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Mr. Guflrt reported from the managers
appointed to confer with those of the House of Representatives, on the amend ments propoi'ed by the Senate, bill, entitled, " An ast to provide for the erec ting and repairing of arlenals and maga zines, and for other purposes " That they have agreed that it would be proper, in stead of the amendments proposed to the firfl fedtion, to amend the fame by fink ing out from the word " Stores" in the 2d line, to the wortl " Provided" in the Bth line, and infeit^ " There ihall be established under the liredHori of the President of the United Jtates three or four arsenals with maga zines, he (hall judge moll expedient, in such places as will bell accomodate the different parts of the United States—ei ther or both of the arsenals heretofore used at Springfield and Carliflc to be continued as part of the said number at his discre tion. " And that it would be proper for the House of Reprefentauves to agree to the other amendments proposed, except the last, and for the Senate to recede from that." And it was agreed to adopt the report. A meflage from the House of Repre sentatives by Mr. Beckley their clerk : " Mr. President—The President of the United States hath notified the House of Representatives, that he did on the 26th instant, approve 'and sign a resolve laying an embargo on the vessels in the ports of the United States ; and that he hath this day, approved and signed "An adt to provide a naval armament." *' The House of Representatives ad here to their disagreement to some, and recede from their disagreement to other a nlendments, to the bill, entitled, " An ast to provide for the ere&ing of arsenals and magazines, and for othei" purposes"— And he withdrew. The senate took into confederation the bill hit mentioned— Whereupon, Riifolved, That they recede from their amendments to the firft fedlion and adopt the amendment reported by the managers at the conference thereon. Refolvedj That they recede from their amendment to the sixth feftion—and That they infill on their amendment to the third feftion of the said bill. Ordered, That the Secretary commu nicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives. On motion, It was agreed tW the order of the day, .rhich was to ke into consideration the state of the nation, be postponed until to morrow. The Senate adjourned until 11 o'Clock to-morrow morning. For the Gazette of the United States. Mr. Fenno, BY a wtiter in Oswald's paper of this tnorning, signing himfelf " A friend to re publican societies" you ire personally addres sed, as the editor of a piece called " a hint to Democratic Societies If I fuppofedyou the author of that speculation, I would leave you to defend yourfelf; but as the editor of a free press you ought to be defended in every exercise of rights and discharge of du ties which such a character enjoins. One of your rights it undoubtedly was, to give a place 111 your Gazette to the " hint." One of the foremofl of your duties to make pub lic a communication tending to discounte nance Democratic Societies. Who are these Societies ? Does any body know them ? Do the people of the United States, or those of any individual state, know them ? Are they legally elected to enquire into the conduit of public officers, or to regulate elections ? No Mr. Fcnno, they are neither known, acknow ledged, or refpefted, by any class ofcitizens— They are felf-created, daring and impudent usurpers—Not one of them have any legal authority to aflemble themselves together, and it is not going too far to fay, that it might well be as a queltion whether they are not fubjedts of criminal prosecution; as indivi duals each member may have a right of giv ing bis opinion upon public measures and public men ; and even colleitively it may be tolerated if decency is preserved ; but that a trifling aflembly of people whom nobody knows, Ihould pretend to be the organ to express the sense of many thousands of peo ple, at once lhows their arrogance and pub liflies their contempt for those very rules, they would prescribe to others. Where then is the mighty error Mr. Printer, you are said tc have committed when you published the " hint" in question—l defend not this spe culation ?n particul i-, but every word that can be uttered against these daring invaders of my country's rights. This attempt to intimidate you Mr. Fenno, is not the firft of the kind, and you will pardon me when I fay that it has sometimes produced its effect. What! in this land of pretended freedom lha.ll only one fide of a qUeftfon -belleard: Has it already reached such a-pal's, that no thing but mifchref is popular; and are all the prefies of th's city h much under the influence of popular breath, that their con du<stors are obliged .o swim with the current or be drowned by the tlood of antifederalifm ? 