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Resolved, That this tefolution pass.
Ordered, That the Secretary desire the of the House of R'eprefenta ivcs in this icluluiioii. A meiiagfe from the House of Repre sentatives by Mr. Lambert in the absence of Mr. Beckley their clerk detained by (icknefs. " Mr. Prelident—The House of Re prefentttivee do not concur in the resolu tion sent from the Senate, to carry into tnore complete effect the resolution direel ing an embargo. " They have pasTed " A resolution to carry in'.o more complete effect the reso lution dire&ing; an embargo ; in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate." And he withdrew. The Senate proceeded to the consider ation of the last mentioned resolution, sent from the House of Representatives for concurrence. Resolved, That the Senate concur there- in. . Ordered, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives with the concurrence of the Senate in this resolu tion. The bill to make provision for the wi dow and orphan children of Robert For fyth, who was killed in the service of the United States, was read the third time. On motion. It was agreed to amend the bill by in ferring " two thousand" in lieu of " one thousand dollars." On the question, (hall this bill pass ? Itpafledin the affirmative—Yeas 13 — Nays 8. The yeas and nays being required by One-fifth of the Senators present. Those who voted in the affirmative, are Messrs. Bradford, Bun, Butler, Cabot, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Izard, King, Martin, Monroe, Morris and Taylor. Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Ellfworth, Fre linghuyfen, Langdon, Livermore, Ro binson and Strong. So it was Resolved, That this bill pass, that it be engrossed, and that the title thereof be, " An a£t to make provision for the wi dow and orphan children of Robert For fyth who was killed in the service of the United States." Ordered, That the Secretary desire the concurrence of the House of Representa tives in this bill. The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to morrow morning* Congress of the United States. lioufe of ReprefentativN Thnrfday, April 14. Mr.Swift's obfervationsupon tlierefolution introduced by Mr. Clark, to prohibit the importation of the manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, till fatis fadtion should be made for the fpolia-. tions on our commerce—for the ne groes carried away contrary to the trea" ty of peace—and till the western posts be given up. [concluded.] Mr. SWIFT observed, that while he considered negociation to be attended to by all nations—he had particular reasons to wish that it might be adopted by the U nited States—He wished that this Repub lic might establish and ast upon a princi ple which was calculated to bring national disputes to an amicable accommodation and prevent the calamities of war. Mr. S. then remrrked upon some parti cular objections to the resolutions—He said that the surrender of the western posts and payment for negroes carried away contrary to the treaty of peace was a sub jeCt of controversy that had no connec tion with and ought not to be connect ed with the spoliations committed on our commerce ; and was calculated not only to prevent the obtaining of that compensa tion to which our merchants were entiqcd but to cut off forever all commeicial in tercourse with Great Britain. It is a well known faCt, that Great Britain has charged the United States with being guil ty of the firft infra£tion of the treaty and that the United States have retorted the charge. While they seriously believed, that we were the firft violators of the treaty —what would they fay to an ast of the legislature which renounced all con neCtion with them, unless they would ful fil the terms of a treaty which they con sidered themselves to be discharged from, by our firft violation ? Could it be expect ed, that they would comply with terms so haughty and insolent ? Could any person fuppofs that the proud nation of Great Britain, would humble themselves before us in this manner ? Would they not con sider their national honor to be affe&ed, and abandon all connexion with us before they would fubrriit to terms so humilia ting and degrading ? Mr. S. remarked, that he did not mean to fay, that the United States firft in fringed the treaty—for the purpose of his argument, it was fufficient to f fay,— that Great Britain thought so, and such being her impreilion the fame consequen ces would follow as if such was the fact —Arid the dispute refpefting the weltern polls, wliiih Could be of but little impor tance to this country, might forever inter rupt a commerce which was of the great est importance. He did not think that the vveftern polls were worth so great a facrifice. If this resolution be adopted, we can not recede in honor unless there be a com pliance with every article. It may then happen that a dispute refpefting some tri fling fubjefts may prevent a restoration of that commerce which will be of great and important value : But if we do not in the firft instance give them our ultimatum we may discover the terms on which they will negociate, and then it will be in our power without any tmbarraffment from an antecedent law to conlider what is bell to be done, and make any concession that our interest requires and which is compa tible with honor. If Great Britain should be disposed to negotiate and comply with the conditions we offer, such is the nature, variety and extent of our disputes, that the difculfion and adjustment of them would require so great a length of time, that the loss ari ling from the interruption of our com merce during that period, would be of greater confequenee than the objects of dispute—For if this measure be adopted we mult expect a total