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VOL. XI. KO.-29.
(53 The Vermo.it Tjclecraph is published
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W li E 3 IB A3I IS o
Brandon, Satchday, April 6, 1839.
In Senate, February 9, 1339.
The Senator admits the Abolitionists
ore now formidable; that something must
be done to produce harmony. Yes, sir,
do justice, and harmony will be restored.
Act impartially, that justice mav be done;
hear petitions on bath sides, if they are
offeree, and jive rigbteom judgments, and
your people will be satisfied. You can
not compromise" them out of their rirrs,
nor lull them lo sleep with fallacies in the
thape of reports. You cannot conquer
them by rebuke, nor deceive them by soph
istry. Remember you cannot now turn
public opinion, nor ''an you overthrow it.
You must, and you will, abandon the
high ground you have taken, and receive
petitions. The reason of the case, the ar
gument, and the judgment of . the people,
nreall against you. One in this caur.e
f:in 'chase n thousand,' and the voice of
justice will be heard whenever you ap-i.
tale the subject. In Indiana, the righof
petition has been most nobly advocated iji
n protest, against some puny resolutions of
the Legislature of that State to whitewash
livery. Permit me to read a paragraph,
worthy of an American freeman:
"Uut who would have thought, until
lately, that any would have doubled the
right of petition in a respectful manner to
Congress? Who would have believed,
that Oongtess had ahy authority to refuse
to consider the petitions of the people?
(Such n step would oveuhrow the Auto
crat of Russia, or cost the Grand Seignior
of Constantinople his head. Can u be
possible, therefore, that it has been reserv
ed for n .Republican Government, in a
land bjasting of its free Institutions," to set
the first precedent of this kind ? Our city
councils, our courts of justice, every de
partment of Government, are approached
by peti'.ion, however unanswerable, or ab
surd, so that its terms are respectful.
I None go away unread or unheard. The
1 life of every individual is a' perfect illus-
those who, to accomplish their ends, act
without regard to consequences. To them,
all the rights of property, of the S'ates, of
the Union, the Senator says, are nothing.
He says they aim at other objects than
those they profess emancipation in the
District of Columbia. No, says the Sen
ator, their object is universal emancipa
tion, not only in the District, but in the
Territories and in the States. Their ob
ject is to set free three millions of negro
slaves. Who made the Senator, in his
place here, the censor of his fellow-citizens?
Who authorised him to charge
them with other objects than those they
profess? How lone is it since the Sena
tor. himself, on this floor, denounced slave
ry as an evil 1 What other inducements
or objects had he then in view? Suppose
universal emancipation to be the object of
these- petitioners; is it not a noble and
praiseworthy object ; worthy of the chris
tian, the philanthropist, the statesman, and
the citizen ? But the Senator says, (the
petitioners) aim to excite one portion of
tne country'agamst another, ldeny, sir
abolitionists as stepping stones to mount f did not witness this cruel transaction bat!
into.power; and, .when there, have turn
ed about ana traduced them. He admits
that political parties are willing, to unite
with them and any class of nien5 in order
to carry their purposes. Are .abolition
ists, then, to blame if they pursue the
same course? It seems the Senator is
willing that his party should make use of
even abolitionists ; but he. is not wiiling
that abolitionists should use the same
party for their purpose. This seems not
to bd in accordance with that equality of i
rights, about which he heard so, much at
the Sast session. Abolitionists have noth
ing to fear. If public opinion should be
for them, politicians will be around and
among them as thick and noisy as the lo
custs of Egypt. The Senator seems to
admit that, if the abolitionists are joined
to either political party, there is danger
danger o what? That humanity and
justice will prevail? that the light of pe
tition will be secured to ALL EQUALLY?
and that the long-lost -and trodden African
race will be restored tolheir natural rights ?.
and not hv nv munivi ial regulations iSlaverv tn Ko a min -a .,u
speak Irom what I have heard and be-; The-dominion of man over things, 33 land respect them for their open denuncia
tive. Is this District, then, a fit place property, was settled by his. Creator when 1 Hon of i rather than call on them to
tor our deliberations, whose feelings are , man was first placed upon the earth. He 'desist, 'or, between their rnrsrfpn nn-l
Outraged With immimtV With Ir.inS-linniinr n U..n lUoplk nd h-ttro (fnmln. thoi'r ClnA .-- I . r
tr j ; - M-uv.ivHjj w suuuui- me vui iu, uv 1 v ukuihi- -vn vwu, c na c ii o no wer to in.eriere
like this ?
