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[Numb. 15 of Vol. ll.] WEDNESDAY, December 19, 1792.
The following address from the society oj Quakers for Pennsylvania, New jferTey, Delaware, and part of Maryland and Virginia, wis read in Congress on the 19* Aof November. To the President, Senate, and House of P-cprefentatives of the United States. The address of the people called Quakers- IT was the exhortation of the Apostle Paul, that supplications, prayers, in terceflions, and giving thanks, be made for all men ; for kings and for all that arc in authority, that we may lead a qui «t and peaceable life, in all goodness and honeitv, for this is good and acceptable in the light of God our Saviour," con formable whereto, our mind 3 have been brought into a religious concern, that the rulers of this land may pursue such mea sures as may tend to the promotion of the peace and happinefa of the people. We are sensible that the Lord's judg ments are in our land, and being deeply affe&ed at the diitreffed fituatioa of the frontier inhabitants, we desire a solid and careful enquiry may be madeintothecaufe; and are firmly persuaded that if the coun sel and dire&ion of the Holy Spirit is waited for and followed, the divine blef ling will crown the labours of those who Uprightly engage in the work of peace. The disposition which has appeared in the government to promote pacific inea fureawith the Indians, hath we believe been generally acceptable ; and as it is conftftent with our religious principles, so it has been our uniform care to ad;no nifliand caution our member* againlt fet tling on lauds which have not been pur chased of the original owner; and as far as our influence extends, we mean to maintain this our ancient testimony invio late, which from experience has been found effectual to the pretervation of peace with the natives, who, with great hospitality, cherilhed and afiifted our forefathers in their early settlement of this country. We feel cautious not to move out of oar proper line, but being interested in the welfare of this country, and convinced ■of the expedience of further endeavours being used to encourage the Indians to come forward with a full reprefentalion and statement of their grievances, and that every just cause of uneasiness in their minds may be fully investigated and re moved : we apprehend it our duty again to address you on this affe£ling and important occasion ; under a belief that nothing (liort of flridt jullice will ever be a balls of solid and lading peace. We refpe£tfully submit these things to your serious confederation ; earnestly de iiring that through the influence of di vine wisdom in your councils, you may be made inltrumental to prevent the further effufion of human blood, and that the in habitants may long enjoy the blefiing of a righteous government. Signed in and on behalf of a meeting appointed to represent our religious society in Pennsylvania, New-Jer sey, Delaware, and part of Mary land and Virginia, held in Philadel phia the 17th day of the nth month 1792. Here follows a lift of the signers* names. Fir the NATIONAL GAZETTE. EVERY good citizen of a govern ment really, and not nominally republican, will not only carefully avoid countenan cing monarchical innovations of a more serious natute, but even those apparent trifles, which at firfl view might be thought innocent and harmlefs fc Birth day-odrs may in monarchies be proper enough, where the people have, from their infancy, been taught to look upon the monarch to te every thing, and then»felves By P. FRENEAU: Publijhed Wednesdays and Saturdays, at Three Dollars per annum. little or nothing ; but in a republican go vernment, plain, pure, and leverely Am ple, these productions when addrefled tc individuals in office, ought to bs consider ed as fraught with the molt dangerour consequences to the interests of focia) man, and fatal in their tendency, as be ing produdtive of monarchical ideas and propensities in the people, and therefore to be discouraged as much as po'Tible by the friends of rational and equal liberty. It it certain (at leafl if I may depend upon the information of a young gentle man of my acquaintance) that four or five of these productions are al eady up on the anvil (fame of them hammering out into pindaric) to commemorate a certain day not very far diitant ; and which, it is said, are to make their appearanca in a certain pompous gazette, well recolledtea upon several similar occasions to have been all on a foam with high-toned pro ductions of the fame nature ; without the authors of such pieces knowing or caring whether these things were acceptable or not to the venerable chjradter, to whom meant to be applied—or, perhaps, without Mice reflecting or enquiring, whether the pieces al udetl to would not altogetherbe odious, deteitable, and disgusting. Persons catching at every occasion to afFer the incense of adulatiou