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KGRA . YEliONT -TE3L TED I AM SET FOR THE DEFENCE OF THE GOSPEL." BY ORSON. S. MURRAY. BRANDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 1839. VOL. XI. KO.-29. (53 The Vermo.it Tjclecraph is published weekly, at $2,00 a year, payable within foar months after four months ouil within eight, $2,25 after eight months and within the year, $2,50. OCT To companies who receive twelve or more copies in one bundle, and pay within four montli3, at $1,50 after four months, to rise as above, $1,75 within eight inmtths, &c. BCJ Agents, who procure and pay for six sub scribers, are entitled to the seventh copy gratis. 1X7" No paper to be discontinued until arrearages ore paid, except at the discretion of the publisher. OCT" All letters, to secure attention, must come votlage paid. W li E 3 IB A3I IS o Brandon, Satchday, April 6, 1839. SPEECH OF Mil. MOUUIS, OP OHIO, In Senate, February 9, 1339. concluded. The Senator admits the Abolitionists ore now formidable; that something must be done to produce harmony. Yes, sir, do justice, and harmony will be restored. Act impartially, that justice mav be done; hear petitions on bath sides, if they are offeree, and jive rigbteom judgments, and your people will be satisfied. You can not compromise" them out of their rirrs, nor lull them lo sleep with fallacies in the thape of reports. You cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them by soph istry. Remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor ''an you overthrow it. You must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have taken, and receive petitions. The reason of the case, the ar gument, and the judgment of . the people, nreall against you. One in this caur.e f:in 'chase n thousand,' and the voice of justice will be heard whenever you ap-i. tale the subject. In Indiana, the righof petition has been most nobly advocated iji n protest, against some puny resolutions of the Legislature of that State to whitewash livery. Permit me to read a paragraph, worthy of an American freeman: "Uut who would have thought, until lately, that any would have doubled the right of petition in a respectful manner to Congress? Who would have believed, that Oongtess had ahy authority to refuse to consider the petitions of the people? (Such n step would oveuhrow the Auto crat of Russia, or cost the Grand Seignior of Constantinople his head. Can u be possible, therefore, that it has been reserv ed for n .Republican Government, in a land bjasting of its free Institutions," to set the first precedent of this kind ? Our city councils, our courts of justice, every de partment of Government, are approached by peti'.ion, however unanswerable, or ab surd, so that its terms are respectful. I None go away unread or unheard. The 1 life of every individual is a' perfect illus- those who, to accomplish their ends, act without regard to consequences. To them, all the rights of property, of the S'ates, of the Union, the Senator says, are nothing. He says they aim at other objects than those they profess emancipation in the District of Columbia. No, says the Sen ator, their object is universal emancipa tion, not only in the District, but in the Territories and in the States. Their ob ject is to set free three millions of negro slaves. Who made the Senator, in his place here, the censor of his fellow-citizens? Who authorised him to charge them with other objects than those they profess? How lone is it since the Sena tor. himself, on this floor, denounced slave ry as an evil 1 What other inducements or objects had he then in view? Suppose universal emancipation to be the object of these- petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy object ; worthy of the chris tian, the philanthropist, the statesman, and the citizen ? But the Senator says, (the petitioners) aim to excite one portion of tne country'agamst another, ldeny, sir abolitionists as stepping stones to mount f did not witness this cruel transaction bat! into.power; and, .when there, have turn ed about ana traduced them. He admits that political parties are willing, to unite with them and any class of nien5 in order to carry their purposes. Are .abolition ists, then, to blame if they pursue the same course? It seems the Senator is willing that his party should make use of even abolitionists ; but he. is not wiiling that abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. This seems not to bd in accordance with that equality of i rights, about which he heard so, much at the Sast session. Abolitionists have noth ing to fear. If public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and among them as thick and noisy as the lo custs of Egypt. The Senator seems to admit that, if the abolitionists are joined to either political party, there is danger danger o what? That humanity and justice will prevail? that the light of pe tition will be secured to ALL EQUALLY? and that the long-lost -and trodden African race will be restored tolheir natural rights ?. and not hv nv munivi ial regulations iSlaverv tn Ko a min -a .,u speak Irom what I have heard and be-; The-dominion of man over things, 33 land respect them for their open denuncia tive. Is this District, then, a fit place property, was settled by his. Creator when 1 Hon of i rather than call on them to tor our deliberations, whose feelings are , man was first placed upon the earth. He 'desist, 'or, between their rnrsrfpn nn-l Outraged With immimtV With Ir.inS-linniinr n U..n lUoplk nd h-ttro (fnmln. thoi'r ClnA .