ana degrading spectacle was at this mo- the air, and over every living thing lhat
ment exhibited under the windows of our mnvpth nnnn ih Mrili": nvrrv herh hpar-
chamber, do yon think the Senate could ; in? seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding
this charge, and call for the proof: it is J Would the Senator regret lo see thl
gratuitous, uncalled lor, and unjust tow
ards my fellow-citizens. This is the lan
guage of a stricken conscience, seeking
for the palliation of its own acts by charg
ing guilt upon others. It is the language
of those who, failing in argument, endeav
or to cast suspicion upon the character of
their opponents, in order to draw public
attention from themselves. It is the lan
guage of disguise and concealment, and
not that of fair and honorable
nation ot trie subject of petitioning Pe
tition is the language of want, of pain, of
sorrow, of man in all his sad varieties of
woe?, imploring relief, at the hand of
stime power supeiior to .himself. Peti
tioning is the foundation of alV Gorern
ii't ri', and of all administrations of law.
Yet it has been reserved for our Con
gress, seconded indirectly by the vote of
this Legislature, to question this vio-ht,
hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven
deeded, so undoubted, that our fathers did
not think it necessary to place a iruarantv
i of it in the first draft of the Federal Con
1 st.'tution. Yet this sacred right has been
nt one blow, Jriveu, destroyed, r.nd trod-
iien under the lett ot slavery. The old
bulwarks of our Federal and State Con
Mitiitions seem utterly to have been for
gotten, wh.ch declare, 4 that freedom ol
speech and the press sh ill not be abridir
d, nor the right of-the p, ople peacealdv
.to assemble and petition for the redress of
their grievances.' ;
These, sir, are the sentiments which
make Abolitionists formidable, and set at
naught all your c6unsck for their over-
iiirov. I he honorable Senator not only
aJmits that aboiiiionists are formidable,
but that they censist of three classes. The
friends of humanity, and justice, or those
actuated by those principles, compose one
cws. These form a very numerous class,
nnd the acknowledgement of the Senator
proves the immutable principles upon
which opposition to slavuy rests.- Men
are opposed to it from principles of human
itv and justice men are abolitionists, he
admits, oa that account. We thank the
Senator for teaching .us that word:
tend to improve it. The'next class V.f s.k.
ohtionists, the Senator siys, are so, appa
rently, for the purpose of advocating the
right of petilioh7 IVhat'are we to under
stand from this? That the right of peti
tion needs advocacy ? Who has denied
jnis right, or who has attempted to abridge
The flaveholdincr power, that pow
which avoids open discussion, and the
iree exercise of opinion; it is that power
alone which renders the advocacy of. the
ngat oi petition necessary, having seized
"P .lvers of ih Government.
U is fast uniting together those opposed to
its iron rule, no matter to what political
pirty they have heretofore belonged-
they are united with the first diss, dnd
ct from principles of humanity and ius-
u ine mists ana shades of slave
ry were not the atmosphere in which gen
tlemen were enveloped,, they wouid see
constant and increasing numbers of our
Jjost worthy and intelligent citizens ot
aching themselves to thel two classes
.d rallying under the ban-
l t abLollUon's. They are compel
?i to go there, if lhe mteLn WlilZ!!
IK1?- perpetuate
. . " " "' .mi: cuumrif Th
lion, the obi. xt of which is truth. I aain
put in a broad denial to this charge,that
any portion of these piiiioners, whom I
represent, seek to excite one portion of the
country against another; and without
proof, I cannot ad. nit that the assertion of
the honorable Senator establishes the fact.
