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National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1791-1793, December 19, 1792, Image 1

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[Numb. 15 of Vol. ll.] WEDNESDAY, December 19, 1792.
The following address from the society oj
Quakers for Pennsylvania, New jferTey,
Delaware, and part of Maryland and
Virginia, wis read in Congress on the
19* Aof November.
To the President, Senate, and House of
P-cprefentatives of the United States.
The address of the people called Quakers-
IT was the exhortation of the Apostle
Paul, that supplications, prayers, in
terceflions, and giving thanks, be made
for all men ; for kings and for all that
arc in authority, that we may lead a qui
«t and peaceable life, in all goodness and
honeitv, for this is good and acceptable
in the light of God our Saviour," con
formable whereto, our mind 3 have been
brought into a religious concern, that the
rulers of this land may pursue such mea
sures as may tend to the promotion of
the peace and happinefa of the people.
We are sensible that the Lord's judg
ments are in our land, and being deeply
affe&ed at the diitreffed fituatioa of the
frontier inhabitants, we desire a solid and
careful enquiry may be madeintothecaufe;
and are firmly persuaded that if the coun
sel and dire&ion of the Holy Spirit is
waited for and followed, the divine blef
ling will crown the labours of those who
Uprightly engage in the work of peace.
The disposition which has appeared in
the government to promote pacific inea
fureawith the Indians, hath we believe
been generally acceptable ; and as it is
conftftent with our religious principles,
so it has been our uniform care to ad;no
nifliand caution our member* againlt fet
tling on lauds which have not been pur
chased of the original owner; and as far
as our influence extends, we mean to
maintain this our ancient testimony invio
late, which from experience has been
found effectual to the pretervation of
peace with the natives, who, with great
hospitality, cherilhed and afiifted our
forefathers in their early settlement of
this country.
We feel cautious not to move out of
oar proper line, but being interested in
the welfare of this country, and convinced
■of the expedience of further endeavours
being used to encourage the Indians to
come forward with a full reprefentalion
and statement of their grievances, and
that every just cause of uneasiness in their
minds may be fully investigated and re
moved : we apprehend it our duty
again to address you on this affe£ling
and important occasion ; under a belief
that nothing (liort of flridt jullice will
ever be a balls of solid and lading peace.
We refpe£tfully submit these things to
your serious confederation ; earnestly de
iiring that through the influence of di
vine wisdom in your councils, you may be
made inltrumental to prevent the further
effufion of human blood, and that the in
habitants may long enjoy the blefiing of
a righteous government.
Signed in and on behalf of a meeting
appointed to represent our religious
society in Pennsylvania, New-Jer
sey, Delaware, and part of Mary
land and Virginia, held in Philadel
phia the 17th day of the nth month
1792.
Here follows a lift of the signers* names.
Fir the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EVERY good citizen of a govern
ment really, and not nominally republican,
will not only carefully avoid countenan
cing monarchical innovations of a more
serious natute, but even those apparent
trifles, which at firfl view might be
thought innocent and harmlefs fc Birth
day-odrs may in monarchies be proper
enough, where the people have, from their
infancy, been taught to look upon the
monarch to te every thing, and then»felves
By P. FRENEAU: Publijhed Wednesdays and Saturdays, at Three Dollars per annum.
little or nothing ; but in a republican go
vernment, plain, pure, and leverely Am
ple, these productions when addrefled tc
individuals in office, ought to bs consider
ed as fraught with the molt dangerour
consequences to the interests of focia)
man, and fatal in their tendency, as be
ing produdtive of monarchical ideas and
propensities in the people, and therefore
to be discouraged as much as po'Tible by
the friends of rational and equal liberty.
It it certain (at leafl if I may depend
upon the information of a young gentle
man of my acquaintance) that four or
five of these productions are al eady up
on the anvil (fame of them hammering out
into pindaric) to commemorate a certain
day not very far diitant ; and which, it is
said, are to make their appearanca in a
certain pompous gazette, well recolledtea
upon several similar occasions to have
been all on a foam with high-toned pro
ductions of the fame nature ; without the
authors of such pieces knowing or caring
whether these things were acceptable or
not to the venerable chjradter, to whom
meant to be applied—or, perhaps, without
Mice reflecting or enquiring, whether the
pieces al udetl to would not altogetherbe
odious, deteitable, and disgusting.
