Foreign Affairs, to be made public As the French Government had noticed the Mes sage without its being officially communica ted, it was not doubted that, if they were dis posed to pay the money due to us, they would notice anv public explanation of the Govern ment of the United States in the same way. But contrary to these well founded exDeeta- tions, the French Ministry did not take this fair opportunity to relieve themselves from their unfortunate position, and to do justice 10 ine umtea states. Whilst, however, the Government of the United States was awaiting the movements of the French Government, in perfect confi dence that the difficulty was at an end, the Secretary of War received a call from the French Charge d'Affaires in Washington, who desired to read to him a letter he had received from the French Minister of For eign Affairs. He was asked whether he was instructed or directed to make any official communication, and replied that he was on ly authorized to read the letter and furnish a copy if requested. The substance of its con tents, it is presumed, may be gathered from Nos. 4 and 6, herewith transmuted. It was an attempt to make known to the Govern ment of the United States, privately, in what manner it would make explanations, appa rently voluntary, but really dictated by France, acceptable to her, and thus obtain payment of the twenty-five millions of francs. No exception was taken to this mode oi communication, which is often used to pre pare the way for official intercourse, but the suggestions made in it were in their sub stance, wholly inadmissible. Not being in the shape of an official communication to the Government, it did not admit of reply or of ficial notice, nor could it safely be made the basis of any aetion by the Executive or the Legislature ; and the Secretary of State did iiOt think proper to ask a copy, because he could have no use for it. Copies of papers maked numbers 9. 10 A. 1 1, show an attempt on the part of the French Charge d'Affaires, many weeks afterward?, to place a copy of this paper among the ar chives ot this Government, which for obvi ous reasons was not allowed to be done ; but the assurance tbefore given was repeated. tnat any otnciai communication wnicn ne might be authorized to make in the accus tomed form, would receive a prompt and just consideration. ;This! Indiscretion of thi attempt was made more manifest by the sub sequent avowal of the French Charge d'Af faires that the object was to bring this letter before Congress and the American people If foreign agents, on a subject of disagree ment between their Government and this, wish to prefer an appeal to the American people, they will hereafter, it is hoped, tet ter appreciate their own rights, and the n speci aue 10 omers, man to attempt to use the Executive as the passive organ of their communications. It is due to the character of our institu tions, that the diplomatic intercourse of thi; Government should be conducted with tie utmost directness and simplicity, and that in cases of importance, the communications re ceived or made by the Executive, should a sume the accustomed official form. It is oi ly by insisting on this form, that foreteii powers can be held to full responsibility ; that their communications can be officially replied to ; or that the advice or interference of the Legislature can, with propriety, be invited by the President. This course is also the best calculated, on the one hand, to shield the officer from unjust suspicions, & uu iue oiuer, 10 suojeci mis portion oi ais acts to public scrutiny ; &. if occasion should require it, to constitutional animadversion. It was the more necessary to adhere to the?" principles in the instance in question, inas much as, in addition to other important inte rests, it very intimately concerned the na tional honor; a matter in my judgment, much too sacred to be made the subject of private and unofficial negociation. It will be perceived that this letter of the French Minister of Foreign Affairs was read to the Secretarv of State on the 11th of Sep tember last. This was the first authentic information of the specific views of the French Government, received by the Gov eminent of the United States after the pa sage of the bill of indemnification. Inav much as the letter had been written bekr the official notice of my approval of Mr Liv ingston's last explanation and remonstrauc could have reached Paris, just ground o hope was left, as has been before stated, that the French Government, on receiving thi information, in the same manner the allegeii offending message had reached them, would desist from their extraordinary demand, anc pay the money at once. To give them an opportunity to do so, and, at all events, tu elicit their final determination, &the ground they intended to occupy, the instruction5 were given to our Charge d'Affaires which were adverted to at the commencement of the present session of Congress. The resu!' as you have seen, is a demand of an official, written expression of regret, and a direct ex planation addressed to France, with a dis tinct intimation that this is a sine qua von. Mr. Barton having, in pursuance of his in structions, returned to the United States, A the Charge d'Affaires of France haviucbeen recalled, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countnes is suspended a state ot things originating in an unreasonable sus ceptibility on the part of the French Govn ment, and rendered necessary on our par' theirrefusal to perform engagements contain ed in a treaty, from the faithful perforruan" of which by us they are to this aay enjoy in;' many important commercial advantage . It is time that this unequal position of ai fairs should cease, and that legislative action should be brought to sustain Executive ex ertion in such measures as the case require While France persists in her refusal to com ply with the terms of a treaty, the object ot which was, by removing all causes of niutu al complaints, to renew ancient feelings c". friendship, and to unite the two nations i: the bonds of amity, and of a mutually bene ficial commerce, she cannot justly compla'n if we adopt such peaceful remedies as thf iaw oi nations ana tne circumstances vi case may authorize and demand. Of the na ture of these remedies. I have heretofore had occasion to speak, ana in reference to a par ticular contingency, to express my convif tion that reprisals would be best adapted t0 the emergency then contemplated. Sine? that period, France, by all the departments of her Government, has acknowledged the validity of our claims, and the obligations of this treaty, and has appropriated the mon eys which are necessary to its execution ; A though payment is withheld on grounds vi tally important to our existence as an inde pendent nation, it is not to be believed tha'