It is but opir.ion, and naked assertion on
ly. The Senator complains that the
i .i i i
uieuiis auu views oi me aooiitionists are
not confined to the securing the right of
petition only; no, they resort to other
means, he affirms, to the ballot box;
and if lhat fail, fays the Senator, their
next appeal will be to the bayonet. Sir,
no man who is an American in feelinfr
and in heart, but ought to repel.this charge
instanth', and without any reservation
whatever, that if they fail at the ballot
box, they will resort to the bayonet. If
such a fratricidal course should ever be
thought of in our country, it will not be
by those who seek redress of wrongs, by
exercising trie right, ot petition, but by
those onlytvho deny that riffht to others.
and' seek to usurp the whole power of
Government. If the ballot box fail them,
the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs
and violence now are. Does the Senator
believe that any portion of the honest yeo
manry oi mecouiury entertain sucn thot s f
I hope he does not, . If thoughts of this
kind exist, they are. to be found in the
hearts of aspiiants to office, and their ad
herents, and none others. Who, sir, is?
making this ques'ion a political affair ?
Not the petitioners. It was the slave
holding power which first made this
move. I havo noticed for some time past
that many of the public prints in this city,
as well as elsewhere, have been filled
with essays against abolitionists for exer
cising. the.rights of freemen.
Both political pa, tie?, however, have
courted them in private and denounced
them in pub'ic, an J both have equally de
ceived them. And who shall dare say
that an abolitionist has no right to carry
his principles to the ballot box? Who
fears the ballot box ! The honest in heart,
the lover of our country and its institu
tions ? No, sir ! It is feared by the ty
rant: he who usurps power, and seizes
is ac
complished by argument, persuasion, and
the force of enlightened public opinion ?
I hope not; and these petitioners ask the
use of no other weapons in this warfare.
These ultra-abolitionists, says the Sen
ator, invoke the power of this Govern
ment to their aid. And pray, sir, what
should they invoke? Have" they not the
same right to approach this Government
as other men? Is the Senator of this
bojy authorized to deny them any privi
leges secured to other citizens ? If so, let
him show
.1 1 n I
mfi nc r-nartpp n hio nwn-
v v . If . VI 1 fcj I J U I I I.
and I will be silent. Until he can do
this, I shall uphold, justify, and sustain
them, as I do other citizens. The exer
cise of power by Congress in behalf of
the slaves of this District, the Senator
seems to think, no one without the Dis
trict has the least claim to ask for. It is
because I reside without the District, and
am called within it by the Constitution,
that I object to the existence of slavery
here. I deny the gentleman's position,
then, on this point. .On this, then, we are
equal. The Senator, however, is at war
with himself. He contends, the object of
the cession by the States of Virginia and
Maryland, was to establish a seat of Gov
ernment only, and to give to Congress
whatever power was necessary to, render
the District a valuable and comfortable
situation for that purpose, and that Con
gress have full power to do whatever is
necessary for this District"; and if to abol
ish slavery be necessary, to attain the ob
ject, Congress have the power to abolish
slavery in the District. I am sure I quote
the gentleman substantially ; and I thank
him for this precious confession in his ar
gument it is what I believe, and 1 know
it is all I feel disposed to ask. If we can,
then, prove that this District is not as
deliberate, could continue with that com
posure and attention which I see around
me? No, sir; all your powers could not
preserve order for a" moment. The .liel
ings of humanity would overcome those
of regard for the peculiar institutions of
the States ; and though we would be po
litically and legally bound not to inter
fere, we are not morally bound to with
hold our sympathy, and our execration in
witnessing such inhuman - traffic. This
traffic alone, in this District, renders it an
uncomfortable aud unfit place for your
seat of Government. Sir, it is but one or
two years. since I saw standing nt the rail
road depot, as I passed from my boarding
house to this chamber, some large wag
ons and teams, as if waiting for freight;
the cars had not then arrived. I was in-
I quired of, when I returned to my lodg
ings, by my landlady, if I knew the ob
ject of those wagons which I saw in the
morning. I replied, I did not; I suppose
they came and were waiting for loading.
1 Yes, for slaves,' said she ; 'and one of
those wagons were filled with little boys
and little girls, who had been bought up
through the country, and were to be tak
en to a Southern market. Ah, sir,' con
tinued she, it makes rriy very heart ache
to see them.' The very recital unnerved
seed, was given for his use. This is the
foundation of all right in' property of eve
ry description, tt is for the use of man
the grant is made, and of course man can
not be included in the grant. .Every mu
nicipal regulation then, of any State, or!
any of its peculiar "institutions, which
makes man property, is a violation of this
gre.it law of nature, md is founded in
usurpation and tyranny, and is accom
plished by force, frn trd, or abuse of pow
er. It is a violation of the principles of
truth and justice, in subjecting the weak
er to the stronger man. Iff a christian
nation, such property can form no just
ground for commercial regulations, but
ought to be s rictly prohibited. I there
fare believe it is the duty of Congress, by
virtue of this power to regulate commerce,
to prohibi', at once, slaves being used as
articles of trade.
