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2 THE NEW YORK PRESS. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS UPON CURRENT TOPICS. COMPILED EVERY DAT FOR EVKMfO TELEGRAPH. Governor Worth' Message From the Tribune. Tbe Cons.ltutlonfil amendment is unanimously rejected by too Southorn States. The Legisla tures of Texas, Georgia, and Alabama, and the Lower House of Arkansas, hare refused to ratify it Governor Orr, of South Carolina, ami Governor Humphreys, of Mississippi, have ad vised its rejection. There Is no hope of it adoption by Virginia or Louisiana. Governor Marvin, of Florida, in his recent message, pposeB it, and Governor Worth, In his mes sage to tbe North Carolina Legislature, submit a lone; argument, intended to show that the proposition Is tyrannical, and that tbe Suutli would be dishonored In aceepting it. There is not tbe uligftirst cLanca that one of tbe Rebel Statee will ratify tbe amendment. The Novem ber elections have, had no inilueuce upon the Southern leaders, i There is but one man holding promluent oflice in tbe 8outhern Slates who has jjtred even to Buxeest decent connderation of the proposition of onere-a; the Joint Committee o tbe Goortna Legislature represented the general temper when U questioned whether toe dignity of tho Slate would not be compromised by auy action on the amendment. Governor Murphy, of Arkansas, deserves tho credit of having pro perly received the offer ol the nation, and ad viaed hia Legi-lature to treat it with, at least, the respect due to tbe Congress of (he United States, and to consider it fairly before taking the responsibility of rcjectina it. In his messaze he said:-"Though not all the insurgent States could desire, it becomes a very grave question for tbe Legislature to decide whether any terms moie lavorable are likely to be obtaiued by opposition, or whether it is not the better policy lor tne Statu to accept the proposed terms ann thus secure the prompt reconstruc tion of tbe State into harmonious action with the governing States, and on an equality with them in the Union. Judging from the results of the late elections, and Irom the decided tone of public sentiment in the States that subdued the insurrection, it is not probable that better terras will be granted. The etlect ot rejec tion on th prosperity and happiness of the people of the Stale demands solemn considera tion." Governor Worth receives the amendment in a very different spirit, and one, we regret, with which his people sympathize. North Carolina has been deeply wronged by the United States Government, iu his opinion, and the amendment adds to tbe Injuries. Tbe third section is that which tbe Southern leaders especially detest, for the excellent reasou that it makes them in eligible to office. It appears perfectly fair to most loyal men that those men who took a solemn oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and broke it, should be disquali fied from holding office, and that they should be satisfied with retaining the forfeited privilege of voting. But they do not think so, and made a bard tight for their salaries, present or f irrespective. Governor Worth makes a long 1st of perjured office-holders, from gover nors down to constables, who would sutler the loss of their official bread and butter by the adoption of the amendment. "Scarcely a man remained amoug us who can conscientiously say that he gave no aid and comfott to the Southern soldiers during that conflict; but, strange to say, this amendment makes ineligible to office anyone who went into a Convention or voted for the ordinance of se cession, and any one who voluntarily took up arms and fouerht on the side of the South to the end of the war, or held a seat in the Confederate Congress, provided such person had never taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States." "Can these things be, and overcome ua like a summer's cloud, without our special wonder?" Yet, only to Kebels themselves is there any strangeness in the fact that a penalty should be affixed to treason and perjury, and even their surprise is, we think, affected. The real straneeness is in the lenity of the Govern ment, and tbe easy terms proposed to those who have forfeited all rights under our laws. Dismissing as unworthy of notice Governor Worth's quibbline over the fifth section, which gives Congress the power to enforce the others by appropriate iwisiuuou, we uuu mm us-uum tbe Iecislature tbat tbe tieople of his State, "with a singular approach to unanimity," desire a restoration ol their constitutional relations with the American Union. We have no doubt of it, and only wish they had taken a speedier way to obtain their wishes by electing General Dockery. If tbey are in a "hurry, they must concede something to the Union; some guarantee tii nt. tw eiven other than the abolition of slavery, lor that was not given by the Rebel States, but extorted by tne war. it 19 nmusiug to find the Governor quoting the Rebellion itself as an Instance of the magnanimity of the Southern people." In the lace of circumstances rendering it nearly im possible, they have paid its Government the taxes ot former yeais, laid when another de facto Government, whose powers they could not have resisted it they would, was mating levies in money and kind almost greater than they could bear. They acquiesced in the extinction of slavery, which annihilated more than half their wealth; they have borne with patience the exclusion of their Senators and Representatives from the halls of Congress, where they have had no one to contradict or explain the most exaggerated misrepresentations, or even to make known their grievances." Governor Worth wonders how long this "unnatural condi tion" will continue. We think we may answer that it will last as long as the refusal of the Rebel States to meet in a pioper spirit the advanres ot the Government. We cannot think it is very meritorious tbat the people of North Carob.no pay United States taxes; we do it without vaunting our virtue; and it they also consented to pay taxes to sup port the Rebellion, we are sorry for their folly, but do not see why that should be a reason for immediately admitting their representatives to Congress. As for their grievances, they may uree them with more oronrletv when they show eome disposition to admit ours. We hear much ot what the South has suffered, but it is too late to represent the United States as tbe aggressor, or to affect ignorance of the unparalleled sacri fices by which the victory of the Union was won. Injury I it is all on our side except that injury which tbe guilty party must receive wueu ine laws 01 tne nunuu are euiurcuu. W do not wish to uree these truths let the nlrl itiHr.iisHion rest nor should we have dono so hd not Governor Worth's message and the action of all the Southern Legislatures upon the Constitutional amendment forced a reply in de cent sell-respect. We long for the day when the bitter dispute will end, and when once more tbe Rebel States, free from all taint of rebellion, will have their represents ives side by side with ours in Liongrei. The uonuuuuonai amenu ment was not offered as an insult to tbe South .mad we regret that it should have been as such received. Governor Worth closes with a suggestion, nt which we doubt the sincerity. The sneer of the following paragraph is apparent: "The people of the fcouth, whethor from preju dice or not, it Is immaterial to the view I take, do not regard tbe negro as their equal. He u not allowed the right ot h off rare. The Norib insists that this prejudice of the South aoes cruel wrong to the Africans among us. Tbey are very poor, aud lew of them lave acquired local attachments by ownership ef land. Ihe results ot emancipation have made the whites poor also, and tbe uncertain condition or our Federal relations prevents the Influx of capital or population. Enterprise is para lyzed. Few are able to employ laborers and pay them liberally. On the other band, tbe dominant states are nob in all of these. The wages of Ubor are much greater than we can pay. In many of them are publio lands of groat ttrblity, -which the laws give to actual settlers at a nioaermte price. In one of these Mates a por tion mt the people have given an earnost of Uie jrtncijke they protest by looting two Air loan at member of thslr 8laf Legislature. Every thing soon to Invito their emigration to th domi nant fctatts; hot most of ihnm are too poor to pay lor moving lhs dillleultv may be overoo.no br tlirceiiiR the appropriation niado to f ans a tbe irtt dnm't lluruau to dotraylng the trave ling ts penscs ol thoe ho mar choose to move, allotvlnr each ens to chooso the Mate or Terr. tor y to whiott be would co. When thai left free, and atilod to whore tnrv mar think their conditions will i e Bet tered, no grounds will be I" ft tor further sootlonal strife as to their government. Who that wood avoiathe rock on which our ship ol state is threat ened wita wrook, will object to thin soheme of record nation r Ji Is clear that the Northern Metes will not object to it. Jt will piace the negroes volun tarily cmleratln to them unoer their immediate guardianship, where thev oan look alter their per sonal iroicction ard mental and moral couture much more d sorectlv man tbey can by a freed meu's Bureau, or anv other machinery, wht'etbey remain here. I am sore Horlh Carolina will not object to this soheme." No doubt, tbe refusal of such a proposition as this would be