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They magnify every hazard aiifing
from a change in the direition of their employment, into certain and politive lets. Although, therefore, their opinions ought to have weight and pioduce cau tion ; yet, they ought no" to command a decision from others unattended with con viction. For if those of the committee, not of this description, be compelled to decide upon the present queition, f.om extraneous mercantile indications, with out requiting conviction# from their rea sonings ; there are indications t>f the mer cantile scene 011 the other fide the Atlan tic, operating in commendation of the proportions, with as much force, as those on this fide the atlantic, in oppolition to them. It is remarkable that this whole description of men are actively opposed to the p iflage of the proposed measures : Their sensations upon this fubjeii have been evidenced by their anxious attendance upon the progress of the buiincfs. If the proportions should eventuate in a na tional commercial conflict, the inference in general might be made, that what it is their intereit to prevent it is our interell to *».?<?. The British court are equally fenGtive upon this subject. They have at several periods manififtcd their alarms. It may be concluded that thele sensations hive arisen from the opinion, that the ef fects of the proportions will be such as are calculated upon by the favorers of them. He was unwilling, however, to hazard a vote upon any extraneou9 eir cumftances and should look into the me rits of the queflion. He felt that some apology was due to the state and diftriit whofc immediate re presentative he was. Virginia is an ex porting ilate, without vessels, and with out a mercantile capital, equal to the employment afforded to capital. The town of Petersburg exports much in va lue and much in bulk; the surrounding country grows liiefe articles •, vessels and capital are wanting for the exportation of this produce. Hence the proposed mea sures will be particularly felt for some time by this part of the United States. He relied however With confidence on the virtue and patriotism of the people, and fhoulJ ast from a belief,, that they would even rejoice in a temporary incon venience with a view to pcrmamcnt good; and that their joy would not be diminish ed by the recolle£tion, that the tempora ry ill which they may sustain, would pro duce a temporary advantage to their eas tern brethren, without excluding them from a full participation in the permanent good to be expedted. He remarked, that he felt the more diffidence upon this fubjeft: since he frankly acknowledged, that he did not po.Tefs an accurate knowledge of the de tails of commerce, and (lid not propose to make any material addition to the Hock of mercantile information, now before the committee. He proposed to use the fails furnilhcd by other gentlemen, and acknow ledged an obligation, for the information they contain. He proposed to consider the fubjeft, in the various shapes it had a (Turned since the commencement of the discussion ; and to state the results, which had been formed, in his own mind.—ln making the attempt, general principles will be resorted to, and minute arithmetical calculations as much as possible, avoided. The gentleman, who firft favored the committee with his remarks (Mr. Smith of S. C.) admonilhed them of the propri ety of separating political, from commer cial confideration# in the course of discus sion. If this rule had been rigidly enforc ed, he remarked that perhaps, three fourths of the impressions made upon his mind fa vorable to the propositions, wculd have been lopped off without consideration. He could not conceive, for what cause, the political (hould be separated from the com mercial part of the fubjedt. The propo sitions may eventuate in a change in the direction of the business of one whole oc cupation in society—a change of the dis position of the nation, in so important a point, mull have a very interesting politi cal afpeft, as it relates to government internally : the present fubjeft exhibits an important political feature, as it relates to the external connections of the govern ment, with foreign nations. If therefore, it should be observed as a rule, to pass up on this fubjeft, by excluding from view, all the political considerations connected with it, the rule woirfd include an effen tijl omission of duty. The gentleman himfelf, however, in the next sentence, furnifhed an example of the violation of the precept he had just prcfcribed, by calling the attention of the contmittee to the political fituatiofi of the United States, at this dtlicate crisis, and urging this cir cumtlance, as one reason againlt the adop tion of the proportions. The gentleman then proceeded to present the fubjeft in two points of view. The one, the rela tive conduct of Franyc, and Great-Bri tain, towards the United States: the other, the conduit of Great-Britain to wards the United States, comparatively with other foreign nations. To present the fubjeft in the firft point of view, the gentleman furnirtied an anonymous table, calculated to a date anterior to the com mencement of the late revolution in France. As the only history of this table, with which the committee have been favored, was, that it was the compilation of a gen tleman of considerable mercantile informa tion, it is presumed the gentleman will not be surprised, if it should be deemed to be of doubtful authority ; the rather as it was the ground of a severe and unmerited crimination of the gentleman, whose re port is now under consideration, and who, it is believed, would not fufferin a compa rison, in point of intelligence, accuracy, or pa;riotifm, either with the laborious compiler of the table, or with the gentle