ought al ways to be fufpedted offinijler dejign ; and that fame favourite point to carry, not ad miration of the per/on or his character, is their real motive for offering it. Pity, that every one would not pay due respect Lo the dignity of human nature in his own person ! —there would then be neither laves nor tyrants —It would be well, alio, if the people of all nations would remem jer, and pradtiee the advice given in the J lay called the School for Standal, by one if the charadters—" I tell you what, Charles—tliis is a d—d ftraiigc world, and je afrured, and you will one day confcfs, ;hal the fewer people we lavish excelfive praifss on, the bettir." G. G. From the American Daily AdverTl. ser of lajl Monday. Mr. Dunlap, IN reading over the law of the National Legiilature, suspending, for t!ie term ol :wo years, the operation of the limitation aws passed by the Congress of 1785, and 1787, I find a moll pitiful,fhamefuland no* 'orious violation of the molt solemn and in :erefling contracts and engagements evei entered into by any government on earth; apon the performance of which, 011 the part of the patriot eontradtees, the eftab lilhment and exiltence of that very go vernment solely depended, and which it is conceded, on every hand, by the late a well as the present government, that they faithfully and fuccefsfully performed ; and that they have been almost the onlyTuffet - ers by the revolution, no one, [ trust, wil be so 101 lto a sense of jultice and truth as to deny. After acknowledging the justice, am' admitting the propriety of liquidating ant adjulling the fair and equitable claims or the public, which have not been fettled and decreeing in express and unequivoca terms, " that every officer, (of course of ficers of every denomination is clearly un derltood) soldier, artificer, sailor, anc marine, having claims for perfonil service* rendered to the United States, in the mi litary or naval departments, who fiiall ex hibit the fame for liquidation at the Trea sury of the United States, at any time during the aforefaid term, lhall be en titled to an adjustment, and an allowance thereof, on the fame principles, as if the fame had been exhibited -within the terms pre scribed by the aforefaid limitations." Here then, after this much laboured clause, vaunting of jultice, ulhers in the following unjutt, inconfiftcnt; and undignified provi- so : " That nothing thereirf shall be con ft rued to extend to claims for rations o subsistence-money." I a(k were ration* & subsistence-money not a part of the pub lie contrail, as well as the immediate pay: Were these not given in lieu of greatei pay? And is thi3 not the cafe with al armies of whatsoever nation, even our owr present army not an exception ? Where these are not supplied, an equivalent in mo. ney is allowed by all nations we are ac quainted with. And why, then, in tin name of common sense, should not thai part of the late public contradl be as lion orably discharged as any other ? Glarino inconliaency ! Is it not difgraceful, and does it not throw the moll dilhonorablc reflections on our government, to violate a solemn contra#, a sacred engagement. For so trifling a pittance, which in private ife would be spurned and hilTed at ? Be sides, it is a daring infringement of the ronftitution (the only barrier we have far aur rights and liberties) as well as a vi olation of the public contradl. For the present government was adopted with the lole view of establishing juftiee ; and a :laufc thereof secures and confirms to eve ry citizen his right, and expressly declares, :hat—" all debts controlled, and engage' meats entered into, before the adoption of the fami, Jhall be as valid a vain ft the Ur.ited States under the present Con/litution at un ier the Confederation." The headsofthe executive departments, f am told, have also undertaken to put a •onftruflion upon the suspension law, I jelieve, never contemplated by Congress, nz. that it does not extend to the ofE :ers and servants of the late military hof. pitals for personal service rendered the United States : That because military tiofpitals are not expressly mentioned, and jnly army and navy, or military and na sal departments (as if military hofpitah were not a part of these eftablifhmeuts} theycanie not within the provision of the ift. Whereas the intention of Congress in palling the fufpenlion law, appears tc ■ne, was to extend mdifcriminate relief tc ill the late servants of the public, for per. lonal service rendered the United States during the war, in whatsoever capacity :hat were precluded by the limitations ol :he late Congress. If otherwise, I have 10 doubt, Congress, from a sense of duty ; ,vill immediately remedy the defect, in or ier to prevent their valuable time being [pent in reading the petitions frem indi iriduals of the late military hospital, whose :afes may comc undar the Operation oi the limitations heretofore eftablilhed.