quoted as a proof ot the hostility ot the North to tbe ireedmeu, and Its unwilling ness to leceive them as eitlzens. Governor Worth knows belter than to suppose that the United States is to become an emigration bureau for the removal of tour millions of peo ple. He knows very well that it U not its busi ness to transport laborers from one State to another, and equally well that its legislation tor the Ireedmen has been intended for the protec tion ot its citizens on the soil where they stand and in the homes tbey have chosen. If the treednicn of Noith Carolina choose to come to the North, that is their business, not Governor Worth's, nor that of Congress, and it is only tho duty of the United States Government to pee tbat wherever tbey go or stay they shall not be the victims of unjust tocnl laws. That is all, and that is enoinrh for an inwar- tial Government, except in the special aid it has extended through the Freed men's Bureau to tho poor people whoe necessities the Southern Slates are unable to relieve. But discussion ol this subject Is unnecessary. When Governor Worth ."ays to bis Legislature, "I reipecttully recom mend that vou nronose this Dlan of national reconciliation to the Congress of the United Mates," we remind lilm that North Carolina is not in a position to propose terms, but to re ceive them. And if the Governor is really foolish enough to forget the decencies that should con trol a Stale so lately in rebellion against the Union, let hini, at least, propose his plnns with a show or good faith, aud without a useless affectation of satire. Amnesty; aud Suffrage. From the Timet. During the last session of Congres". Senator Stewart, from Nevada, proposed universal suf frage and universal amnesty as the basis of restoration lhat is, if the Southern States would adopt universal suffrage, they should re ceive a general amnesty aud be restored, as Stales aiid as individuals, to all the political rights which they enjoyed before the war. Toe proposition elicited but little discussion at the time, as it seemed to embody what was most obnoxious to both sections, and likely to b acceptable, therelore, to neither. The Tribune alterwards adopted it, and has urged it with a good deal of zeal. But it is not seconded by any considerable portion oi the press, nor can the proposition be said as yet to have been seriously entertained by the country. Whenever it is, we thinit it will be con demned. Neither branch of it is calculated to meet public approval. There is really but a small portion of the people of tho Northern States who desire universal negro suffrage, though nine-tenths of them hold that color alone should not debar any man from voting. Whatever may be the practice, in theory at least, voting is still held to involve resoonsi- bility, and to require some sort of qualifica tion. Voting makes our laws, chooses our rulers, and carries on the wholo machinery ot civil society; and nobody capable of holding any opinion on any nuhjeot, can doubt that making laws, choosing rulers, and administering the affairs of a great nation, require some qualifi cations of intelligence and character. Every body knows, too, tbat a large proportion of the negroes of the South those employed as field hands during the reign of slavery are utterly ignorant, utterly incapable of exercising the slightest judgment, or acting with tbe least intelligence in political in at tors. If admitted to the suffrage, they will not vote; they will simply be the tools ot somebody who will. This is a ne cessity of their condition. It is not their fault, but their misfortune. Not because they are black, therelore, but because they are ignorant too ignorant to be wisely and safely entrusted with such a power, it Is undesirable that all the negroes should be admitted to vote in the South ern States. Even if the South desired it, it would not command the approval of tbe North. Equally unacceptable would be the proposi tion lor a universal amnesty. Such an amnesty would readmit, to every right of citizenship, to every civil and political privilege, to every oflice, State and Federal, in the United States, every man who was engaged in any way in the Rebellion. To this we do not believe the peo ple will assent. They may excuse those who were dragged into secession or even those wh j went into it under a sincere belief that their first allegiance was due to their State Govern ments; and they may be willing to see them acain in office. But they will not consent that tne original authors of the Rebellion the men who were engaged lor years in conspiring against the Government while holding office under it tbe men w no in uie uongre 01 tne United States, as Senators and Members, were active in measures to overthrow the Constitution they had sworn to support shall acain resume the ofli- 5 cial power which they so grossly abused, a Under a universal amnesty, Toombs, Mason, 1 I . .1 . . 