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The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, December 06, 1862, Image 4

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worse in both cnoi afcr tLj separation
of the sections, than before. The foreign
litre trade, noir imperfectlj suppressed,
would bo ultimately revived without re
Btriction in one section; while fugitive
slaves, now only partially surrendered,
would not be surrendered at all by the
" Physically speaking, we cannot sep
arate. . We cannot remove our respective
sections from each other, nor build an
impsRflahlc wall between them. A hus
band and wife may be divorced, and go
out of the presence, and beyond the
reach of each other; but the different
parts of our country cannot do this.
They cyino't but remain face to face ;
. and intercourse, either amicable- or hos
tile, must continue between them. Is it
possible, fhen to make that intercourse
more advantageous, or more satisfactory
after separation than before t Can aliens
make treaties easier than friends can
make laws ? Can treaties be more faith
fully enforced between aliens, than laws
an anion; friends? Suppose you go to
war, you cannot fight always; and
when, alter much loss on both sides, and
tin onto "t pitlipi, yrm re t.gMiuft, 4k
identical old rmestions, ns to terms of
intercourse, are aain upon you."
There is no line, straight or cro ked,
puitablu for a national boundary, upon
which tn divide. Trace through, from
east to west, upon the line between tlic
free and frUvo country, and we shall find
a little more than or:e-tlnrd of its length
are rivers, easy to be crossed, and
populated, or kooii to he popula
ted, thickly niion both sides; while
rienrl v uU its remaining length sre mere
ly surveyors' lines, over which people
may walk back and forth without any
consciousness of their presence. No
part ol this line can bo made any more
difficult, tu pass, by writing it down on
paper, or parchment, as a national boun
dary. The fact of separation, if it
comes, gives up, ou the part of the sece
ding section, t tie fugitive slave clause,
along with oil other constitutional obli
gations upon the section seceded from,
while I should expect no treaty Hlipula
tion would ever bo initio to take its
lint there is another difficulty. The
great interior region, hounded east, by
the Allighanii s, north by the I it isli do
minions, west by the lioeky Mountains,
and south by the line along which the
culture of corn and cotton rmcta, and
which includes part of Virginia, part, of
Tennessee, all of Kentucky, ()!ii., Indi
ana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Mis
souri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the
Territories of Dacota, Nebraska, and
part of Colorado, already has above ten
millions of people, and will have fifty
millions within fifty years, if not pre
vented by any political lolly or mistake.
It contains more than one-third of the
country owned by the United Slates
. certainly more than one million of tquare
miles. Onco half as populous Bg Massa
chusetts already is, it would have more
than sevenly-five millions of people. A
glance at the map shows that, territori
ally speaking, it is the great body of the
republic. The. other parts are, but mar
ginal borders to it, the mngninocnt re
gion sloping west from (he liocky Moun
tains to (ho Pacific, being the deepest,
and also the richest, in undeveloped re
sources. In the production of provis
ions, grains, grasses, and all which pro
ceed from them, this great interior re
gion is naturally one of the most im
portant in the world. Ascetlain from
liiu statistics the small proportion of the
region which has, as vet, been brought
into cultivation, and also the large and
rapidly increasing amount of i id pro-
duets, and we shall bo overwhelmed with
the magnitude of the prospect. And yet
this region has no sea-coast, touches no
ocean anywhwe. As part of one nation,
its people now find, and may forever
iind, their way to Kuropo by New York,
to South America and Africa by New
Orleans; and to Asia by San .Francisco.
l'nt separato our common country into
two nations, as designed by tho present
rebellion, and every man of this great in
terior region is (hereby cut oil' from
some one or moro of these outlets, not,
perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by
embarrassing and onerous trade regula
Aud this is true, wherever a dividing,
or boundary line, may be fixed, l'Jace
it between tho now free and slave coun
try, or place, it south of Kentucky or
north ot Ohio, and still tho truth re
mains, that none south of it can trade to
any port or place north of it, and none
norm i u can iratio io any port or
place south of it, except upon terms dio
tated by a government foreign to them.
These outlets, east, west, and south, are
indispensable to tho well being of the
people inhabiting, aud (o inhabit, this
vast interior region. IVhkh of tho three
may be tho best, is no proper question.