The gentleman says, the Constitution
left the subject of slavery entirely to the
states. To this position, las-sent; and,
as the states cannot regulate their own
commerce, but the same being the right
of Congress, lhat body cannot make slaves
an article ot commerce, because slavery
is left entirely to the s ates in which it ex
ists, and slaves within those states, accord-
ing to the" gentleman, are excluded from
we do not wish to make them political
agents for any purpose.
But the senator is not content to entreat
the clergy alone to desist; he calls on his
country-women to warn them. a!o.
and untitled me for thought or reflection ;the power of Congress. Can Congress,
on any other subject foi some time. It is 1 in regulating commerce among the sever
scenes like this, of which ladies of myjal states, authorize the transportation of
country ana my btaie complained in their articles from one state, and their sale in
petitions, some time since, as rendering another, which they have not power so to
this District unpleasant, should tht-y wish ! authorize in any state ? I cannot believe
to visit the capital of the nation, ns "wives, in such doctrine ; and I now solemnly
sisters, daughters, or friends of members i protest against the power of Congress to
of Congress. Yet, sir these respectable j authorize" the transportation to, snd the
females were treated with contemptuous 'sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatev-
sneers they were compared on this floor
to the fish-women of. Paris, who dipped
their fingers in the blood of" revolutionary
France. Sir, if the transaction in slaves
here,-which I have mentioned, could
make such impression on the heart of a
lady, a resident of the District, one who
had been used to slaves, and was proba
bly an owner, what would be the feelings
of ladies from free States on beholdinga
like transaction? I will leave every gen
tleman and every lady to answer for them
selves. I am unable to describe it. Shall
the capital of your country longer exhib
it scenes so revolting to humanity, that
the ladies of your country cannot visit it
without disgust? No; wipe off the foul
stain, and let it become a suitable and
comfortable place for the seat of Govern
ment. The Senator, as if conscious that
comfortable and convenient a place for! his argument on this point had proved too
the deliberations of Congress, and the
comfort of our citizens who mav visirit.
while slavery exists here, as it would be
much, and of course had proved the con
verse of what he wished to establish, con
cluded this part, by saying, that if slave'
without slavery, then slavery ouht to be I rv is abolished, the act ought lo be con-
ntry. , .The hopes
S up afresh from
rroi-i 1 1
Jh third class the Senator; says are
lh,?uw,oq of the gen
on me noerty oi oiners ;. ne, lor one, lears
the ballot box. Where is the slave to par
ty in' this country, who is so lqst to- his
own dignity, or so corrupted by, interest
or. power, that l.e does not. or'will not,
carry his principles and his judgment in
to the ballot box ? Such an one ought to
have the mark of Cain in his forehead,
and sent to labor among the negro slaves
of the South. The honorable Senator
seems anxious to take under bis care the
ballot box, as he has the slave system of
the country, and direct who shall or who
shall not use it for the redress of grievan
ces. Suppose the power of the Execu-.
tive chair should take under, its care the
right of voting, and should proscribe any
portion of our citizens who should earry
with them to the polls pf election their
own opinions, creeds, and doctrines. This
would at oncq be a deathblow to our lib
erties, and the. remedy could only be found
in revolution. vrhere can be no excuse
or pretext, for revolution while the ballot
bj.x is free. Oar Gavernraent'is not one
of force, but of principle; its foundation
the morality
power of lhat of the ballot box is sufficient
to correct all abuses. Let me, then, pro
claim .here, from this high arena, to the
citizens not only of my own State, but to
the countrv. to all sects and parties who
are entitled to tjie right of suffrage.- To
the ballot box ! Carry with you honest
ly your own sentiments., respecting the
yelfare of your country, and make them
operate as effectually as you can, through
that medium, upon its policy and for its
prosperity. Fear not the f rowns of pow
er. It trembles while it denounces you.