1 1 man i i 1.1 1- r u. n , liva kaun nl.ittin.f I treason against the Government they pretended to serve, could again sit in tne seats tney so dis graced, and again wield the national power tbey turned against tue Button's inc. sucu a sueclaclo would shock the public sense of jus tice as well as create just apprehensions for the public safety. The people recognize a uroaa distinction in the guilt ot the diM'erent classes of persons who engaged in tne tteoeuion, ana tney are willing to make a corresponding distinction in their treatment of them. Universal suffrage, therefore, instead of being an otlset to the objections felt against a univer sal amnesty, being itself objectionable, would only aggravate the hostility against lhat mea sure. A qualified suffrage and a limited amnesty would be much more likely to com mand the approval of tbe people. It the South would extend suffrage to tho negroes, in com mon with all other citizens, basing it upon cer tain conditions, Intelligence, payment of taxes, or whatever other qualifications they might preEcribe, an amnesty which should remove all disabilities Irom persons engaged in the Rebel lion, except that tbe oriuinal authors of tbe movement should be forever excluded from Federal office, would undoubtedly be conceded by the North. The question is not likely, however, to come up for practical action. It is the purpose of the extreme leaders of tho dominant party in Con gress to secure the exclusion of tbe Southern Stales from political power nntil after the Presi dential election. This is their fpeci lie aim. It is this they hope to accomplish by insisting vpon conaiuons or admission wnicn tne soutn will not accept. And aa it becomes dally more certain that the South will not accept the Con stitutional amendment, so do thev become more determined to insist upon it. Questions of amnesty and sbffruge may be brought forward and discussed and possibly acted upon but not as substitutes for the Constitutional amendment. 2(j will be insisted upon aa a sine qua non nt least until the Boutu seems likely to ae ceptit. The War in Prgrnay South America la SUttof lievoiuuuu. From the EtraXi. An important question in the history of our hemisphere Is being tried in the gallant struggle that the stanch little-free State of Paraguay is making against the Brazilian, empire and its allies. This struggle; in Us ultimate analysts, is or the 8ulh. Amcrlpaa coullncnt juet what our war was for North America. It is a struggle to determine the point of prevalence between sys tem it whether arUtooratlc and monarchical tn Mitatious the Imported traditions of the OM World eliall predominate, or whether demo crats and .republican institutions in States formed on our own model shall shape the desti nies of that continent In tho recent important victory of Paraguay at Curupaity, as well as In tbe whole conduct of tbe war by that power, we see the best augury for tbe result, for the abso lute triumph of the real American system of tree Strtes and the downfall and destruction of tho laat American monarchy the last stronghold of European principles on this side ot the Atlantic. As has been the case in many wars before, the real primary cause of the war, the subject that has brought the two systems of government In contact acd put them on a trial ot their merits, has scarcely been named in the list of reasons. This was simply the desire on the part of Brazil to control the vast river system the Paraguay, Parana, and Plate that draius the southern pait of her territory. Only three little republics stood in the way. But for Paraguay, Uruguay, and a strip of the Argentine Confederation, the Houfhern boundaries of Brazil would be natural, the symmetry of lur territory perfect, aud her way to the ocean by that great system absolutely free. Uruguay was distracted by a rebellion, and Brazil louud a reason to interfere. Her rea son was nearly tbe same as thnt given by France lor intervention in Mexico. She must protect the interests of Brazilian subjects; and at the snme time that she announced her intention to interfere and put a stop to the rebellion tbat was brenking down the little republic, she was foster ing the rebellion by material assistance. lirnvil succeeded in inducing the Argentine republic to loin her in the preteuded attempt to restore order in Uruguay. The republic was perhaps tbe dupe of Brazilian diplomacy, and its cupidity may have been excited by the jromiso ol some special favors In the naviga tion ot tbe Parnguay river. One powor saw tbe true state of the case, and