man, who has been judiciously fele&ed, for its interpreter. He remarked, that the table bore upon the face of it, evident marks of partiality, and inflead of having them effaced, they were aggravated by the commentator. One irrefiftable evidence of the partia lity of the table confide, in aflcrting that American flour is free, to the British Weft Indies, and'excluding from view, the abfo lutc monopoly of the carriage, and the monopoly of contrasts for returns. It is presumed that the gentleman at lead cannot except to this criticism on the table, because one of his chief cen sures against the gentleman whose report is before the committee, which was even carried so far as to infer improper motives, arose from a suggested omifiion in the re port, which will be found upon examina tion to be wholly immaterial. An evi dent partiality is cbfervable in the inter preter of the table in an earnest attempt to eftabliih this principle—That prohibi tory duties on flour in Great-Britain af forded an equal encouragement of the ar ticle by commercial regulations, with a free importation into France, or at least with a duty admitted by the gentleman to be too trifling to be counted. The com mercial arrangements of France in this particular, leave this article upon the true ground of competition in the growth of the article—this ground of competition is destroyed in Great-Britain by commer cial rellriaionti. In the one cafe, compe tition in the market is all that could be reasonably expe&ed, and that is granted— in the other cafe competition would be alike desirable, anil there it is provifion arily excluded. Another evidence of the partiality of the interpreter of the table consists in the zealous attempt to establish it as a princi ple, that is. 3d. sterling duty upon to bacco per lb. is no discouragement to the growth of that article this idea was grounded upon the suggestion, that the consumption is not thereby lessened, no substitute being afforded for it in Great Bri tain—Tobacco does not average to the ex porter 2 pence sterling per pound: The duty is at lead seven times as great as the prime cost of the article ; —the great con sumption of this article is by the poorer order of the people—the Hate of society is fuck in Britain at present, that hard la-, bor during a whole year will hardly afford a scanty fubfiftance to the laborer, hence necessity compels this description of per sons to economize in the use of the article, or to avoid the use of it altogother—of course the consumption is materially les sened, and the growth of the article is dis couraged from the operation of the duty. The gentleman founded his fierce attack againll the gentleman whose report is now uuder consideration, for omitting to insert in his report, that there was a higher du ty imposed by Great Britain upon all o ther foreign tobacco than that of the U nited States, and hence infeiTed a friendly disposition from Great Britain to the U nited States. The insertion of the fact would have added to the bulk of the re port, but could convey no additional ufe ful information. It is known that the high duties impos ed upon all foreign tobaccoes, took its rife during the colonial exittence of these dates; it is known that it has not been altered since their independence ; it is known that the tobaccoes of the United States are furnilhed at so much cheaper rates, than those of any other country, that there would be no danger of competition if the duties in Britain were the fame on each. It is likewise known that the United States furnilhed a fufficient, a redundant fupplyforthe consumption of all Europe'; hence Great Britain has not thought pro per lince the revolution to destroy this re list of colonial regulations, not because (he wilhed to favor lis, but because (he would not theriby have benefited herfelf; hence too, the omillion of this information could not be material, and the insertion of it would only liave served to contradict the inference endeavored to be established, of the favorable disposition of Great Bri tain towards the United States. There is one manifeft impropriety in confining our enquiries to the date pre ferred by the gentleman for this table: it would involve the absurd consequence of adjulling our laws to a retrofpeftive, in stead of a progreflive state of things. It would be as ridiculous as an attempt by law to prefcribc rules for the proper de portment of the ghosts of our forefathers. It is to be hoped that the date could not have been fixed upon from a wi(h that the United States (hould indirectly furnifh a countenance for the restoration of despot ism ; and it was matter of regret that the gentleman (hould openly avow a distrust of the permanency of the French revolution as one motive for the conduct. Mr. G. remarked, that he hoped the permanency of the revolution of France was as much greater than the permanency of the ancient despotism of France—as the great fabric of nature, than the petty plas tic productions of art. Here Mr. S. rose to explain—he said he had pursued a principle, adopted by Mr. Jefferfon in his report : he read a paflage from the report, from which it appeared, that the report had been calcu lated to the summer of 1792. Mr. G. replied, that the principle was just reversed, the one had reference to a state of things posterior to the revolution; the other, anterior to the commencement of it during the existence of the ancient despotism. If the table were to have any influence, it mull arise from stating, the real relative dispositions of France, and Great Britain towards the United Stales ; but if the e poch to which it relates is to govern, it will exclude some of the strongest testimo nies of the inimical temper of Great Bri tain,and of the friendly temper of France. Are these