The Senator complains that the abolition
ists have associated witlvthe politics of the
coun'.rv. . So fir as I am capable of judg
ing, this charge is not well founded ; ma
.. ' :. . I ' .
abolished; and I trust we shall have the
distinguished Senator from Kentucky to
aid us in this great national reformation.
I take the Senator at his word. 1 agree
with him that this ought to be such a
piuce as he has- described ; but I deny
that it is so. And upon what facts do I
rest my denial ? We are a christian na
tion, a moral and religious people. I
speak for the free States, at least for my
own State ; and what a contrast do the
very streets of your capital daily present
to the Christianity and morality of the'na
lion ! ' A race of slaves, or at least color
ed persons of every hue, from the jet black
African, in regular gradation, up to the
almost pure. Anglo Saxon color. During
the short time official duty has called me
fined to the city alone. WTe thank him
for this small sprinkling of correct opin
ion upon this arid waste of public feeling.
Liberty may yet vegetate and grow even
here. .......
The Senator insis's that the States of
Virginia and Maryland would never have
ceded this District, if they had thought
slavery would ever have boen abolished
in it. This is an old story twice told. It
was never, however, thought of, until the
slave power imagined it, for its own secu
rity. . Let the Statts ask a retrocession of
the District, and I am sure the.free States
will rejoice to make the grant.
The Senator condemns the abolitionists
for desiring that slavery should not exist
in me lerruories, even in f ionaa. tie in-
er, or lor any possible purpose under the
sun. Who is there in Ohio, or elsewhere,
that will dare deny this position 1 IfO
hio contains such a recreant to her Con
stitution and policy, I hope he may have
the boldness to stand forth and avow it.
If the states in which slavery exists love
it as a household god, let tljetn keep it
there, and not call upon us in the free
states to offer incense to their idol. We
do not seek to touch it with unhallowed
hands, but with pure-hands, upraised in
the cause of truth and suffering humanity.
The gentleman admits that, at the form
ation of our ffovernrnent, it was feared
that slavery might eventually divide or
distract our country; and, as the ballot
box seems continually to haunt his imag
ination, he says there 13 real danger of
dissolution of the Union, if Abolitionists,
as is evident they, do, will carry their piin
ciples into the ballot-box. If not dis
union in fact, at least in feelings in the
country, which is always the precursor to
the clash of arms.' And the gentleman
further says, we are taught m holy writ
.. . 1 . . 1 ... . . .1 c. ".
"that the race is not to the swift, nor the lm,ll,ons of lhe human race.
here, I have seen the really red haired, I gists that, by the' treaty', the inhabitants of
lit 1 1
on puolic opinion, ana its nope 13 in
noraiity of the' nation. The moral
the freckled, and the almost white negro ;
and 1 nave tcen astonished at the num
bers of the mixed race, when compared
wiih those of full color, and I have deep
ly deplored this stain upon- our national
morals ; and the words of Dr. Ciianning
have, thousands of times, been impressed
on my miad, that a skve country reeks
with licentiousness.' How comes this
amalgamation of the races?, It comes
from slavery. It is a disagreeable annoy
ance to persons who come from the Iree
iStates, especially to their christian and
moral leehngs. It is a great hindrance
to the proper discharge of their duties
while here. Remove slavery from this
District, and this evil will disappear. We
argue this circumstancealone as sufficient
cause to produce that effect. But slavery
presents within the District other and
still more appalling "scenes scenes' well
calculated to awaken the deepest emotions
cf the human heart. The slave trade ex-
is's here in all its horrors, and unwhip-
ped of all its crimes. In view of the very
chair whieh you now occupy, Mr. Presi
dent, if the massy .walls of this building
did not prevent it, you could see the pris
on, lhe pen, the h I, where human De-
mgs, when purchased for sale, are kept,
until a cargo be procured for transporta
tion to a Southern ot foreicrn market : for
I have little doubt slaves are carried to
Texas for sale, though I do not know the
fact. , -. , ' ... "
Sir, since Congress has been in session,
a mournful group of thess unhappy be
ings, some thirty or forty, were marching
as if in derision of members of Congress,
in view of your Capitol, chained and man
acled together, in open daylight, yes, in
:he vervface of heaven itself, to be shin
nypoliticians of the country have used 1 ped at Baltimore for :a foreign aharket. I
mat country nave the right to remove
their effects when they please, and that,
by this condition, they have a right to re
tain their slaves as effects, independently
of the power of Coagress. I am no di
plomatist, sir, but I venture to deny the
conclusion of the Senator's argument.