All are better than either; and all, of
light belong to that people, and to their
cessors forever. True to themselves,
tney will not ask. where a liuo of eepara
tion shall be, but will vow, rather, that
there shall bo no such lino. Nor are the
marginal regions less interested in these
communications to, and through them, to
tho great outsido world, i hey, too, and
each of them, must have access to this
Fgypt of (ho West, without paying toll
at the crossing of any national boon
Our national strife springs not from
our permanent part; in t from the land
wo inhabit; not from our national
homestead. There is no possible sever
ing of this, but would multiply, and not
mitigate, evils among tu. in all its
adaptations and aptitudes, it demands
Union, aud abhors separation, la fact
it would, ere long, force re-union, how
ever mm h of blood aud treasure the sep
uratioii iiii-ht have cost.
(.);ii Ftrilo pertains to ourselves to
(he passing generations of men; and it
can, without convulsion, be hushed forev
er with the passing of one generation.
In this view. I recommend the adop
tion of the following resolution and ar
ticles amendatory to the Constitution of
the United Slates :
"Iiesolved hi the Senate and Home of Hep-
resenlalies of Hie Unitcl tkatei of America
tn Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both
houses concurring,) 'ltiat tbe following
articles be proposed to the legislatures
(or conventions) of the several States, as
amendments to the Constitution of the
United States, all or any of which arti
cles when ratified by three-fourths of
tho said legislatures (or conventions) to
be valid as part or parts of the said Con
stitution, viz :
"Abticle ,
"Every State, wherein slavery now ex
ists, which shall abolish the same there
in, at any time, or times, before the first
day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand andj nine hundred,
shall receive cmpensation from the
United States as follows, to wit:
"The President of the United States
.Loll lclirer to .very euoU Jlio, bonda
of the United Slates, hearing interest at
(he rate of per cent, per annum, to
an amount equal (o tho aggregate sum of
for each slave shown
to have been therein, by tho eighth cen
sus of the United Slates, said bonds to
be delivered to such Slate by instalments,
or in one parcel, at tho completion of the
abolishment, accordingly as the same
shall havo been gradual, or at one time,
within such State ; and interest shall bc
Kin to run upon any such bond, only
from the proper time of its delivery as
aforesaid. Any State having received
bonds as aforesaid, and afterwards rein
troducing or tolerating slavery therein,
shall refund to the Uuiled Stales tho
bonds so received, or the value thereof,
and all interest paid thereon.
'Article .
"All slaves who shall have cnioTcd
actual liteuom by tlio chances of the
war, at any lime before the end of the
rebellion, shall bo forever free ; but all
owners of such, who shall not havo been
disloyal, shall bo compensated for them,
at the samo rates as is provided for
Slates adopting abolishment of slavery,
but in such way, that no slave shall be
twice accounted tor.
"Auticlb .
"Congress may, appropriate money, and
otherwise provide, for colonizing1 free
colored persons, with their own consent,
at any place or places without tho
United Slates."
I beg indulgence fo discuss these pro
posed articles at soma length. Without
shivery the rebellion could never have
existed; without slavery it could not
Among the friends of the Union there
is great diversity of sentiment, and of
policy, in regard to slavery, ami the Afri
can raco amongst us. oonio would per
pctuatc slavery; some would abob
ish it suddenly and withot compensa
tion some would abolish it gradu
ally, aim wnu compensation; some
would remove the treed people from us
and some would retain them with us;
and there are yet other minor diversities
I'ecaiise ol these diversities, we waste
much strength, in struggles among our
selves ly mutual concession we should
harmonize, and act together. This would
be compromise ; but it would Le com
promise among the friends, and not with
tho enemies ot tho Union. Ihese arti
cles are intended to embody a plan of
such mutual concessions. If tho plan
shall bo adopted, it is assumed that
emancipation will follow, at least, in sev
cral of tho Slates.
