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! 1 1 worse in both cnoi afcr tLj separation of the sections, than before. The foreign litre trade, noir imperfectlj suppressed, would bo ultimately revived without re Btriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. " Physically speaking, we cannot sep arate. . We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impsRflahlc wall between them. A hus band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cyino't but remain face to face ; . and intercourse, either amicable- or hos tile, must continue between them. Is it possible, fhen to make that intercourse more advantageous, or more satisfactory after separation than before t Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faith fully enforced between aliens, than laws an anion; friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, alter much loss on both sides, and tin onto "t pitlipi, yrm re t.gMiuft, 4k identical old rmestions, ns to terms of intercourse, are aain upon you." There is no line, straight or cro ked, puitablu for a national boundary, upon which tn divide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line between tlic free and frUvo country, and we shall find a little more than or:e-tlnrd of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or kooii to he popula ted, thickly niion both sides; while rienrl v uU its remaining length sre mere ly surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. No part ol this line can bo made any more difficult, tu pass, by writing it down on paper, or parchment, as a national boun dary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, ou the part of the sece ding section, t tie fugitive slave clause, along with oil other constitutional obli gations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty Hlipula tion would ever bo initio to take its place. lint there is another difficulty. The great interior region, hounded east, by the Allighanii s, north by the I it isli do minions, west by the lioeky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton rmcta, and which includes part of Virginia, part, of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, ()!ii., Indi ana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Mis souri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dacota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten millions of people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not pre vented by any political lolly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United Slates . certainly more than one million of tquare miles. Onco half as populous Bg Massa chusetts already is, it would have more than sevenly-five millions of people. A glance at the map shows that, territori ally speaking, it is the great body of the republic. The. other parts are, but mar ginal borders to it, the mngninocnt re gion sloping west from (he liocky Moun tains to (ho Pacific, being the deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped re sources. In the production of provis ions, grains, grasses, and all which pro ceed from them, this great interior re gion is naturally one of the most im portant in the world. Ascetlain from liiu statistics the small proportion of the region which has, as vet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of i id pro- duets, and we shall bo overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect. And yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean anywhwe. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may forever iind, their way to Kuropo by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans; and to Asia by San .Francisco. l'nt separato our common country into two nations, as designed by tho present rebellion, and every man of this great in terior region is (hereby cut oil' from some one or moro of these outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regula tions. Aud this is true, wherever a dividing, or boundary line, may be fixed, l'Jace it between tho now free and slave coun try, or place, it south of Kentucky or north ot Ohio, and still tho truth re mains, that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none norm i u can iratio io any port or place south of it, except upon terms dio tated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to tho well being of the people inhabiting, aud (o inhabit, this vast interior region. IVhkh of tho three may be tho best, is no proper question. All are better than either; and all, of light belong to that people, and to their cessors forever. True to themselves, tney will not ask. where a liuo of eepara tion shall be, but will vow, rather, that there shall bo no such lino. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to, and through them, to tho great outsido world, i hey, too, and each of them, must have access to this Fgypt of (ho West, without paying toll at the crossing of any national boon dary. Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; in t from the land wo inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible sever ing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among tu. in all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands Union, aud abhors separation, la fact it would, ere long, force re-union, how ever mm h of blood aud treasure the sep uratioii iiii-ht have cost. (.);ii Ftrilo pertains to ourselves to (he passing generations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forev er with the passing of one generation. In this view. I recommend the adop tion of the following resolution and ar ticles amendatory to the Constitution of the United Slates : "Iiesolved hi the Senate and Home of Hep- resenlalies of Hie Unitcl tkatei of America tn Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both houses concurring,) 'ltiat tbe following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or conventions) of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which arti cles when ratified by three-fourths of tho said legislatures (or conventions) to be valid as part or parts of the said Con stitution, viz : "Abticle , "Every State, wherein slavery now ex ists, which shall abolish the same there in, at any time, or times, before the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand andj nine hundred, shall receive cmpensation from the United States as follows, to wit: "The President of the United States .Loll lclirer to .very euoU Jlio, bonda of the United Slates, hearing interest at (he rate of per cent, per annum, to an amount equal (o tho aggregate sum of for each slave shown to have been therein, by tho eighth cen sus of the United Slates, said bonds to be delivered to such Slate by instalments, or in one parcel, at tho completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall havo been gradual, or at one time, within such State ; and interest shall bc Kin to run upon any such bond, only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterwards rein troducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the Uuiled Stales tho bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. 'Article . "All slaves who shall have cnioTcd actual liteuom by tlio chances of the war, at any lime before the end of the rebellion, shall bo forever free ; but all owners of such, who shall not havo been disloyal, shall bo compensated for them, at the samo rates as is provided for Slates adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way, that no slave shall be twice accounted tor. "Auticlb . "Congress may, appropriate money, and otherwise provide, for colonizing1 free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place or places without tho United Slates." I beg indulgence fo discuss these pro posed articles at soma length. Without shivery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment, and of policy, in regard to slavery, ami the Afri can raco amongst us. oonio would per pctuatc slavery; some would abob ish it suddenly and withot compensa tion some would abolish it gradu ally, aim wnu compensation; some would remove the treed people from us and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities I'ecaiise ol these diversities, we waste much strength, in struggles among our selves ly mutual concession we should harmonize, and act together. This would be compromise ; but it would Le com promise among the friends, and not with tho enemies ot tho Union. Ihese arti cles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If tho plan shall bo adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least, in sev cral of tho Slates. As to tho first article, the main points are: lirst, ino emancipation; secondly, tho length of lime for consummating it thirty-seven years; and thirdly, tho compensation. 1 ho emancipation will bo unsatisfac tory to tho advocates of perpetual slave ry i but the length of time should great ly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The timo spares both races from tho evils of sudden derangement in fact, from tho necessity of any derangement while most of those whose habitual course of thought will bo disturbed by the meas ure will have passed away beforo its con summation. Ihey will never seo it Another class will hail tho prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate tho length of tunc. Ihey will feci that it gives too little to the now living slaves. IStit it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immcdiato emanci nation in localities whero their numbers are very great ; and it gives tho inspir ing assurance that their posterity shall bo free forever. The plan leaves to each Stale, choosing to act under it, (o ubol ish slavery now, or at (he end of the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees, extending over tho whole or any part of tho period; and it obliges no "two Slates to pro ceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally, tho mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the ' dissatisfaction of those w ho favor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive tho compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Vet tho measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense, tho lib oration of slaves is (ho destruction of property property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the sino as any other property. It is no less (rue for having been tdten said, that tho people of the South are not more responsible for tin original introduction of this property than aro the people of tho north; and hen it is remembered how unhcsita lingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in tin ni.it may not be quite sale to tay, that the South has been more responsible than the North, for its continuance. If, then, for common object, (his propoj-ty is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? And If, witb less money, or money more easily paid, w can preserve the benefits of the Union by thli means, than we oan by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it T Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended ia the war since compermatcJ emancipation was pro poned last March, and consider whether, if that measure had been promptly ac cepted, by even some of the slave States, tbe same euro woull not haTe done more to close the war, than has been otherwise done If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, would be a pru dent and economical measure. Certainly It is not so easy tt ray iomkthikg as it is to pay mothinu ; but it U easier to pay LAkos sum, than it is to pay LA no m one. An ! it is eaeier lo ft.iv any sum whkh we are able, than it is to pay it neroas we are able. The war roquires large sum, ft id rtqnires ihetu at neu. The' aggregate sum necessary lor compensated emancipa tion, of course would be Urge. But it would require no re.i ly cash ; nor the bom Jo erm, any faster than tho emancipa tion progrefsos. Tins might not, and probably would not, closo before the end of the thirty seven venrs. At that time we shall probahly have a hundred millions of peophj to sharo the burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a Ions time afier that period, as rapidly at before ; because our territory will not have become . full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from our first national census, in 17 'JO, until that of 1KGO, wo should, in 1900, have a popula of 103,208,415 And why may wo not continue that ratio far beyond that period f Our abundant room our broad national homestead is our ample resource. rt'ere our territory as limited as are the liritish Isles, very certainly our popula tion could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving .the foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away. But such is not our condition. We havo two millions nine hun dred and Bixty three thousand square miles. hurope has three millions and eight hun dred thousand, with a population averag ing seventy-three and one-third persons to the square mile. Why may not our coua try, at sonic time, average as manyb Is it less fi rtile ! Has it more wasio surface, by mountains, livers, lakes, deserts, or o'hes oauscsr Is it inferior to turope in any natural advantage? If, then. we are, at some timo, to be as popu lous us Europe, how Boon? As to when this mav bo, wo oan judge by the past ai d the prc-ont; ns to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union Several tf our States nro already above the average of Europo-seventy-t lirce ami a third to the' square mile. MHSsachusotlshas 157; Ubode Initial, liio; Conned leut, 09; New lurk and New Jerney, each tfO. Also two other great St.-ites, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far tielow, tho former having 03 and the latter 50. Tho States already above tho Europe an average, except New York, have in creased in as rapid a ratio, since passing that piint, as ever beforo; while no one of them is equal lo somo other parts of out country, in natural capacity for sustaining a deno population. Taking the tin' ion in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of increase, for tho several dooennial periods to be as follows: 17'.v... lino... llo... lK.l, . . . fi,:in!..ii.(7 . "J.-M filt . o,um i:u . l-.'.Hlili.tl.'O i;,o','i,i"..i .iia.i'.u k7i; S,".02 ;n i:l a;i.4:i :.U7 per rout, r.ilio of Incr. S-I... IM'I... 18VI .. 18i;o. ,;ii,4U,7uo This shows an average decennial increase of 34 00 per cent, in population through the seventy years from our first, to our lant ceusui yet taken, ft is wen that the ratio of increase, at no ono of these seven period:), ia either two per cent, bo low, or two per cent, above the average; thus showing how inflexible, and conse quently, how reliable, the law of increase, in our case, is. Assuming that it will con tinue give the following results: 1870 .... 