Persons catching at every occasion to
afFer the incense of adulatiou ought al
ways to be fufpedted offinijler dejign ; and
that fame favourite point to carry, not ad
miration of the per/on or his character, is
their real motive for offering it. Pity,
that every one would not pay due respect
Lo the dignity of human nature in his own
person ! —there would then be neither
laves nor tyrants —It would be well, alio,
if the people of all nations would remem
jer, and pradtiee the advice given in the
J lay called the School for Standal, by one
if the charadters—" I tell you what,
Charles—tliis is a d—d ftraiigc world, and
je afrured, and you will one day confcfs,
;hal the fewer people we lavish excelfive
praifss on, the bettir."
G. G.
From the American Daily AdverTl.
ser of lajl Monday.
Mr. Dunlap,
IN reading over the law of the National
Legiilature, suspending, for t!ie term ol
:wo years, the operation of the limitation
aws passed by the Congress of 1785, and
1787, I find a moll pitiful,fhamefuland no*
'orious violation of the molt solemn and in
:erefling contracts and engagements evei
entered into by any government on earth;
apon the performance of which, 011 the
part of the patriot eontradtees, the eftab
lilhment and exiltence of that very go
vernment solely depended, and which it is
conceded, on every hand, by the late a
well as the present government, that they
faithfully and fuccefsfully performed ; and
that they have been almost the onlyTuffet -
ers by the revolution, no one, [ trust, wil
be so 101 lto a sense of jultice and truth
as to deny.
After acknowledging the justice, am'
admitting the propriety of liquidating ant
adjulling the fair and equitable claims or
the public, which have not been fettled
and decreeing in express and unequivoca
terms, " that every officer, (of course of
ficers of every denomination is clearly un
derltood) soldier, artificer, sailor, anc
marine, having claims for perfonil service*
rendered to the United States, in the mi
litary or naval departments, who fiiall ex
hibit the fame for liquidation at the Trea
sury of the United States, at any time
during the aforefaid term, lhall be en
titled to an adjustment, and an allowance
thereof, on the fame principles, as if the
fame had been exhibited -within the terms pre
scribed by the aforefaid limitations." Here
then, after this much laboured clause,
vaunting of jultice, ulhers in the following
unjutt, inconfiftcnt; and undignified provi-
so : " That nothing thereirf shall be con
ft rued to extend to claims for rations o
subsistence-money." I a(k were ration*
& subsistence-money not a part of the pub
lie contrail, as well as the immediate pay:
Were these not given in lieu of greatei
pay? And is thi3 not the cafe with al
armies of whatsoever nation, even our owr
present army not an exception ? Where
these are not supplied, an equivalent in mo.
ney is allowed by all nations we are ac
quainted with. And why, then, in tin
name of common sense, should not thai
part of the late public contradl be as lion
orably discharged as any other ? Glarino
inconliaency ! Is it not difgraceful, and
does it not throw the moll dilhonorablc
reflections on our government, to violate
a solemn contra#, a sacred engagement.
For so trifling a pittance, which in private
ife would be spurned and hilTed at ? Be
sides, it is a daring infringement of the
ronftitution (the only barrier we have far
aur rights and liberties) as well as a vi
olation of the public contradl. For the
present government was adopted with the
lole view of establishing juftiee ; and a
:laufc thereof secures and confirms to eve
ry citizen his right, and expressly declares,
:hat—" all debts controlled, and engage'
meats entered into, before the adoption of the
fami, Jhall be as valid a vain ft the Ur.ited
States under the present Con/litution at un
ier the Confederation."
The headsofthe executive departments,
f am told, have also undertaken to put a
•onftruflion upon the suspension law, I
jelieve, never contemplated by Congress,
nz. that it does not extend to the ofE
:ers and servants of the late military hof.
pitals for personal service rendered the
United States : That because military
tiofpitals are not expressly mentioned, and
jnly army and navy, or military and na
sal departments (as if military hofpitah
were not a part of these eftablifhmeuts}
theycanie not within the provision of the
ift. Whereas the intention of Congress
in palling the fufpenlion law, appears tc
■ne, was to extend mdifcriminate relief tc
ill the late servants of the public, for per.
lonal service rendered the United States
during the war, in whatsoever capacity
:hat were precluded by the limitations ol
:he late Congress. If otherwise, I have
10 doubt, Congress, from a sense of duty ;
,vill immediately remedy the defect, in or
ier to prevent their valuable time being
[pent in reading the petitions frem indi
iriduals of the late military hospital, whose
:afes may comc undar the Operation oi
the limitations heretofore eftablilhed.—
This circumllance leads me to remark
that our laws ought to be framed in the
plainest and moll intelligible language
devoid of any manner ofambiguiry in or
der to prevent mifconftrucliou. Sounc!
tinderllandings, from motivfi of policy
is well as utility, need only to be inform
sd to correct errors and millakes. A dif
:erning public will not reft fatisfied undei
srronpousconftrudlionsor inequitable laws
ior tamely fubmic to an infringement ol
their rights. However small thepittance
it may hereafter be pleaded as a prece
dent, and from smaller, pass to matters o
greater importance in the rights ofAme
rican cieizens.