As to tho first article, the main points
are: lirst, ino emancipation; secondly,
tho length of lime for consummating it
thirty-seven years; and thirdly, tho
1 ho emancipation will bo unsatisfac
tory to tho advocates of perpetual slave
ry i but the length of time should great
ly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The
timo spares both races from tho evils of
sudden derangement in fact, from tho
necessity of any derangement while
most of those whose habitual course of
thought will bo disturbed by the meas
ure will have passed away beforo its con
summation. Ihey will never seo it
Another class will hail tho prospect of
emancipation, but will deprecate tho
length of tunc. Ihey will feci that it
gives too little to the now living slaves.
IStit it really gives them much. It saves
them from the vagrant destitution which
must largely attend immcdiato emanci
nation in localities whero their numbers
are very great ; and it gives tho inspir
ing assurance that their posterity shall
bo free forever. The plan leaves to each
Stale, choosing to act under it, (o ubol
ish slavery now, or at (he end of the
century, or at any intermediate time, or
by degrees, extending over tho whole
or any part of tho period; and it
obliges no "two Slates to pro
ceed alike. It also provides for
compensation, and generally, tho mode
of making it. This, it would seem, must
further mitigate the ' dissatisfaction of
those w ho favor perpetual slavery, and
especially of those who are to receive tho
compensation. Doubtless some of those
who are to pay, and not to receive, will
object. Vet tho measure is both just and
economical. In a certain sense, tho lib
oration of slaves is (ho destruction of
property property acquired by descent,
or by purchase, the sino as any other
property. It is no less (rue for having
been tdten said, that tho people of the
South are not more responsible for tin
original introduction of this property
than aro the people of tho north; and
hen it is remembered how unhcsita
lingly we all use cotton and sugar, and
share the profits of dealing in tin ni.it
may not be quite sale to tay, that the
South has been more responsible than
the North, for its continuance. If, then,
for common object, (his propoj-ty is to
be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done
at a common charge?
And If, witb less money, or money more
easily paid, w can preserve the benefits of
the Union by thli means, than we oan by the
war alone, is it not also economical to do it T
Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain
the sum we have expended ia the war
since compermatcJ emancipation was pro
poned last March, and consider whether,
if that measure had been promptly ac
cepted, by even some of the slave States,
tbe same euro woull not haTe done more to
close the war, than has been otherwise
done If so, the measure would save
money, and, in that view, would be a pru
dent and economical measure. Certainly
It is not so easy tt ray iomkthikg as it
is to pay mothinu ; but it U easier to pay
LAkos sum, than it is to pay LA no m
one. An ! it is eaeier lo ft.iv any sum whkh
we are able, than it is to pay it neroas
we are able. The war roquires large sum,
ft id rtqnires ihetu at neu. The' aggregate
sum necessary lor compensated emancipa
tion, of course would be Urge. But it
would require no re.i ly cash ; nor the
bom Jo erm, any faster than tho emancipa
tion progrefsos. Tins might not, and
probably would not, closo before the end
of the thirty seven venrs. At that time
we shall probahly have a hundred millions
of peophj to sharo the burden, instead of
thirty-one millions, as now. And not only
so, but the increase of our population may
be expected to continue for a Ions time afier
that period, as rapidly at before ; because
our territory will not have become . full.
I do not state this inconsiderately. At the
same ratio of increase which we have
maintained, on an average, from our first
national census, in 17 'JO, until that of
1KGO, wo should, in 1900, have a popula
of 103,208,415 And why may wo not
continue that ratio far beyond that
period f Our abundant room our broad
national homestead is our ample resource.
rt'ere our territory as limited as are the
liritish Isles, very certainly our popula
tion could not expand as stated. Instead
of receiving .the foreign born, as now, we
should be compelled to send part of the
native born away. But such is not our
condition. We havo two millions nine hun
dred and Bixty three thousand square miles.
hurope has three millions and eight hun
dred thousand, with a population averag
ing seventy-three and one-third persons to
the square mile. Why may not our coua
try, at sonic time, average as manyb Is
it less fi rtile ! Has it more wasio surface,
by mountains, livers, lakes, deserts, or
o'hes oauscsr Is it inferior to turope
in any natural advantage? If, then.
we are, at some timo, to be as popu
lous us Europe, how Boon? As to
when this mav bo, wo oan judge by
the past ai d the prc-ont; ns to when it
will be, if ever, depends much on whether
we maintain the Union Several tf our
States nro already above the average of
Europo-seventy-t lirce ami a third to the'
square mile. MHSsachusotlshas 157; Ubode
Initial, liio; Conned leut, 09; New lurk and
New Jerney, each tfO. Also two other great
St.-ites, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far
tielow, tho former having 03 and the latter
50. Tho States already above tho Europe
an average, except New York, have in
creased in as rapid a ratio, since passing
that piint, as ever beforo; while no one of
them is equal lo somo other parts of out
country, in natural capacity for sustaining
a deno population.