-- I . r tr j ; - M-uv.ivHjj w suuuui- me vui iu, uv 1 v ukuihi- -vn vwu, c na c ii o no wer to in.eriere like this ? ana degrading spectacle was at this mo- the air, and over every living thing lhat ment exhibited under the windows of our mnvpth nnnn ih Mrili": nvrrv herh hpar- chamber, do yon think the Senate could ; in? seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding this charge, and call for the proof: it is J Would the Senator regret lo see thl gratuitous, uncalled lor, and unjust tow ards my fellow-citizens. This is the lan guage of a stricken conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charg ing guilt upon others. It is the language of those who, failing in argument, endeav or to cast suspicion upon the character of their opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. It is the lan guage of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and honorable investing- nation ot trie subject of petitioning Pe tition is the language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad varieties of woe?, imploring relief, at the hand of stime power supeiior to .himself. Peti tioning is the foundation of alV Gorern ii't ri', and of all administrations of law. Yet it has been reserved for our Con gress, seconded indirectly by the vote of this Legislature, to question this vio-ht, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven deeded, so undoubted, that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a iruarantv i of it in the first draft of the Federal Con 1 st.'tution. Yet this sacred right has been nt one blow, Jriveu, destroyed, r.nd trod- iien under the lett ot slavery. The old bulwarks of our Federal and State Con Mitiitions seem utterly to have been for gotten, wh.ch declare, 4 that freedom ol speech and the press sh ill not be abridir d, nor the right of-the p, ople peacealdv .to assemble and petition for the redress of their grievances.' ; These, sir, are the sentiments which make Abolitionists formidable, and set at naught all your c6unsck for their over- iiirov. I he honorable Senator not only aJmits that aboiiiionists are formidable, but that they censist of three classes. The friends of humanity, and justice, or those actuated by those principles, compose one cws. These form a very numerous class, nnd the acknowledgement of the Senator proves the immutable principles upon which opposition to slavuy rests.- Men are opposed to it from principles of human itv and justice men are abolitionists, he admits, oa that account. We thank the Senator for teaching .us that word: tend to improve it. The'next class V.f s.k. ohtionists, the Senator siys, are so, appa rently, for the purpose of advocating the right of petilioh7 IVhat'are we to under stand from this? That the right of peti tion needs advocacy ? Who has denied jnis right, or who has attempted to abridge The flaveholdincr power, that pow which avoids open discussion, and the iree exercise of opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of. the ngat oi petition necessary, having seized "P .lvers of ih Government. U is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron rule, no matter to what political pirty they have heretofore belonged- they are united with the first diss, dnd ct from principles of humanity and ius- u ine mists ana shades of slave ry were not the atmosphere in which gen tlemen were enveloped,, they wouid see constant and increasing numbers of our Jjost worthy and intelligent citizens ot aching themselves to thel two classes .d rallying under the ban- l t abLollUon's. They are compel ?i to go there, if lhe mteLn WlilZ!! IK1?- perpetuate . . " " "' .mi: cuumrif Th lion, the obi. xt of which is truth. I aain put in a broad denial to this charge,that any portion of these piiiioners, whom I represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against another; and without proof, I cannot ad. nit that the assertion of the honorable Senator establishes the fact. It is but opir.ion, and naked assertion on ly. The Senator complains that the i .i i i uieuiis auu views oi me aooiitionists are not confined to the securing the right of petition only; no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the ballot box; and if lhat fail, fays the Senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet. Sir, no man who is an American in feelinfr and in heart, but ought to repel.this charge instanth', and without any reservation whatever, that if they fail at the ballot box, they will resort to the bayonet. If such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country, it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising trie right, ot petition, but by those onlytvho deny that riffht to others. and' seek to usurp the whole power of Government. If the ballot box fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now are. Does the Senator believe that any portion of the honest yeo manry oi mecouiury entertain sucn thot s f I hope he does not, . If thoughts of this kind exist, they are. to be found in the hearts of aspiiants to office, and their ad herents, and none others. Who, sir, is? making this ques'ion a political affair ? Not the petitioners. It was the slave holding power which first made this move. I havo noticed for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists for exer cising. the.rights of freemen. Both political pa, tie?, however, have courted them in private and denounced them in pub'ic, an J both have equally de ceived them. And who shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his principles to the ballot box? Who fears the ballot box ! The honest in heart, the lover of our country and its institu