In all our intercourse with foreign na
tions, in all our treaties in -which the
words goods, effects,' &c. are' used,
slaves have never been considered as in
cluded. In all cases in which slaves.are
the subject matter of controversy, they are
specially named by the Word 'slaves;'
and,, if I remember rightly, it has been
decided in Congress that slaves are not
property for which a compensation shall
be made when taken: for public use, (or
rather slaves cannot be considered as tak
en for public use,) or as property by the
enemy; when they are in the service of
the United States. If I am correct, as 1
believe I am, in the positions I have as
sumed, the .jrentleman can sav nothing,
by this part of his argument, against abo-!
Utionists, for asking lhat slavery shall not
exist in Florida.
The gentleman contends that the pow
er to remove slaves from one State to an
other, for sale, i3 found in that par; of the
Constitution which gives Congress the
power to regulate commerce within the
States, &c. This argument is non sequir
ter, unless the honorable Senator can first
prove that slaves are proper articles Tor
commerce. Wa say that Congress have
power over slaves only as persons. The
United "States can protect persons, bat can
not make them property, and they have
full power in regulating commerce, and
can, in sach regulations, prohibit from its
operations every thing but property
property made so by the laws of nature,
..... 4 jr., 'r j 'f..j;.."'5-:"i. - - ''.
batt'e to the strong." The moral of the
gentleman's aigument is, lhat truth and
righteousness will prevail, though oppos
ed" by power and influence ; that abolition
ists, though few in number, are greatly to
be feared; one, as I have said, may chase
a thousand, and two put ten thousand to
flight ; and, as their weapons of warfare
are not " carnal, but mighty to the pulling
down oi strong noid-V even slavery it
self; and as the ballot-box i3 the great
moral lever in political action, the gentle
man would exclude abolitionists entirely
from its use, and, for opinion's sake, deny
ihem this high privilege of every Ameri-
citizen. Permit me, Sir, to remind
of another text of holy
Cease Ihfir frffort? rnA vomi... i l-
that the ink shed from the pen held in
their fair fingers, when writing their
names to abolition petitions, mav be the
cause of shedding much human blood!
Sir, the language towards this clas of
petitioners i. very much chanced of late-
lhey formerly were pronounced idlers,
lanaties, old women, and school-misses,
unworthy of respect from intelligent and
respectable men. I warned p-entlemen
then that they would change their Ian-
guage ; the blows, they aimed fell harm
less at the feet of tho3e against whom
they were intended to injure. In this
movement of my country-women, I tho't
was plainly 10 be discovered the opera
tions of Providence, and a sure ?inj- of
the final triumph of universal emanciva-
lion: au nistoiy, bom sacred and pro
fane, both ancient and modern,' bears tes
timony to the efficacy of female inflaence
and power in the cause of human liberty.
r rora me time 01 tne preservation, by the
hands of woman, of the great Jewish
lawgiver, in his infantile hours, and who
was preserved for the purpose of freeing
his countrymen from Egyptian bondage,
has woman been made a powerful aent
in breaking to pieces the rod of theop
pressor. With a pure and uncontaminat
ed mind, her actions spring from the
deepest recesses of the human heart.
Denounce her as you will, you cannot
deter her from duty. Pain, sickness,
want, poverty, and even death itself, form
no obstacles in her onward march. Even
the tender virgin would dres? as a martyr
for the stake, for her bridal hoar, rather
than make sacrifice of her purity and
duty. The eloquence of the senate and
clash of arms are alike powerles", when
brought in opposition to the influence of
pure and virtuous woman. The liberty
of the slave seemes now lo be committed
to ber charge, and who can doubt her
hnal triumph? I do not. You cannot
fight against her, and hope for success.