1 hope this is only a surmise of my own, but A candid confeflion from the editors them selves would I firmly believe confirm its truth. Mr. Fenno, you are accused of'pub lifhing an " outrageous, insolent, attack on the Republic of France" I deny it—or that any thing can be outrageous, more than the fubjedt deserves—What obligation have I, or any one else to speak or write well of France, England, or any other country under Hea ven, if I dislike the proceedings of their peo ple—l am not obliged to love and adore, what any other perlon chooses to tell me is lovely and adorable —1 believe if people would give themselves time to reflefl, they woulS discover something mofe admirable in their own country thart in any foreign one ; and giving themselves the opportunity of con templating the charms of their lawful wife, they nev£r would be decoyed by the falfe blandilhments of a rival mistress.—But Mr. Printer, I will confine myfelf hereafter to the writer of your reprimand—l hope you will believe me as much at least as you do him, in his afi*ertions, when I fay, that Soci eties calling themselves Democratic, are high ly improper m a representative republican government, that they ought to be discoun tenanced, and every honest Printer will con tribute his mite towards it; that the stile in which you are addrefled is menacing, inso lent, and such as a freeman would not receive from the mouth of any one without resent ing it —Further I aflert that the present De mocratic Societies are not influenced by simi lar motives to those which actuated the meet ings of people, protesting against British ty ranny & oppreflion—The one, were in oppo fitioir to a government, acknowledged and approved by their country —The others are laying the foundation of a wall of separation never to be broken through—They opposed the arbitrary government of a foreign nation, whose claim to rule, was founded at firft in law and right, but which unnumbered abuses had destroyed. The Demo. Societies are quarrelling with their own broth, or what ought to be such, and the government instead of being improved by their fcnitiny, would become contemptible if their system Ihould prevail. The writer is wrong in his calculation when he fays opposition will multiply these Soci- , eties—lf opposition can expose to the people, the evil tendency and infamous designs of such alTociations, I believe they will hardly increase much in number or refpecftability. In short, Mr. Fenno, to use a trite expression, these Societies are in love with therafciv*»< and without a rival. A Friend to Republican Freedom. Philad. April 9, 1794. Cotigrefs of the United States Hottje of Reprefentativot Mr. Giles's reply to Mr. W. Smith's ob servations on the passing of the naval armament bill. Mr. Giles in reply to Mr. W. Smith upon the bill providing the naval arma ment, remarked, That having just pre sented the outlines of his opinion upon this fubjeft to the House. He intended not to have troubled the House with any fur ther observations; bat the gentleman last up had thrown a/i imputation upon the humanity of the oppofersof the bill, which required an answer. The gentleman has triumphantly asked, " Who can read the reprelentations of the unfortunate captives at Algiers without giving their aflent to the bill ?"—This question is answered by another :—Who can read the representa tions of the unfortnnate catives at Algiers and can give an ajfent to the bill!— The bill contains eflentially a declaration of war. The means it provides are for resist ance not for conquest. The gentleman calls upon our humanity to ameliorate the condition of s the captives, by a declaration of war against a barbarian, without fur ni(hing any means which could operate upon his personal fears ; or perhaps the gentleman conceives, that after the frigates ft all have performed wonders upon the water, they would leave the element, bold ly march upon the land and break the chains of the prisoners. This is aligning a new office to the frigates, and if Mr. Giles thought they pofleffed the ability to execute it, he would give his heartv afTent to the bill. But'might it not with more reason and probability be concluded, that a declara tion of war under such