tions ? No, sir ! It is feared by the ty rant: he who usurps power, and seizes is ac complished by argument, persuasion, and the force of enlightened public opinion ? I hope not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this warfare. These ultra-abolitionists, says the Sen ator, invoke the power of this Govern ment to their aid. And pray, sir, what should they invoke? Have" they not the same right to approach this Government as other men? Is the Senator of this bojy authorized to deny them any privi leges secured to other citizens ? If so, let him show .1 1 n I mfi nc r-nartpp n hio nwn- v v . If . VI 1 fcj I J U I I I. and I will be silent. Until he can do this, I shall uphold, justify, and sustain them, as I do other citizens. The exer cise of power by Congress in behalf of the slaves of this District, the Senator seems to think, no one without the Dis trict has the least claim to ask for. It is because I reside without the District, and am called within it by the Constitution, that I object to the existence of slavery here. I deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point. .On this, then, we are equal. The Senator, however, is at war with himself. He contends, the object of the cession by the States of Virginia and Maryland, was to establish a seat of Gov ernment only, and to give to Congress whatever power was necessary to, render the District a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and that Con gress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this District"; and if to abol ish slavery be necessary, to attain the ob ject, Congress have the power to abolish slavery in the District. I am sure I quote the gentleman substantially ; and I thank him for this precious confession in his ar gument it is what I believe, and 1 know it is all I feel disposed to ask. If we can, then, prove that this District is not as deliberate, could continue with that com posure and attention which I see around me? No, sir; all your powers could not preserve order for a" moment. The .liel ings of humanity would overcome those of regard for the peculiar institutions of the States ; and though we would be po litically and legally bound not to inter fere, we are not morally bound to with hold our sympathy, and our execration in witnessing such inhuman - traffic. This traffic alone, in this District, renders it an uncomfortable aud unfit place for your seat of Government. Sir, it is but one or two years. since I saw standing nt the rail road depot, as I passed from my boarding house to this chamber, some large wag ons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the cars had not then arrived. I was in- I quired of, when I returned to my lodg ings, by my landlady, if I knew the ob ject of those wagons which I saw in the morning. I replied, I did not; I suppose they came and were waiting for loading. 1 Yes, for slaves,' said she ; 'and one of those wagons were filled with little boys and little girls, who had been bought up through the country, and were to be tak en to a Southern market. Ah, sir,' con tinued she, it makes rriy very heart ache to see them.' The very recital unnerved seed, was given for his use. This is the foundation of all right in' property of eve ry description, tt is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man can not be included in the grant. .Every mu nicipal regulation then, of any State, or! any of its peculiar "institutions, which makes man property, is a violation of this gre.it law of nature, md is founded in usurpation and tyranny, and is accom plished by force, frn trd, or abuse of pow er. It is a violation of the principles of truth and justice, in subjecting the weak er to the stronger man. Iff a christian nation, such property can form no just ground for commercial regulations, but ought to be s rictly prohibited. I there fare believe it is the duty of Congress, by virtue of this power to regulate commerce, to prohibi', at once, slaves being used as articles of trade. The gentleman says, the Constitution left the subject of slavery entirely to the states. To this position, las-sent; and, as the states cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of Congress, lhat body cannot make slaves an article ot commerce, because slavery is left entirely to the s ates in which it ex ists, and slaves within those states, accord- ing to the" gentleman, are excluded from we do not wish to make them political agents for any purpose. But the senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist; he calls on his country-women to warn them. a!o. w lo and untitled me for thought or reflection ;the power of Congress. Can Congress, on any other subject foi some time. It is 1 in regulating commerce among the sever scenes like this, of which ladies of myjal states, authorize the transportation of country ana my btaie complained in their articles from one state, and their sale in petitions, some time since, as rendering another, which they have not power so to this District unpleasant, should tht-y wish ! authorize in any state ? I cannot believe to visit the capital of the nation, ns "wives, in such doctrine ; and I now solemnly sisters, daughters, or friends of members i protest against the power of Congress to of Congress. Yet, sir these respectable j authorize" the transportation to, snd the females were treated with contemptuous 'sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatev- sneers they were compared on this floor to the fish-women of. Paris, who dipped their fingers in the blood of" revolutionary France. Sir, if the transaction in slaves