And well does the senator know this:
hence this appeal to her feelings, to terri
fy her from that which she believes to be
her duty. It is a vain attempt -
The senator says that it was the prin
ciples of the Constitution which carried -us
through the Revolution. Surely it
was ; and to use the language of another
senator from a slave State, on a former
occasion, these are the very principles on "
which the abolitionists plant themselves.
It was the principle, that all men ore born
free and equal, that nerved the arm of
our fathers in their contest for independ- -ence.
It was for the natural and inherent
rights of man they contended..', It. is a
Iibil upon the Constitution, to say that its
object was not iiDerty, .but slavery, for
writ, " lhe wicked llee when no man
pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a
lion." The senator says, that those who
have slaves are sometimes supposed to be
under too much alarm. . Does this prove
the application of the text I have just
quoted " Conscience sometimes makes
cowards of us all." The senator appeals
to abolitionists, and beseeches them to'
cease their efforts on ths subject of slave
ry, if they wish, says he, "to exercise
their benevolence.1' What! Abolitionists
benevolent X. He hopes they will select
some, object not so terrible. Oh. Sir, he
is willing they should pay tithes of "mint
,and rue," but the weightier matters of the
law, judgment and mercy, he would have
them entirely overlook. I ought to thank
the senator for introducing holy -vrit into
this debate, and inform him his arguments
y r 1 ft, a
are not the sentiments ot Him wno, wnett
on earth, went about doing good;
The senator further entreats the clergy
to desist from their efforts- in behalf of
abolitionism. Who authorized the sen
ator, as a politician, to use bis influence
to point out to the clergy upon what they
should, preach,' or for what they, should
pray? Would the senator dare exert his
power, here, to bind the consciences of
men? I think not. By what Tule of
ethics, does be undertake to use his influ
ence, from this high place of power, in
order to gain the same object, I am at a
loss to determine. . Sir, this movement of
the senator is far more censurable and
dangerous, as an attempt to unite Church
and State, than were the petition ugaiuav
Sunday 'mails, the report in opposmou to
which gained for you, Mr. President, so
much applause in the country. I, Sir,
also anneal to the clergy to maintain their
rights of conscience; and" if they believe
The senator, well fearing that all-his
eloquence and bis arguments thus far are
but as chafli when weighed in the balance
against truth and justice, seems to find
consolation in the idea, and says, that
which opposes the ulterior objects of abo
litionists is, that the General Government
has no power to act on the subject of
slavery, and lhat the Constitution or Un
ion would not last an hour, if the power
claimed was exercised by Congress. It
is slavery, then, not liberty, that makes us
one people. To dissolve slavery, is to
dissolve the Union. Why require of us
to support the Constitution'by oath, if the -Constitution
itself is subject to the power
of slavery, and not the moral power of
the country ? Charge the form of the
oath which you administer to a senator, on
taking 3eats here. Swear them to support
slavery, and, according to the logic of the
gentleman, the Constitution and the Un
ion will both be safe. We hear almost
daily threats of dissolving the Union, and
from whence do they come? From citi
zens of the free States? No 1 from the
slave States only. Why wish to dissolve
it? The reason is plain that a new
government may be formed, by which we,
as a nation, may be made a slaveholding
people. No impartial obserrer of pass"
ing events can, in my humble -judgment,
doubt the troth of this. The senator
thinks the abolitionists in error, if they
wish the slaveholder to free his slave.
He asks, . why denounce him ? I cannot
admit the truth of the question; but I
might well ask the gentleman, and the
slaveholders generally, Why are you .
angry at me, because 1 tell you the truth? '
It is the light of truth which the slave
holder cannot endure; a plain unvarnish
ed tale of what slavery is, he considers a
libel uponr himself, lhe fact is, the slave- .
holder feels the leprosy of slavery upon, '
him. He is anxious to hide the.odiousV
disease from, the public eye; and the
ballot-box and the right of petition, when
used against him, he feels as sharp re
proof; and being unwilling to renounce,
his errors, he tries to escape from their,
consequences, by making the world be-r
lieve that he is the persecuted, and not,
the persecutor. Slaveholders have said
here, during this very fcession, "the fatt
is, slavery will not bear examination." It,
is the senator who denounces abolitionists
tor the exercise of their most unquenion-J
able rights, while abolitionists condemn
See fourth page. '.-
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