circumstances, would irritate the barbarians and furnifh additional misery to the unfortunate pri soners ? In the expedient of purchasing a peace, which is the substitute he relied up on, the redemption of the will almoit constitute a pait of the negociation. Mr. G. laid the gentleman on this fubjeft, appeared to have forgot ten the whole connection betwten cause and effrS, and to have disdained all com parison of the means to the end. He be lieved if ever there was a measure involv ing great political consequences, which owed its existence to paffior., without one effort of calculation as far at leait as it re lated to its ostensible object, it was the measure contemplated by the bill now be fore the House. Subjlance of the remarks made by Mr. Giles on Mr. Dayton's resolution for the fe quejlration of all debts due to Britifhfub jefis. Mr. Criles commenced his remarks by observing, that he had intended to have given a silent vote upon the question be fore the committee, and probably should not have altered that intention, if it had not been from the solicitous requests ex prefled yesterday by several gentlemen in the opposition—That the favorers of the proposed measure should furnifh the com mittee with the reasons upon which it was founded. Although it appeared to him to be rather unreafoiiable, that some gen tlemen should be expe&ed not only to possess reasons for their own opinions, but to furnifh reasons for others ; and altho' he did not conceive that the favorers of the measure were under any obligation to difelofe the reasons inducing it, provided they thought proper to hazard its fate up on a silent vote ; yet he was willing to in dulge the gentlemen with presenting to them, the general couife of reflection, which the fubjedt had produced in his mind, and, which strongly suggested its propriety. He had however a more pow erful inducement to difclsfing his opinion since the fubjett has become matter of dif cuflion and its propriety doubted. The measure is deemed a bold one, and pregnant with serious coiifequences: In all such cases he was desirous that his respon sibility to the United States in general, and to his immediate constituents in parti cular, should at all times be attested by the real motives which influenced his con du£t. Several gentlemen in the opposition, had earnestly admonished the committee agaiwft the indulgence of their pafiions upon this fubjedl, and recommended the exercise of cool and deliberate reasoning. He fliould not pretend to fay how far such an *dmonition was necessary or juftified by the temper of the committee : But he be lieved it applied as strongly to the gentle men who fuggeited the caution, as to those to whom it was addrefledj and he hoped in the course of the fvture discus sion the gentlemen would shew an exam ple in themselves of the precepts they had prescribed to others. As to himfelf Mr. G. declared, that imprefled with the awfulnefs of the pre sent crisis, he had never reflected upon a fubjeft with more coolness, and if he un derstood his own situation, his mind was never in a state more susceptible of convic tion. The proposed measure is expected to eventuate in a final explanation of the re lative state of things between the United States and Great Britain. It will pro bably result, therefore, in open bojlilily with the usual appeal to arms ; or, in a peace with all the rights of Neutrality attached to it: For this purpose the resolution propo ses a sequestration of the debts due to the fubjedts of Great Britain, to be held as a pledge for the indemnification of the lofles sustained by American citizens un der the orders of the British king, in con travention of the laws of nations, and in violation of every rule of morality and juitice. In the course of debate this fub jeft seems to have resolved itfelf into two questions—First, as it refpe&s the right x of one nation to fequeiter the property of the individuals of another in any pofiible cafe. 2d. The policy of exercising this right at this time under the existing cir cumstances of the United States. ° He presumed that a slate of things might exist between two nations, in which reprisal would not only become the right, but the duty to the nation, sustaining the wiong. This happens where ose nation without cause, forcibly seizes upon the ef. feds of another, or of its citizens, and withholds them without restitution, or compensation, and when the nation whose effects shall be t feized and detained, (hall possess no other means of indemnification. The right of