confideraticns to have less weight, or to be wholly excluded from the view, because they are more recent ? Is it because we are now laboring under these aggreflions, and from some late dis patches likely to continue so, that a reme dy is to be with-held ? He thought not ; and therefore (hould proceed to (late some of the evidences of the dispositions of the two nations, displayed since the epoch al luded to. Great Britain has fubje&ed our vefTels upon the high sea, to seizure and search, and exempted those of Sweden and Den mark. He wiihed to press this fadl, up on the gentleman who preceded him, be cause he had denied that Great Britain, had made any discriminations amongst fo reign nations, injurious to the United States. Great Britain has invaded our velfels on the high seas, and refufed them the protection of French property—This is an acknowledged violation of the laws of nations ; at lead of the last convention of nations upon the fuhjeft. Great Britain has prevented our veflels from conveying to our friend and ally, goods not contiaband,and compelled then* to make sales to btrfelf, or some of her al lies. Great Britain has compelled our vefiels to deviate their courses, and to their great hazard and loss, detained them for trial upon frivolous pretences. Our vefTels have been fubjefted in her courts, to the danger of subornation ; to precarious and uncertain testimony. Great Britain has been the inftrumrnt of letting loose the pirates of the Barbary slates, upon our commerce. This fact however doubted upon the firft report, is placed beyond doubt, by the late conduct of Portugal, towards our vessels in her ports. Are these fa&s denied ? If not, dft they not operate directly and fpecifically upon our commerce. Is it not astonish ing, after all these fadts are known, and often repeated, that gentlemen should be heard to enquire, what injuries have we received from Great Brit;l:n ? And to in fer that the United State i are equally fa voured with othef nations. In addition to these things, Great Britain has observ ed the most rigid silence upon the fubjeft of friendly commercial arrangements. — The gentleman who preceded him,doubt ed her indilpo'fition for a treaty ; silence is a refufal to ast ; a refufil to ast is a denial. The late dispatches do not fiir nifh the most distant hope, of a change of disposition in this refpeft. France on the other hand has o ITered a renewal of the existing commercial treaty upon the moll liberal policy. (To be continued.) LEGISLATURE of NEW-YORK. HOUSE oj ASSEMBLY. SatmJay, J.in. 18, 1794. A resolution of the houle, " That in all suits in which this Hate is a parry, it i» the duty of the attorney-general, ex of. ficio, to defend the rights and interelt of this state," —paflcd in consequence of a letter fiom the attorney-general, request ing inlltudtions telative to the suit brought against this Hate, in ti»e Su preme Federal Court, by Eleazcr Os wald—having been non-concurred by the Senate ; the following resolution trans mitted by the Twnate foi concurrence, was taken up, and is in the words fol lowing—" Resolved, if the hem. the AfTembly concur, therein, that the at torney-general appear for this state, in the Supreme Court of the United States, to the iuit brought by Eleazer Oswald, admiftrator of the goods, chatties and credits of John Holt, deceased, and that he make the belt defence therein the na ture of the cafe will admit."—And af ter some time spent thereon, the houle divided on the question for concurrence, ayes 1 2—noes 44. The house adopted the following re solution— " Resolved, as the sense of this house, that it is e duty of the attorney-gene lal, ex officio, in all controvetfies in which this ftara is, or may be a party to appear and defend the inteteft of this state." Friday, Jan. 24, 1794. Mr. Havens froin the committee ap pointed on the part of this house—to meet a committee appointed on the pait of the Senate, to take into consideration that part of the Governor's Speech, which relates to the communications re ceived from the Hates of Maflachufetts and Virginia, relative to the suability of a state, and, also relative to a suit brought against this state : Reported, That the committee had met the committee ap pointed on the part of the Senate, and that they had concurred in'a resolution which he was direSed to report to this house.—He read the resolution in his place and" delivered the fame in at the table, where it was again read, and is in the words following, viz. Resolved, That the power of compelling a state to be made defendant in any couit of the United States, at the suit of an individual or in dividuals is in the opinion of thi? Legis lature unneceflary and inexpedient—and in its exercise may be dangerous to the peace —the fafety and independence of the several states. Therefore resolved, that the senators representing this state in the Senate_of the United States, be and they are hereby inftrti&ed, and the Representatives requested to adopt the mod speedy and effeflual raeaftircs in their power to obtain such amendments in the Constitution of the United States, as will remove any clause op article of the said Constitution, which can be con strued to imply or juftify a decision that a state is compelable to anfiver to any suit by an individual or individuals in a ny court of the United States—and the Governor is heteby requtfted to com municate the foregoing resolution to the fuprenie executive of the several states, to be f.ibmitted to their refpeftive legis latures. Ordered, That the said resolution be committed, to a committee of the whole house, NEW-YORK, Feb. 3. We hear from Albany, that th<- Ne gro man and Wenches, who weie to have been executed there on Friday the 14th inft. have beep granted a iefpite for fix weeks.