here,-which I have mentioned, could make such impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the District, one who had been used to slaves, and was proba bly an owner, what would be the feelings of ladies from free States on beholdinga like transaction? I will leave every gen tleman and every lady to answer for them selves. I am unable to describe it. Shall the capital of your country longer exhib it scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your country cannot visit it without disgust? No; wipe off the foul stain, and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of Govern ment. The Senator, as if conscious that comfortable and convenient a place for! his argument on this point had proved too the deliberations of Congress, and the comfort of our citizens who mav visirit. while slavery exists here, as it would be much, and of course had proved the con verse of what he wished to establish, con cluded this part, by saying, that if slave' without slavery, then slavery ouht to be I rv is abolished, the act ought lo be con- ntry. , .The hopes S up afresh from rroi-i 1 1 Jh third class the Senator; says are lh,?uw,oq of the gen on me noerty oi oiners ;. ne, lor one, lears the ballot box. Where is the slave to par ty in' this country, who is so lqst to- his own dignity, or so corrupted by, interest or. power, that l.e does not. or'will not, carry his principles and his judgment in to the ballot box ? Such an one ought to have the mark of Cain in his forehead, and sent to labor among the negro slaves of the South. The honorable Senator seems anxious to take under bis care the ballot box, as he has the slave system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it for the redress of grievan ces. Suppose the power of the Execu-. tive chair should take under, its care the right of voting, and should proscribe any portion of our citizens who should earry with them to the polls pf election their own opinions, creeds, and doctrines. This would at oncq be a deathblow to our lib erties, and the. remedy could only be found in revolution. vrhere can be no excuse or pretext, for revolution while the ballot bj.x is free. Oar Gavernraent'is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation rests the morality power of lhat of the ballot box is sufficient to correct all abuses. Let me, then, pro claim .here, from this high arena, to the citizens not only of my own State, but to the countrv. to all sects and parties who are entitled to tjie right of suffrage.- To the ballot box ! Carry with you honest ly your own sentiments., respecting the yelfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. Fear not the f rowns of pow er. It trembles while it denounces you. The Senator complains that the abolition ists have associated witlvthe politics of the coun'.rv. . So fir as I am capable of judg ing, this charge is not well founded ; ma .. ' :. . I ' . abolished; and I trust we shall have the distinguished Senator from Kentucky to aid us in this great national reformation. I take the Senator at his word. 1 agree with him that this ought to be such a piuce as he has- described ; but I deny that it is so. And upon what facts do I rest my denial ? We are a christian na tion, a moral and religious people. I speak for the free States, at least for my own State ; and what a contrast do the very streets of your capital daily present to the Christianity and morality of the'na lion ! ' A race of slaves, or at least color ed persons of every hue, from the jet black African, in regular gradation, up to the almost pure. Anglo Saxon color. During the short time official duty has called me fined to the city alone. WTe thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opin ion upon this arid waste of public feeling. Liberty may yet vegetate and grow even here. ....... The Senator insis's that the States of Virginia and Maryland would never have ceded this District, if they had thought slavery would ever have boen abolished in it. This is an old story twice told. It was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for its own secu rity. . Let the Statts ask a retrocession of the District, and I am sure the.free States will rejoice to make the grant. The Senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery should not exist in me lerruories, even in f ionaa. tie in- er, or lor any possible purpose under the sun. Who is there in Ohio, or elsewhere, that will dare deny this position 1 IfO hio contains such a recreant to her Con stitution and policy, I hope he may have the boldness to stand forth and avow it. If the states in which slavery exists love it as a household god, let tljetn keep it there, and not call upon us in the free states to offer incense to their idol. We do not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure-hands, upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity. The gentleman admits that, at the form ation of our ffovernrnent, it was feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country; and, as the ballot box seems continually to haunt his imag ination, he says there 13 real danger of dissolution of the Union, if Abolitionists, as is evident they, do, will carry their piin ciples into the ballot-box. If not dis union in fact, at least in feelings in the country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms.' And the gentleman further says, we are taught m holy writ .. . 1 . . 