Taking the tin' ion in the aggregate, and
we find its population and ratio of increase,
for tho several dooennial periods to be as
lK.l, . .
. fi,:in!..ii.(7
. "J.-M filt
. o,um i:u
. l-.'.Hlili.tl.'O
.iia.i'.u k7i;
;n i:l
per rout, r.ilio of Incr.
18VI ..
This shows an average decennial increase
of 34 00 per cent, in population through the
seventy years from our first, to our lant
ceusui yet taken, ft is wen that the
ratio of increase, at no ono of these
seven period:), ia either two per cent, bo
low, or two per cent, above the average;
thus showing how inflexible, and conse
quently, how reliable, the law of increase,
in our case, is. Assuming that it will con
tinue give the following results:
1870 .... 42,323,811
IS SO - - - - 60,1107,210
1800 .... 70,677,872
1000 .... 103,208,415
l'.UO .... 138,018,620
1020 .... ISO, 114,335
1030 .... 251,080,014
The-e figures blioir that our country
mat bo as populous as Europe now is, at
fonio point between 1020 and 1030 say
about 1025 - our territory, at sevenly
thrcoand a third persous to the tquare
milo, boing of a capacity to contain 217,
187,000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not our
selves relinquish the)obanoe,by the folly and
evils of disunion, or by long and exhaust,
ing war springing from tho only great ele
ment of national discord among us. Vt hilo
it oannot be foreseen exactly how much one
huge example of secession, breeding leBsor
ones iadeGn tely, would U'tard population,
civilization, and proj-yfiy, no one cau
doubt that the extent ol it would be very
great and injurious.
1 he proponed emaueipation would shorten
the war, perpetuate peace, iasure this in
crease of population, and proportionately
the wealth of the country. With these, we
should pay all the emancipation would cost,
together with our other debt, easier than
we should pay our other debt, without it.
If we had allowed our old national debt to
run at six per cent, per annum, simple in
terest, from the end of our revolutionary
struggle until to-day, without paying any
thing on either principal or interest, eaoh
man of us would owe less upon that debt
now, than each man owed upon it thu;
and this because our increase of meu,
through tbe whole period has been greater
than six per cent. ; has run faster than the
interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone,
relievos a debtor nation, so long as it
population increases faster than unpaid in
terest accuiumulates on its debt-
This fact would be no excuse for delaying
payment of what is justly due; but it thows
ino great importance of lime in this con
nection the great advantage of a policy
by whioh we shall not have to pay until we
number s uunerea millions, what, by a
different policy, we would have to pay
now, when we number but thirty-one
millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar
would be much harder to pay for the war,
than will be a dollar for emancipation on
the proposed plan. And then the latter
will cost no blood, no precious life. It will
be saving of both.
As to the seoond article, I think it would
be Impracticable to return to bondage the
elass of persons therein contemplated.
Some of them, doubtless, in the property
sense, belong to loyal owners ; and hence
provision la made in this article fr com
pensating such.
The third article relates to the future of
the freed people. It does not oblige, but
merely authorise Congress to aid in ool
onizing such as may consent. This ought
not to be regarJcd as cbjeotionablo, on the
one band, or on tbe other, in so much as it
eomes to nothing, unless by the mutual
consent of the people to b deported, and
the American voters through their rcpre
sentatircs in Congress.
I cannot make it .better known than it
already is, that I strongly favor colonization-
And yet I with to say there if an
objection urged against free colored persons
remaining in the country, which is largely
imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.