42,323,811 IS SO - - - - 60,1107,210 1800 .... 70,677,872 1000 .... 103,208,415 l'.UO .... 138,018,620 1020 .... ISO, 114,335 1030 .... 251,080,014 The-e figures blioir that our country mat bo as populous as Europe now is, at fonio point between 1020 and 1030 say about 1025 - our territory, at sevenly thrcoand a third persous to the tquare milo, boing of a capacity to contain 217, 187,000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not our selves relinquish the)obanoe,by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhaust, ing war springing from tho only great ele ment of national discord among us. Vt hilo it oannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding leBsor ones iadeGn tely, would U'tard population, civilization, and proj-yfiy, no one cau doubt that the extent ol it would be very great and injurious. 1 he proponed emaueipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace, iasure this in crease of population, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With these, we should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt, without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at six per cent, per annum, simple in terest, from the end of our revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying any thing on either principal or interest, eaoh man of us would owe less upon that debt now, than each man owed upon it thu; and this because our increase of meu, through tbe whole period has been greater than six per cent. ; has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone, relievos a debtor nation, so long as it population increases faster than unpaid in terest accuiumulates on its debt- This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due; but it thows ino great importance of lime in this con nection the great advantage of a policy by whioh we shall not have to pay until we number s uunerea millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar would be much harder to pay for the war, than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be saving of both. As to the seoond article, I think it would be Impracticable to return to bondage the elass of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners ; and hence provision la made in this article fr com pensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorise Congress to aid in ool onizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarJcd as cbjeotionablo, on the one band, or on tbe other, in so much as it eomes to nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people to b deported, and the American voters through their rcpre sentatircs in Congress. I cannot make it .better known than it already is, that I strongly favor colonization- And yet I with to say there if an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country, which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It it insisted that their presence would injure, aud displaee white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper lime f r mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present, men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly bef espcnsible through time and in eternity. Is Tt truo. then, that colored people can displace any more white labor, by being free, than by re maining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers ; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor lest of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and, very surely, would not reduce them. Thus, the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed ; the freed people would surtly not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably, for a timo, would do lets, leaving n increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and, consequently, enhancing the wages of it. With deporta tion, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to while labor is mathemati cally certain. Labor Is like any other commodity in tbe market increase the demaud tor it, and you lacrease the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor, by colonizing the black laborer out of the ceuntry, and, by precisely so much, you increase the demaud for, and wages of, white labor. But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth, and cover the whole land? Are they not already in the land ? Will liberation make then any more numerous? Equally dibtribuled among the whiles of the whole country, and there would bo but ono colored, to seven whites. Could the ono, in any way, greny disturb tbe seven T There nre many communities now, having more than oe free culored persons,to seven whites; and ihis, without any apparent consciousness ot evil from it The Distriot of Columbia, and the States of Maryland iind Delaware, are nil in this condition. Tho District has moro than one frea colored to six whites ; and yet, in its frequent pe titions to Congress, I believe it has never