1 ... . . .1 c. ". "that the race is not to the swift, nor the lm,ll,ons of lhe human race. here, I have seen the really red haired, I gists that, by the' treaty', the inhabitants of lit 1 1 on puolic opinion, ana its nope 13 in noraiity of the' nation. The moral the freckled, and the almost white negro ; and 1 nave tcen astonished at the num bers of the mixed race, when compared wiih those of full color, and I have deep ly deplored this stain upon- our national morals ; and the words of Dr. Ciianning have, thousands of times, been impressed on my miad, that a skve country reeks with licentiousness.' How comes this amalgamation of the races?, It comes from slavery. It is a disagreeable annoy ance to persons who come from the Iree iStates, especially to their christian and moral leehngs. It is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of their duties while here. Remove slavery from this District, and this evil will disappear. We argue this circumstancealone as sufficient cause to produce that effect. But slavery presents within the District other and still more appalling "scenes scenes' well calculated to awaken the deepest emotions cf the human heart. The slave trade ex- is's here in all its horrors, and unwhip- ped of all its crimes. In view of the very chair whieh you now occupy, Mr. Presi dent, if the massy .walls of this building did not prevent it, you could see the pris on, lhe pen, the h I, where human De- mgs, when purchased for sale, are kept, until a cargo be procured for transporta tion to a Southern ot foreicrn market : for I have little doubt slaves are carried to Texas for sale, though I do not know the fact. , -. , ' ... " Sir, since Congress has been in session, a mournful group of thess unhappy be ings, some thirty or forty, were marching as if in derision of members of Congress, in view of your Capitol, chained and man acled together, in open daylight, yes, in :he vervface of heaven itself, to be shin nypoliticians of the country have used 1 ped at Baltimore for :a foreign aharket. I mat country nave the right to remove their effects when they please, and that, by this condition, they have a right to re tain their slaves as effects, independently of the power of Coagress. I am no di plomatist, sir, but I venture to deny the conclusion of the Senator's argument. In all our intercourse with foreign na tions, in all our treaties in -which the words goods, effects,' &c. are' used, slaves have never been considered as in cluded. In all cases in which slaves.are the subject matter of controversy, they are specially named by the Word 'slaves;' and,, if I remember rightly, it has been decided in Congress that slaves are not property for which a compensation shall be made when taken: for public use, (or rather slaves cannot be considered as tak en for public use,) or as property by the enemy; when they are in the service of the United States. If I am correct, as 1 believe I am, in the positions I have as sumed, the .jrentleman can sav nothing, by this part of his argument, against abo-! Utionists, for asking lhat slavery shall not exist in Florida. The gentleman contends that the pow er to remove slaves from one State to an other, for sale, i3 found in that par; of the Constitution which gives Congress the power to regulate commerce within the States, &c. This argument is non sequir ter, unless the honorable Senator can first prove that slaves are proper articles Tor commerce. Wa say that Congress have power over slaves only as persons. The United "States can protect persons, bat can not make them property, and they have full power in regulating commerce, and can, in sach regulations, prohibit from its operations every thing but property property made so by the laws of nature, ..... 4 jr., 'r j 'f..j;.."'5-:"i. - - ''. batt'e to the strong." The moral of the gentleman's aigument is, lhat truth and righteousness will prevail, though oppos ed" by power and influence ; that abolition ists, though few in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as I have said, may chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight ; and, as their weapons of warfare are not " carnal, but mighty to the pulling down oi strong noid-V even slavery it self; and as the ballot-box i3 the great moral lever in political action, the gentle man would exclude abolitionists entirely from its use, and, for opinion's sake, deny ihem this high privilege of every Ameri- citizen. Permit me, Sir, to remind of another text of holy can the gentlemen Cease Ihfir frffort? rnA vomi... i l- that the ink shed from the pen held in their fair fingers, when writing their names to abolition petitions, mav be the cause of shedding much human blood! Sir, the language towards this clas of petitioners i. very much chanced of late- lhey formerly were pronounced idlers, lanaties, old women, and school-misses, unworthy of respect from intelligent and respectable men. I warned p-entlemen then that they would change their Ian- guage ; the blows, they aimed fell harm less at the feet of tho3e against whom they were intended to injure. In this movement of my country-women, I tho't was plainly 10 be discovered the opera tions of Providence, and a sure ?inj- of the final triumph of universal emanciva- lion: au nistoiy, bom sacred and pro fane, both ancient and modern,' bears tes timony to the efficacy of female inflaence and power in the cause of human liberty. r rora me time 01 tne preservation, by the hands of woman, of the great Jewish lawgiver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the purpose of freeing his countrymen from Egyptian bondage, has woman been made a powerful aent in breaking to pieces the rod of theop pressor. With a pure and uncontaminat ed mind, her actions spring from the deepest recesses