reprisal in tl* injured n:u tion in luch a cafe grow?, out of the inju ry sustained and its inability to redress it felf in any other way. The duty of the injured nation to make reprisals, is found ed upon felf-prefervation; and in cafe of the losses of us citizens, upon the pro mise of the protection of property, fk credly made by the nation to its individu al members. This he believed to be the doctrine of the laws of morality and reason, and he knew it to be the do&rine of the laws of nations, which were in fa& nothing more than the laws of morality and reason fvf tematized and reduced to writing. (To be continued.) Poft-Office, April 8, 1794. (Cj" Letters to go by the opportunity expected for Halifax, in the courfc of next week, in order to be conveyed by the British Packet, from that place to England, will be received at this Office, until Saturday at 12 o'Clock noon. N. B. The inland postage to New-York must be paid. i *% * All the letters that were intended to go by the brig Nancy, Capt. Gavin, for Fal mcuth, arefent to the Pojl-Office, in order that they may be firwarde by the opportuni ty going to Halifax, to go by the British Pac ket from thence > it will however be neceflary for lhofe who put letters i ■ the. Nancy's bag, to call at the Pojl Ojpee, and pay the pcflage to New York, before they can go forward. Philad. April 9. J % f scheme of a Lottery, To raise 39,900 Dollars, on 266.000 Dollars, deducing 15 per Cent, from the Prizes—this Lottery conjijls of 38,000 Tickets, in -which there are H>539 Prizes and 23,461 Blanks, being about one and an half Blanks to a Prize. I rt ® ors °f 'he Society for efiabiifhmg Ufeful Manufa6tures, having refoSvcd to ercft LOTTERIES for railing One Hundred Thousand Doll a* s, agreeably 10 an Ast ol the Lcgiuature ol the State of New-Jerfry, have appointed the following persons to superintend ind direct the drawing ol the fame, viz, Nicho as Low, Rufus King, Herman Lc Roy, Jame ■Vatfon, Richard Harrifon, Abijah Hammond nd Cornelius Ray, of the city of New-Yoik rhotnas Willing, Joseph Ball, Matthew M'Cou .el and Andrew Bayard, lefphia—His Excellency Richard Ho " ~ .... mrcellericy k . wowell, Ei ilias Boudinot, General Elias Dayton, Jame, Parker, JoTin Bayard, Doctor I.ewis Douham, Samuel W. Stockton, Joshua M. Wallace, Joseph Bloomfield, and Elilha Boudinot, of New-ler fey, who offer the following Scheme of a Lot tery, and pledge themselves to the public, that they will take erery a durance and precaution in • their power to have the Monies paid by the Managers, from tirae to time, as received, into the Banks at New-York and Philadelphia, to remain for the purpofeof paying Priecs, which (hall be immediately discharged by a check npon one of the Banks. SCHEME: 1 Prize oi 80)000 Dollara i* 20,009 10,000 jp.- ■<«£> s>ooo 5 io 20 ICO 300 1000 2000 3000 « 8100 2,000 1,000 500 100 5° 20 *5 12 10 J 4>539 Prizes. 23,461 Blanks, 262,000 First drawn number, 2,000 Last drawn number, 2,000 38,000 Tickets at 7 Dollars each is 266.000 The drawing will commence, under the in fpc&ion of a Committee of theSupcrintendants, 4 as loon as the Tickets are folrf,ot which timely notice will be given. The Superintendants have appointed John N, Gumming, of Newark, Jacob R. Hard en berg, tff New-Brunfwick, and Jonathan Rhea, of TTrenton, as immediate Managers thereof, who have given ample security for discharging the trust reposed in them. In order to fecurethe puri6lu.il payment of the Prizes, the Superintendantsof ttoe Lottery have directed that the Managers (ball each enter into bonds in 40,000 dollars, with four fufficient fecuritics, to perform their inftiuftions, the fub (tance of which is I. That whenever either of ihe Manager* (hall receive the sum of Three Hundred Dollars, he (hall imnidiatcly place thefame in one of the Banks of New-York or Philadelphia, 10 the cicdit of the Governor of the Society, and such of the Superintendents as live in the city where the monies are placed, to remain there until the Lottery is drawn, for the payment of the Prizes. ll.* The Managers to take fuflicient (ecurity for any Tickets they may trust, othcrwife to be refponfiblc for them. 111. To keep regular books of Tickets fold, Monies received and paid into the Bank, ab ftrafls of which (hall be sent, monthly, to the Governor of the Society. Paterfon, January i, 17^, On application to eithef of the above gentle, men, information wiU be given where tickets miv be Irad. February 24. yyOOO 10,000 >0,000 >0,000 i»,oco >0,000 >5,000 20,c00 30,000 36,000 8.1 ,000 tu&ftf.