presented tho presence of fioo colored per sons as ono of its grievances, liut why should emancipation south, send the freed people north ? l'ejple, of any color, sel dom run, unless there be something to run from. IlKitEToroRB colored pcoplo, to some extent, havo tied north from bondage ; and destitution. Hut if gradual emauoipr.tion and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to lleo from. Their old masters will give then! wages at least until new laborers can bo procured; and the f.eed men, in turn, will gladly gite their labor for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial climes, and with p ople of their own blood and raco. This proposition can ba trusted on tho mutual interests involved and, in any event, can not the north decide for itself, whether to receive them ? Again, as practice proves more than theory in eny cause, nas mere neen any lrrun- tion of-colored people northward, because of the uboliehmtut of slavery iu this Dis trict last spring ? Whatl have said or the proportion of free colored persons to the whiles, in the District, is from the census of 1800, having no reference to persous cauea contrabands. nor ti thofe made free by the act of Con gress abolishing slavery here. I he plan consulting or these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without, us auopuou. Nor will tho war, nor proceedinjs under the proclamation of September 22, lb02, be stayed because of the hicommkn hation ofthtt plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And, notwithstanding this plan, the re commendation that Congress provide by law for compensating auy estate which may adopt emaueipation, before this plan shall have been acted upon, it hereby earnestly renewed, fcuch would be only an advance part of tho plan, ond tho samo arguments apyly to both. i his plan is recommended as a means, "not in exclusion of, but additional to, all others for restoring and preserving tho na tional acthority throughout the Union. The subject is pieseuted exclusively in its econ omical aspect. The plan wovld, I am con Silent, secure peaco more speedily,' and maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all it would cost, considering amouts, and manner of pamcnt, ami times of payment, would be easier puii than will be the admonal cost of the war, if we rely solely upon force It is much vevy much that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent eon stitutional law. It Cannot become such witnout the concurrence of, first, two- third of Congress, and afterwards, threo fourths ef the States. The requisite three fourths of the States 'will necessarily in elude seven of the slave Hia'et. Their concurrence, if obtaiucd, will give assur ance ef their severally adopting emancipa tion, at no very distant day, upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever. I do not forget tho gravity which should characterise a paper adretsed to the Con gress ef tbe nation, by the Chief Magistrate of the nation Nor do I forget that acme of you aremy eenlers ; nor that many of you have more experience than I, in the Conduct of publio affairs. Vet I trust that n view of tho great responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no want or re ipeot to yourselves in any undue earnest- taess I may seem to display. Ia It douhtort, then, tbat tt plan ;i pronoso. If It It adopted, would sliortnn tho war, unrt thus lemen IUj Tp''Oditurir mony and of hlimd, f In It dntibtrd that tl wnul't ritiore tho nimoual authority and na tional pwtiTlty, and pnriwtnnV; rmth liidrfliillfily f la It dut)ll tluit we hero (VingrcM and ExwuiItb cannwure Ha adoption? Will nt tlio good xrl" rpond to a onltel, and rarnrat appral from u ? Can we, caa they , ljr any either nientia, ao certainly , or io speedily, awura theao vital olijcctaf We oun suc ceed only by concert. It la not " can any of ua imafl- tn better T " out " can we til do belter T Object whatsoever ia poiwlblo, allll the question reoura " cau we do bettor?' lh dogmas of tlio quot put, ara Inadequate to the atormy pretest. The ocrualou la pi'eil hitjh with iliniculty, and wo mnxt rlFu with tlio occasion. Aa our caae ia new, go w4 mutt think anew and art anew, We most disenthrall unraelvra, and then wr. shall anv our country. fell iw citizen", ie cannot rai'npe MMnty. e,of this Clonitrens and thia admln stratlon, will ho r- mcmbi rou In aplte ol ourcelvi-n. ;So pergonal Kliinl firiinee, or Iiia gnifli-anoe, cm nr.ire "l,B or another of ua. The flery trial through which wo p.uu, will light ua down, In honor or diflrmor, to the lniot tren- nra'loD. Woxihwo nro lor tho In ion. The world will net Cornet that wu fay thia. Wo know bow to aave tho Uiilm. The world knowa wo do know how to Fare It We even ice Aire bold tho )owor, and bear the rcion.sibility. In giving freedom to the ftare, wo aturt freedom to the free honorabto alike In wlml wo give, and what wo preserve. Wo ahull nobly tave, or