of the human heart. Denounce her as you will, you cannot deter her from duty. Pain, sickness, want, poverty, and even death itself, form no obstacles in her onward march. Even the tender virgin would dres? as a martyr for the stake, for her bridal hoar, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty. The eloquence of the senate and clash of arms are alike powerles", when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous woman. The liberty of the slave seemes now lo be committed to ber charge, and who can doubt her hnal triumph? I do not. You cannot fight against her, and hope for success. And well does the senator know this: hence this appeal to her feelings, to terri fy her from that which she believes to be her duty. It is a vain attempt - The senator says that it was the prin ciples of the Constitution which carried -us through the Revolution. Surely it was ; and to use the language of another senator from a slave State, on a former occasion, these are the very principles on " which the abolitionists plant themselves. It was the principle, that all men ore born free and equal, that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independ- -ence. It was for the natural and inherent rights of man they contended..', It. is a Iibil upon the Constitution, to say that its object was not iiDerty, .but slavery, for writ, " lhe wicked llee when no man pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." The senator says, that those who have slaves are sometimes supposed to be under too much alarm. . Does this prove the application of the text I have just quoted " Conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." The senator appeals to abolitionists, and beseeches them to' cease their efforts on ths subject of slave ry, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their benevolence.1' What! Abolitionists benevolent X. He hopes they will select some, object not so terrible. Oh. Sir, he is willing they should pay tithes of "mint ,and rue," but the weightier matters of the law, judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. I ought to thank the senator for introducing holy -vrit into this debate, and inform him his arguments y r 1 ft, a are not the sentiments ot Him wno, wnett on earth, went about doing good; The senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts- in behalf of abolitionism. Who authorized the sen ator, as a politician, to use bis influence to point out to the clergy upon what they should, preach,' or for what they, should pray? Would the senator dare exert his power, here, to bind the consciences of men? I think not. By what Tule of ethics, does be undertake to use his influ ence, from this high place of power, in order to gain the same object, I am at a loss to determine. . Sir, this movement of the senator is far more censurable and dangerous, as an attempt to unite Church and State, than were the petition ugaiuav Sunday 'mails, the report in opposmou to which gained for you, Mr. President, so much applause in the country. I, Sir, also anneal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience; and" if they believe The senator, well fearing that all-his eloquence and bis arguments thus far are but as chafli when weighed in the balance against truth and justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says, that which opposes the ulterior objects of abo litionists is, that the General Government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and lhat the Constitution or Un ion would not last an hour, if the power claimed was exercised by Congress. It is slavery, then, not liberty, that makes us one people. To dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the Union. Why require of us to support the Constitution'by oath, if the -Constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the moral power of the country ? Charge the form of the oath which you administer to a senator, on taking 3eats here. Swear them to support slavery, and, according to the logic of the gentleman, the Constitution and the Un ion will both be safe. We hear almost daily threats of dissolving the Union, and from whence do they come? From citi zens of the free States? No 1 from the slave States only. Why wish to dissolve it? The reason is plain that a new government may be formed, by which we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. No impartial obserrer of pass" ing events can, in my humble -judgment, doubt the troth of this. The senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they wish the slaveholder to free his slave. He asks, . why denounce him ? I cannot admit the truth of the question; but I might well ask the gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, Why are you . angry at me, because 1 tell you the truth? ' It is the light of truth which the slave holder cannot endure; a plain unvarnish ed tale of what slavery is, he considers a libel uponr himself, lhe fact is, the slave- . holder feels the leprosy of slavery upon, ' him. He is anxious to hide the.odiousV disease from, the public eye; and the ballot-box and the right of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp re proof; and being unwilling to renounce, his errors, he tries to escape from their, consequences, by making the world be-r lieve that he is the persecuted, and not, the persecutor. Slaveholders have said here, during this very fcession, "the fatt is, slavery will not bear examination." It, is the senator who denounces abolitionists tor the exercise of their most unquenion-J able rights, while abolitionists condemn See fourth page. '.- i n n v.