interruption of all commerce with all parts of the British dominions, as relative to exports as well as imports, for tho' the resolution only contemplated the prohibition of manufac tures from Great Britain and Ireland— yet, we might be fatisfied, that Great Britain would not give us a trade that was profitable only to ourselves. Mr. S. observed that we ought to con sider that if this proportion should be a dopted what great alterations would take place in the value of property ; foreign articles would rife, and domeftic—fall. An immense profit would accrue to the owners on the spring goods which might arrive before it was intended that the ast should commence its operation. There could be no doubt but that in a short time a variation in the value of property contrary to the interest of this country would take place to a far greater amount than all the spoliations which had been committed on our commerce. Merchants who had large quantities of goods on hand, would profit by the measure, and the agricultural part of the community would be obliged to sustain the loss. It had been suggested that the people were anxious for the measure. It was probable, 'that some, who had a particular interest to serve, by the interruption of trade, were in favor of it; but the moll considerate part of the community, were by no means of that sentiment. But let the popular opinion be what it would, too much had been said about it. We are not to be influenced by such considera tions, but are only to regard the public welfare. That we ought to guard against all popular influence as being of the most dangerous tendency That there was no danger to be apprehended from the government—that it had not the power, and had never shewn any disposition to encroach upon or oppress the people that the only danger that exists is from the encroachmjft't.of the people on the government, and if the government ever i does fall, it wfll be owing to the too great prevalence of a local popular influence, which does not speak the general sense of all the community. But if this resolution should be reject. Ed and a negociation pursued, it will be accompanied with an implied declaration that if it fails, the United States will take proper steps to obtain redress which will havr all the influence to enforce and facilitate a negociation that can be deri ved from this measure, unembarrafied with any of the inconveniencies. If the ne gociation (hould,fail we can have recourse to this measure with the fame efficacy then, as now, and it will produce the ef fects—for our commerce must be as im portant to Great Britain at the end of fix I months as now. It had been faggefted that the oppo fers of the resolution were under British influence and interest. Mr. Swift did not intimate that any gentleman of the com mittee had thrown out that idea, but he said it was a popular opinion, and very pre valent. He remarked that the charge was itnjuft, cruel and unfounded—that for himfelf, he felt no influence—he flood on American ground, and was influenced only by American feelings. He did not advocate any commercial connection with Great Britain from any regard to that nation, but merely from a regard to his own country, whose interest he conceived to be promoted by that connexion. He remarked, that fom'e, who were considered as British agents, had boasted of their in fluence in the legislature. He declared that no such influence existed—and that he molt heartily despised those persons, who had the effrontery to pretend that it did exist. Mr. Swift remarked, that a popular o piriion in some parts of the Union had been prevailing, that many of the Repre sentatives in Congress were under such an influence arising from the funding system, that they dared not adopt measures neces sary for the public defence for fear the in terest of the national debt Ihould remain unpaid. He said that a molt unreasona ble and unfounded jealousy refpefting the funding system existed among ihe people ; that he was fatisfied, during the time he had held his present office, that no mea sure had been influenced by an exclusive regard to the public debt; that he had never owned a farthing in the public funds —but he considered that let vfhatever e vents take place, the national debt mull be paid ; that if it were neceflary he would vote for a land tax for that purpose, for he considered the faith of the government pledged for the payment of that debt, and he would never violate the national faith ; such being the security of the debt, none of the holders had any reason to apprehend a failure of payment, and therefore none of the committee could be influenced by an apprehension of the failure of payment. Mr. Swift said that we ought to consi der the tendency of this meafuie to a war. Many of the friends of it had denied this, and declated that they considered it to be a peaceful measure—but will all fay this ? A gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Dayton) has said that he is in favor of it —because he considers it to be a Itepping stone to the threlhold of sequestration. Mr. Swift said that he refpefted the virtues and the talents of that gentleman ; he be lieved his integrity to be unimpeachable, and that he acted from the purest motives —that he did not wish to wound his feel ings, but that he was bound in duty to express his sentiments refpedting any pro position he Ihould make ; he considered the proposition of sequestration as conned ed with' this measure by what the gentle man himfelf had said, and from thence he derived an argument against it: He had said that this resolution was the stepping stone of sequestration ; if that be true, Mr. Swift said lie Ihould step on this stone with horror and indignation ; he Ihould consider it to be the step stone to the