— This circumllance leads me to remark that our laws ought to be framed in the plainest and moll intelligible language devoid of any manner ofambiguiry in or der to prevent mifconftrucliou. Sounc! tinderllandings, from motivfi of policy is well as utility, need only to be inform sd to correct errors and millakes. A dif :erning public will not reft fatisfied undei srronpousconftrudlionsor inequitable laws ior tamely fubmic to an infringement ol their rights. However small thepittance it may hereafter be pleaded as a prece dent, and from smaller, pass to matters o greater importance in the rights ofAme rican cieizens. We have reserved to ourselves the righi as thinking fptaiing and writing upon thi proceedings of the servants of the people and we will exercise this, our natural a: well as our political right, freely wherievei iuft occasions oifcr. A. B. C. For the Nation ai. Gazette. [Continued frem our Paper of the 12th in- Jlant.]} IT is said that few nations are capable of preserving their freedom ; and this is generally attributed toa lack of knowledge and information in ths people : But if [Total No. 119.] ignorance is so universally deilruftive of liberty, does it not afford us an indispu table, though melancholy proof, of tl.e univeifal depravity of the rulers of man. kmd ; for if rulers were honest, and would make the peace, interests, and pros perity of the people the sole end and aim of their condiifl, they would lead them, however ignorant, to freedom and hap. pinefs ; and we should not fee the great bulk of mankind reduced to misery and wretchednefa to support the idle pomp and pageantry of courts, so absurdly cal led the dignity of government. The wretched condition of the people in almost every part of the globe, is a convincing proof, that there exitts in eve ry country, a kind of natural aristocracy, aspiring, ambitious, enemies to freedom, scorning the idea of Equality, looking down upon the people as an in fenor order of beings, and improving eve ry opportunity, pel fas et nel'as, toexalt themselves above their fellow citizens. Againlt the art 3 and deiigns of these misanthropists or conspirators againfl he freedom and happiness of mankind, :he people must have the knowledge and ivifdom to guard and defend themselves, >r they cannot preserve their liberties. Let U3 not fuffer ourselves to be led iway by the dangerous delusion, that wc >av« no fueh chara&ers amongst us ; eit we give occasion fbr taking up over :he people of this country, the pathetic amentation mifcle by heaven over the Jew* if old ; "O! my peopirj ttieT which lead :hee, cause thee to err, and deltroy thp »ay of thy paths." Fordo not our dai y publications teem with produdions, :ending to lead us into the most danger >us errors ? Have not manj of those very :hara£ters, who so lately joined us, in op jofing and expelling a foreign tyranny, .vhich stood equally in the way of our lappinefs, and their own ambition, been :or some time differisinating principles and jurfuiug measures deftru'dtive of the for mer and promotive of the latter* ? Wnen we obtained peace and the acknow edgment ofour independence from Great- Britain, our contest for liberty was but lalf over, it itill remained to be determin ed which fliould enjoy the fruits of the aftory, the people, or their leaders ; that s, whether the revolution fliould confer r reedom and happiness upon all, or only :ontribute to the power and aggrandize ment of the few. Hence it is by no means wife or fafe to trull men merely for what they have been, during the late revolurion ; but we tnuft determine their characters by what they have been since that period, and what they now are. Many were with us du ring the war, who are not for u3 now. The times are changed, and we are chan ged with them, ai f d tho' it may be diffi cult, yet I trust it is not irr.poflibie to dis tinguish these changelings from the honelt friends of freedom ; many symptoms by which they may beknown may be collec ted from that excellent piece in the Na tional Gazette of the 12th inft. intitled "Forerunners of monarchy and aristocracy in the United States," to which 1 wil£ venture to add one, which I think will not lead into any mistakes of characters, which is,that he who endeavours to de ceive the people in points on which it is of importance for them to be well inform ed, cannot be their friend : and here I will once more take the liberty to introduce a gentleman of the above description, I mean the writer in Mr. Bache's Adverti ser of the 4th inltant, who ligns himfel? Otfego. This writer after endeavouring to persuade us that an avowed advocatc for monarchy, may be more fafely trusted in the administration of the government of the United States, than one who has uniformly advocated republican fyf. tem, goes on in his second paragraph and fays " Though the chief n\9giftrate of aK important stale in tha union, he (meaning