It it insisted that their presence would
injure, aud displaee white labor and white
laborers. If there ever could be a proper
lime f r mere catch arguments, that time
surely is not now. In times like the present,
men should utter nothing for which they
would not willingly bef espcnsible through
time and in eternity. Is Tt truo. then,
that colored people can displace any more
white labor, by being free, than by re
maining slaves? If they stay in their old
places, they jostle no white laborers ; if
they leave their old places, they leave them
open to white laborers. Logically, there is
neither more nor lest of it. Emancipation,
even without deportation, would probably
enhance the wages of white labor, and,
very surely, would not reduce them. Thus,
the customary amount of labor would still
have to be performed ; the freed people
would surtly not do more than their old
proportion of it, and very probably, for a
timo, would do lets, leaving n increased
part to white laborers, bringing their labor
into greater demand, and, consequently,
enhancing the wages of it. With deporta
tion, even to a limited extent, enhanced
wages to while labor is mathemati
cally certain. Labor Is like any other
commodity in tbe market increase the
demaud tor it, and you lacrease the price
of it. Reduce the supply of black labor,
by colonizing the black laborer out of the
ceuntry, and, by precisely so much, you
increase the demaud for, and wages of,
white labor.
But it is dreaded that the freed people will
swarm forth, and cover the whole land?
Are they not already in the land ? Will
liberation make then any more numerous?
Equally dibtribuled among the whiles of the
whole country, and there would bo but ono
colored, to seven whites. Could the ono, in
any way, greny disturb tbe seven T
There nre many communities now, having
more than oe free culored persons,to seven
whites; and ihis, without any apparent
consciousness ot evil from it The Distriot
of Columbia, and the States of Maryland
iind Delaware, are nil in this condition.
Tho District has moro than one frea colored
to six whites ; and yet, in its frequent pe
titions to Congress, I believe it has never
presented tho presence of fioo colored per
sons as ono of its grievances, liut why
should emancipation south, send the freed
people north ? l'ejple, of any color, sel
dom run, unless there be something to run
from. IlKitEToroRB colored pcoplo, to some
extent, havo tied north from bondage ; and
destitution. Hut if gradual emauoipr.tion
and deportation be adopted, they will have
neither to lleo from. Their old masters
will give then! wages at least until new
laborers can bo procured; and the f.eed
men, in turn, will gladly gite their labor
for the wages, till new homes can be found
for them, in congenial climes, and with
p ople of their own blood and raco. This
proposition can ba trusted on tho mutual
interests involved and, in any event, can
not the north decide for itself, whether to
receive them ?
Again, as practice proves more than theory
in eny cause, nas mere neen any lrrun-
tion of-colored people northward, because
of the uboliehmtut of slavery iu this Dis
trict last spring ?
Whatl have said or the proportion of
free colored persons to the whiles, in the
District, is from the census of 1800, having
no reference to persous cauea contrabands.
nor ti thofe made free by the act of Con
gress abolishing slavery here.
I he plan consulting or these articles is
recommended, not but that a restoration of
the national authority would be accepted
without, us auopuou.
Nor will tho war, nor proceedinjs
under the proclamation of September 22,
lb02, be stayed because of the hicommkn
hation ofthtt plan. Its timely adoption, I
doubt not, would bring restoration, and
thereby stay both.
And, notwithstanding this plan, the re
commendation that Congress provide by
law for compensating auy estate which may
adopt emaueipation, before this plan shall
have been acted upon, it hereby earnestly
renewed, fcuch would be only an advance
part of tho plan, ond tho samo arguments
apyly to both.