ninthly liao, tho liiat l e t, hope of enrth. Other nieaus may micoeod ; thin, could not full. Tho way la plain, peaceful, gnierona, just a way whioh, If followed, tin world will foreor ap plaud, and tiod luuai forever blepa. AB11AITAM LINCOLN'. December 1,1862. -Our faellltlos In machinery nnd good work men, cnablo ua to executo on aliort ordor, and In the neatest posflblo atylr, all kluda of sucn A3 ' Cards, Circulars, Checks, Receipts, Posters, Bills of Lading, Bill-Heads, Pamphlets, ami, til fact, every kind of work Lnowu to th art BWo reHjiootfully Invito a liberal patronage knowing that our stylo of workmanship cannot be exoelled, or our tornxt competed with. To Army Oflloers and Soldiers. fcllUTAnV BLANKS sucn as PROVISION RETURNS, Enlistment Blanks for Recruiting, Monthly Company Returns, ej Officers' Fay Accounts, Descriptive Rolls, Ac., Ac, Ac, CONSTANTLY ON HAND and for aale on tho moat moderate terms. ST We are alao better prepared thin any bthe atabllbhmont In tbe city, to execute with the great- eHt despatch and on moderate t'Tmx, ANY ICINt) OF" GOVERNMENT PRINTING, and most reapectfully lollcit ordura. Wanted, a Wife. YOUNU MAN, Alio IT KKVKV AM) TWENTY yeara of age, who ha not luul the fortune to A get atinalnU)d anionKt lailloa, wlaliea lo yet mar ried, he therefore reOeaU alt young ladiea who may tuku interest la thtH, to addrv , II. P. r. 11 Dec-2t Tont-oflioo, Nuahviile, loun. Strayed or Stolen A BAY IIOHSB, WITH THUER WHITE LKGH. white trunk on the forehead, heavy mane and lull; no mark .4. Any tron kItiiir Iniurriuilon ot the ahove named horite, will reivu a liherul reward fur aajoh, by calling ou Uroadway, tiotwteu Colle ge aud Cherry etrecw. N. n. VEIlT, I.leut. and Quartermaster Hi luu'u't Vola. NoT-lw To Manufacturers. JU.-T KKOKIVKO, AND KOK BAIJf, It lug Travrlara, l.uo Hud Itullrr I. anther, l.vtkllivr at nil Cum ItrlUukT, MJy WU, I YON, July I ti, Mvk.t M II ROBUIIT MOORE & CO., CINCXN NATI, OI1IO. . rKwwoNvivra or oottow, toiuoto, u 1 tvt TliL ua ..j iu i .wii te 1 1 hi - -I boat fttiDika. my U iRIFFITII&PARSnM COMMISSION. MERCHANT, ! AND WUOLRSAM PKAtRlS In Groceries & Provisions FAMILY GROCERIES, PLANTATION SUPPLIES, 11RII2D HVAZV. HAHS, BACON SIDES KIinULDKHP, COFFEES, SUGARS, TEAS, Mustard, Spico, Pepper, Nutmegi ; ISTAJXiS, i BAGGING, ROPE, TWIN1 SOArS, CANDLES, . MAOKERE 1 i i Whitcfi8h, Herrings, UIIOOMB, I1UOKETB, ' COARSE & FINE SALT CIGAIO, tohacco, : CANDIES, VllVm, WINES, ROBACK BITTERS Suttlers' Goods of all Kinds, ! And many other artlclea arriving dally puroha for Cash, and aold at amall ) relit. i Cull end Bee. UKLWITII U. IAUSOJVS, No.T OOIJ.FUK FT. , NAPIIVIIJ.lt, TEN July 18 3m. TLW IXTELLIGEMI2 0FFIC1 No. 11, Bouth Fourth St," SAINT I.UI IS, JUO. Eatahllaued for tli. benefit of atrangera eoiulng Bt. Louie iu aearch of SICK OK WOUNDEli ml for peranna llvlna; at a rllatauca who can rl to the Army Intell g'iire Omoe and ol.talu rell. LI. Information of any aoldier that an. , Hated tu tl.. htatea of IllinnU, Indiana, Ohio, I,wn, Uuhiyan, Wim I ha, llinnuuta, Kmtlur.ky and iliniinri. ' (10RKKCT INTKl I.iar.VCK WILL KB GWWH I J any aohller from the ahove KlaUe, wheth Hick, VS'oiindio, K.Li.ao, oa Tax a I'amoxaa, , In what haltlea he may have teeu engaged, ai where lila regiment la etntlouod. Inforuiatiou will alao he g.ven of the condltb- any aitk or wounded aoldier In -t. IxMila, Louie, ft; Cincinnati, Nanhvill, Mound City, or any llo, i' ' Id the WeeUrn lriartiiietit I and where tlioae kill -, In tattle, or ha v. died from th.ir wouuda, era tu ' ed ; and wher. the, taken jirUouere ar co t fined. i line la the Only Arm InUillisenoe flfflc In ? Department of the Miaianlipl, or Wealera Ivoai meut, and information of aolillere from any or t atoru Mati-a can he given at any time Ly calllug writing lo the Army Intelligent, (mic e. He' kim writing will nle.au give Hi. nam. of I: euldler, what Hut he.n'laled In, and the numlier hia regiment. hariuie f"r ant kind of Ai nrluul gene, will he Two Li.t4ka, and any noraoa wrllu win pieuM encioai in. amount, Iu order to eocu ultentiou to their iniUirhia. Addnwa: Army Intelligence Omre, Ht. Ixmln Mi la ere t. O. Iloi IMS. May l, Recruits Wanted ! CMi-TIE BKCnnTH ASK WANTIH KH 1 wiiwj a, rirs lenncoM" arin.orj, who will receive the' regular !CNT) , tion., and Clothing. Iu ad Utlo., TIII'.H IjOLL.AU.",, iiald aa eoon aa they euhat, lr r ii in. it M cruiiiug ufllr.r. -mji.-U J OUlc. nea door below the City lloi.i. $25 REWARD ! a ST Tot.ES.from H. lin.liUlKANI!, .i. mI. r, on I Ion luwl, ONK fAlHM UVI li tUil. j UOI.I) WATCH, manufactured by Jao .1 lii'i'u.ll, riiool. Tbe W.UU ! of a wall a iae ii ii,udi' niKraverl on the Inal i. ''(im , ila ll' lu I , fi.llii r In to. -r 1M.'i:"oo tli. le r Mat ( ' S "llou a IUkH." Tli. alo Ree-Ml III be ml ; for any liif'uiullo that auay U. l lo it.e ri oery r the prooerty. H . I! Htk. , junea-tr . Loutavill. Joar.ai plMM 'y tli. umt.4 '.ii.