We have reserved to ourselves the righi
as thinking fptaiing and writing upon thi
proceedings of the servants of the people
and we will exercise this, our natural a:
well as our political right, freely wherievei
iuft occasions oifcr.
A. B. C.
For the Nation ai. Gazette.
[Continued frem our Paper of the 12th in-
Jlant.]}
IT is said that few nations are capable
of preserving their freedom ; and this is
generally attributed toa lack of knowledge
and information in ths people : But if
[Total No. 119.]
ignorance is so universally deilruftive of
liberty, does it not afford us an indispu
table, though melancholy proof, of tl.e
univeifal depravity of the rulers of man.
kmd ; for if rulers were honest, and
would make the peace, interests, and pros
perity of the people the sole end and aim
of their condiifl, they would lead them,
however ignorant, to freedom and hap.
pinefs ; and we should not fee the great
bulk of mankind reduced to misery and
wretchednefa to support the idle pomp
and pageantry of courts, so absurdly cal
led the dignity of government.
The wretched condition of the people
in almost every part of the globe, is a
convincing proof, that there exitts in eve
ry country, a kind of natural aristocracy,
aspiring, ambitious, enemies to
freedom, scorning the idea of Equality,
looking down upon the people as an in
fenor order of beings, and improving eve
ry opportunity, pel fas et nel'as, toexalt
themselves above their fellow citizens.
Againlt the art 3 and deiigns of these
misanthropists or conspirators againfl
he freedom and happiness of mankind,
:he people must have the knowledge and
ivifdom to guard and defend themselves,
>r they cannot preserve their liberties.
Let U3 not fuffer ourselves to be led
iway by the dangerous delusion, that wc
>av« no fueh chara&ers amongst us ;
eit we give occasion fbr taking up over
:he people of this country, the pathetic
amentation mifcle by heaven over the Jew*
if old ; "O! my peopirj ttieT which lead
:hee, cause thee to err, and deltroy thp
»ay of thy paths." Fordo not our dai
y publications teem with produdions,
:ending to lead us into the most danger
>us errors ? Have not manj of those very
:hara£ters, who so lately joined us, in op
jofing and expelling a foreign tyranny,
.vhich stood equally in the way of our
lappinefs, and their own ambition, been
:or some time differisinating principles and
jurfuiug measures deftru'dtive of the for
mer and promotive of the latter* ?
Wnen we obtained peace and the acknow
edgment ofour independence from Great-
Britain, our contest for liberty was but
lalf over, it itill remained to be determin
ed which fliould enjoy the fruits of the
aftory, the people, or their leaders ; that
s, whether the revolution fliould confer
r reedom and happiness upon all, or only
:ontribute to the power and aggrandize
ment of the few.
Hence it is by no means wife or fafe
to trull men merely for what they have
been, during the late revolurion ; but we
tnuft determine their characters by what
they have been since that period, and what
they now are. Many were with us du
ring the war, who are not for u3 now.
The times are changed, and we are chan
ged with them, ai f d tho' it may be diffi
cult, yet I trust it is not irr.poflibie to dis
tinguish these changelings from the honelt
friends of freedom ; many symptoms by
which they may beknown may be collec
ted from that excellent piece in the Na
tional Gazette of the 12th inft. intitled
"Forerunners of monarchy and aristocracy
in the United States," to which 1 wil£
venture to add one, which I think will
not lead into any mistakes of characters,
which is,that he who endeavours to de
ceive the people in points on which it is
of importance for them to be well inform
ed, cannot be their friend : and here I will
once more take the liberty to introduce a
gentleman of the above description, I
mean the writer in Mr. Bache's Adverti
ser of the 4th inltant, who ligns himfel?
Otfego. This writer after endeavouring
to persuade us that an avowed advocatc
for monarchy, may be more fafely trusted
in the administration of the government
of the United States, than one who has
uniformly advocated republican fyf.
tem, goes on in his second paragraph and
fays " Though the chief n\9giftrate of aK
important stale in tha union, he (meaning

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