tem ple of infamy, wretchedness and ruin ; he considered that it woulcj not only involve his country in disgrace, but in all the ca lamities of a war. He said that gentlemen ought to unfold the whole system of their measures with their object and design, and not deceive people into measures which they would reprobate if they knew the consequen ces ; that he believed while there were gentlemen who had nothing but peace in view, that there were many who intended to defeat a negociation, to dis solve our commercial connexion with Great Britain forever, and who were wil ling to plunge us into a war wjth that na tion. If gentlemen had not that design, let them come forword and declare it; but while there was reason to fufpeft such a defigp, the gentlemen who, were in favor of the resolution under confederation, but intended nothing more, ought to be cauti ous how they adopted a measure that would lead to the molt mischievous consequen ces. On a full consideration of the fnbjeft, Mr. Swift said that he was convinced that this measure would lead to a war; but if a fair negociat ion (hould be attempted, he had 110 doubt but that all controversies might be fettled, ample fatisfaftion ob tained, commerce restored, and that our country would contiuue t« flourifh and prosper. April 17. A resolution proposed some days since for the continuation of the embargo, was taken up in committee of the whole, Mr. Sherburne in the chair. Mr. Lee made a motion for excepting foreign bottoms from the operation of the embargo. I his motion was supported chieflv upon the grounds; that the agricultural interest fuffers by a general embargo ; that the chief intention of the embargo is to keep American navigation from the grasp of ra pacity, and this end will be as fully answer ed under the operation of the amendment. Againlt it, it wes urged, that the dif tinftion will excite a jealousy in the bread of our citizens—will tend to deprive us of our seamen, who will engage, for the want of domestic employment, on board of for eign veflels, and also strip us of some por tion of our veflels, by rendering foreign bottoms much more valuable than Amer ican. It was also said, that one object of the embargo will be frullrated by the a mendment—the fading of the British If . lands. Such a discrimination, will render an embargo instead of an ast calculated to repel an agggrefiion and prevent future in ury, an erfcouragement to insult, by encou raging foreign trade in preference to Ame rican. The amendment was loft. Another amendment was proposed to enable merchants, under certain restric tions, to fend dispatch boats to the Welt In dies, in order to comply with the forms re quisite to lodge, within the limited time, appeals from the Admiralty courts of the British islands. Several attempts were made to guard the provision so that it ftiould not be a means of evading the-em bargo. This appeared, finally, not to have been done to the fatiffaftion of a ma jority, and upon its being fuggeftcd that the renewal of the general embargo resolu tion was a measure that did not admit of delay, and that the provision proposed might be considered at another time lepar ately—The queftipu was taken and the a mendmcnt loft. The original resolution was agreed to by a very large majority, and reported to the house, where it was immediately taken up. It was fcggefted, thpt Sweden by trea ty is positively exempted fom the opera tion of embargoes, and that if this be the cafe, France, Holland, &c. who have by treaty theprivileges of the mod favored na tions, are also exempt, and they should be , positively exempted in the resolution. It was answered, that treaties are the supreme law of the land ; and cannot clash with a resolution of Congress. However, it was conceived, that the provision in the Swedish treaty is not altogether clear, and at any rate can only entitle them to carry away their veflels, but not to export our produce again ft our will—for in that cafe our every attempt to lay an embargo might be baffled by those foreign nations A proviso, however, was adopted, ex pressly excepting from the operation of the embargo nations exempted by treaty. Another proviso was then adopted, to enable merchants to fend difpatch-boatsto any of the Weft-India islands, for the pur pose stated above. The resolution was then carried—the 25th May being the term limited for the operation of the em bargo. t: The committee of ways and means re ported, and after some further bulinefs the house adjourn-ed. April 18. The report of the committee of tlie who'e on Mr. Clark's resolution for a non-impor tation of British goods was called up. After much debate the question on taking the report up was put, and the yeas and -nays being called for were as follows: AYES. Meflrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Bale'win, Bat ty, Blount, Carnes, Christie, CUibcurnc, Clark, Coles, Dayton, Dearborn, Dent, Findley, Giles, Gillel'pie, Greenup, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Hancock, Harrifon, Heath, Hunter, Irwin, Locke, Lyman, Macon, Ma dison, M'Dowell, Mebane, Montgomery, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Nevi), New, Ni cholas, Orr, Page, Parker, Pickens, Preston, Rutherford, Scott, Sherbourne, V.Cortland, Ven*ble, Walker, Williams, Winn, Win ftok, Smilie, J. Smith, I. Smith, S. Smith, Sprigg, Tread well, —57. NOES. MefTrs. Ames, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Cadwallader, Cobb, Coffin, Coit, Dexter, Fitzfimons, * orreft, Foftcr, Gilbert, Gilman, Gler., Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Heifter, Hiilhoufe, Hindman, Holten, Kit tera, Learned, Lee, Malbone, Murray, Njles, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Swift, Talbot,Thatch er, Traey, Trumbull, Van AHen, Van Gaaf