i his plan is recommended as a means,
"not in exclusion of, but additional to, all
others for restoring and preserving tho na
tional acthority throughout the Union. The
subject is pieseuted exclusively in its econ
omical aspect. The plan wovld, I am con
Silent, secure peaco more speedily,' and
maintain it more permanently, than can be
done by force alone; while all it would
cost, considering amouts, and manner of
pamcnt, ami times of payment, would be
easier puii than will be the admonal cost
of the war, if we rely solely upon force It
is much vevy much that it would cost no
blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent eon
stitutional law. It Cannot become such
witnout the concurrence of, first, two-
third of Congress, and afterwards, threo
fourths ef the States. The requisite three
fourths of the States 'will necessarily in
elude seven of the slave Hia'et. Their
concurrence, if obtaiucd, will give assur
ance ef their severally adopting emancipa
tion, at no very distant day, upon the new
constitutional terms. This assurance would
end the struggle now, and save the Union
I do not forget tho gravity which should
characterise a paper adretsed to the Con
gress ef tbe nation, by the Chief Magistrate
of the nation Nor do I forget that acme
of you aremy eenlers ; nor that many of
you have more experience than I, in the
Conduct of publio affairs. Vet I trust that
n view of tho great responsibility resting
upon me, you will perceive no want or re
ipeot to yourselves in any undue earnest-
taess I may seem to display.
Ia It douhtort, then, tbat tt plan ;i pronoso. If It It
adopted, would sliortnn tho war, unrt thus lemen IUj
Tp''Oditurir mony and of hlimd, f In It dntibtrd
that tl wnul't ritiore tho nimoual authority and na
tional pwtiTlty, and pnriwtnnV; rmth liidrfliillfily f
la It dut)ll tluit we hero (VingrcM and ExwuiItb
cannwure Ha adoption? Will nt tlio good xrl"
rpond to a onltel, and rarnrat appral from u ? Can
we, caa they , ljr any either nientia, ao certainly , or
io speedily, awura theao vital olijcctaf We oun suc
ceed only by concert. It la not " can any of ua imafl-
tn better T " out " can we til do belter T Object
whatsoever ia poiwlblo, allll the question reoura " cau
we do bettor?' lh dogmas of tlio quot put, ara
Inadequate to the atormy pretest. The ocrualou la
pi'eil hitjh with iliniculty, and wo mnxt rlFu with tlio
occasion. Aa our caae ia new, go w4 mutt think
anew and art anew, We most disenthrall unraelvra,
and then wr. shall anv our country.
fell iw citizen", ie cannot rai'npe MMnty. e,of
this Clonitrens and thia admln stratlon, will ho r-
mcmbi rou In aplte ol ourcelvi-n. ;So pergonal Kliinl
firiinee, or Iiia gnifli-anoe, cm nr.ire "l,B or another
of ua. The flery trial through which wo p.uu, will
light ua down, In honor or diflrmor, to the lniot tren-
nra'loD. Woxihwo nro lor tho In ion. The world
will net Cornet that wu fay thia. Wo know bow to
aave tho Uiilm. The world knowa wo do know how
to Fare It We even ice Aire bold tho )owor, and
bear the rcion.sibility. In giving freedom to the
ftare, wo aturt freedom to the free honorabto alike
In wlml wo give, and what wo preserve. Wo ahull
nobly tave, or ninthly liao, tho liiat l e t, hope of
enrth. Other nieaus may micoeod ; thin, could not
full. Tho way la plain, peaceful, gnierona, just a
way whioh, If followed, tin world will foreor ap
plaud, and tiod luuai forever blepa.
December 1,1862.
-Our faellltlos In machinery nnd good work
men, cnablo ua to executo on aliort ordor, and In
the neatest posflblo atylr, all kluda of
sucn A3 '
Cards, Circulars,
Checks, Receipts,
Posters, Bills of Lading,
Bill-Heads, Pamphlets,
ami, til fact, every kind of work Lnowu to th art
BWo reHjiootfully Invito a liberal patronage
knowing that our stylo of workmanship cannot be
exoelled, or our tornxt competed with.
To Army Oflloers and Soldiers.
sucn as
Enlistment Blanks for Recruiting,
Monthly Company Returns,
ej Officers' Fay Accounts,
Descriptive Rolls,
Ac., Ac, Ac,
and for aale on tho moat moderate terms.
ST We are alao better prepared thin any bthe
atabllbhmont In tbe city, to execute with the great-
eHt despatch and on moderate t'Tmx,
and most reapectfully lollcit ordura.
Wanted, a Wife.
yeara of age, who ha not luul the fortune to
get atinalnU)d anionKt lailloa, wlaliea lo yet mar
ried, he therefore reOeaU alt young ladiea who may
tuku interest la thtH, to addrv ,
II. P. r. 11
Dec-2t Tont-oflioo, Nuahviile, loun.
Strayed or Stolen
white trunk on the forehead, heavy mane and
lull; no mark .4. Any tron kItiiir Iniurriuilon ot
the ahove named horite, will reivu a liherul reward
fur aajoh, by calling ou Uroadway, tiotwteu Colle ge
aud Cherry etrecw.
N. n. VEIlT,
I.leut. and Quartermaster Hi luu'u't Vola.
To Manufacturers.
It lug Travrlara,
l.uo Hud Itullrr I. anther,
l.vtkllivr at nil Cum ItrlUukT,
July I ti, Mvk.t M
rKwwoNvivra or oottow, toiuoto, u
1 tvt TliL ua ..j iu i .wii te 1 1 hi - -I
boat fttiDika. my U
Groceries & Provisions
Mustard, Spico, Pepper, Nutmegi ;
Whitcfi8h, Herrings,
CIGAIO, tohacco, :
Suttlers' Goods of all Kinds, !
And many other artlclea arriving dally puroha
for Cash, and aold at amall ) relit.
Cull end Bee.
July 18 3m.
No. 11, Bouth Fourth St,"
Eatahllaued for tli. benefit of atrangera eoiulng
Bt. Louie iu aearch of
ml for peranna llvlna; at a rllatauca who can rl
to the Army Intell g'iire Omoe and ol.talu rell.
LI. Information of any aoldier that an. ,
Hated tu tl.. htatea of
IllinnU, Indiana, Ohio, I,wn, Uuhiyan, Wim I
ha, llinnuuta, Kmtlur.ky and iliniinri. '
J any aohller from the ahove KlaUe, wheth
Hick, VS'oiindio, K.Li.ao, oa Tax a I'amoxaa, ,
In what haltlea he may have teeu engaged, ai
where lila regiment la etntlouod.
Inforuiatiou will alao he g.ven of the condltb-
any aitk or wounded aoldier In -t. IxMila, Louie, ft;
Cincinnati, Nanhvill, Mound City, or any llo, i' '
Id the WeeUrn lriartiiietit I and where tlioae kill -,
In tattle, or ha v. died from th.ir wouuda, era tu '
ed ; and wher. the, taken jirUouere ar co t
fined. i
line la the Only Arm InUillisenoe flfflc In ?
Department of the Miaianlipl, or Wealera Ivoai
meut, and information of aolillere from any or t
atoru Mati-a can he given at any time Ly calllug
writing lo the Army Intelligent, (mic e.
He' kim writing will nle.au give Hi. nam. of I:
euldler, what Hut he.n'laled In, and the numlier
hia regiment. hariuie f"r ant kind of Ai nrluul
gene, will he Two Li.t4ka, and any noraoa wrllu
win pieuM encioai in. amount, Iu order to eocu
ultentiou to their iniUirhia.
Addnwa: Army Intelligence Omre, Ht. Ixmln Mi
la ere t. O. Iloi IMS. May l,
Recruits Wanted !
1 wiiwj a, rirs lenncoM" arin.orj,
who will receive the' regular !CNT) ,
tion., and Clothing. Iu ad Utlo., TIII'.H
IjOLL.AU.",, iiald aa eoon aa they euhat, lr r
ii in. it M
cruiiiug ufllr.r. -mji.-U J
OUlc. nea door below the City lloi.i.
$25 REWARD !
Tot.ES.from H. lin.liUlKANI!, .i. mI. r, on I
Ion luwl, ONK fAlHM UVI li tUil. j
UOI.I) WATCH, manufactured by Jao .1 lii'i'u.ll,
riiool. Tbe W.UU ! of a wall a iae ii ii,udi'
niKraverl on the Inal i. ''(im , ila ll' lu I ,
fi.llii r In to. -r 1M.'i:"oo tli. le r Mat ( ' S
"llou a IUkH." Tli. alo Ree-Ml III be ml ;
for any liif'uiullo that auay U. l lo it.e ri oery r
the prooerty. H . I! Htk. ,
junea-tr .
Loutavill. Joar.ai plMM 'y tli. umt.4

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