divined the real purpose of Brazilian interference in the affairs ot ber neighbor. This was Paraguay. Her Government saw that the light was on the question of the existence of the republics, and that l.'ruguny once destroyed, Paraguay's turn wonld come next. Thai Government, there fore, immediately informed Brazil tbat it would consider tho invasion ot Uruguay by Brazilian troops a cause of war. Treating this bold re public with contempt, Brazil carried out her original desisn and occupied Uruguay. Para guay at once declared war. This was in the summer of 18(i4. The war has, therefore, lasted over two ears, and now, as Paraguay stands on her defense, the present results of the two years' attemot to beat her down arc instructive to the world as to the power of resistance in herent in free States. The war on the part of Brazil was in keeping with the whole rush lor the propagation and ex tension of niouarcny iu America, which began when it was so mistakenly supposed that "the great republic of the United Slates had fallen to pieces, rrancp rushed to Mexico, Spain rushed first to Dominica, then to Chill, and Brazil S rushed at her apparently feeble neighbor, all finding the ocensiou in the immunity that our (anger gave, but an ouut on a laise oasis. Tne great republic was not ruined; and now France is drawing out, and Spain is doing her best to follow the example. Brazil also must relinquish hrr desigus. With her, however, the case is different. She has not the happiness ol the other pow ers iu being able to retire to Europe. She is the next-door neighbor of the republic, and must stand and lace the consequences of her attempt against their existence. This may in volve the destruction of the empire. The alli ance aeainst Paraguay is proved 10 be con temptibly powerless. It must break up. This failure will be the forfeiture ot the moral influ ence of Brazil ou the continent, and tbe next step will be a close league of all the South Ameri can republics, under the lead ot Paraguay, and a general war against the empire on the score of common safety. One empire cannot stand in the presence of two continents filled with re publics, and the time is not far distant when the Empeior of Brazil may condole with his Mexican Majesty at Miramar. Ought, the Preslueut o Publish a Com plete Amneuly 1 From the World1 The small quibbles which the Times brings to tho defense of an unumaUU po.Hlon (quibbles which we will explode before we get through) have no value as arguments, but they are of some importance as divulging the determina tion of the Republicans to dispute, in tha ap proaching session of Congress, the udthority of the President to dispense any further relief to persons liable under the Confiscation act. When a journal aff ecting so much moderation as the Times, has the hardihood to claim for Congress one of the most unquestionable prerogatives of tho President, and to expend all tho cavilling ingenuity it possesses In arguing against a fact, we are justified in inierriny that there Is a fore gone purpose on the part of Congress to usurp ihefpardouing power, or. at least, to arrest its tnriher exercise. The disclosure oi this purpose is a new roason why the President should immediately com plete the work of grace begun in his first procla mation of amnesty. If he makes clean work betore tbe beginning of the session, Congress Is precluded, by its own act, from raising tbe question of regularity. Bat if the President waits until the permissive section of the confis cation act is repealed, he will give his enemies an advantage in enabling them to bewilder the popular judgment. . The permission of Congress to exercise a power with which he is explicitly clothed by the Constitution, is indeed a piece ot officious impertinence, Hnd ho will be divested of no authority by its withdrawal, but he should bear in mind that the mass of the people are not exuet reuoneis on sum suoiects, ana that it is just as easy 10 act before Congress meets as to leave a loop lor the cavillers by needless delay. Tbe most fitting time for a general amnesty wps when be published his final proclamation declaring ihe wur at an end, and discontinuing martial law. There was, indeed, at that time, a prudential reuson for deluy, since the Repub licans would have made a great handle ot the President's lenity Jin the elections. But now that the elections are past, there is no longer any reason for postponement, and many for prompt action. The twenty thousand dollar limitation rests on no solid ground. A Rebel worth twenty thousand dollars was not more guilty than one worth nineteen thousand or ten thousand the guilt ot a Rebel being measured by his virulence and activity, not by the amount ol his property. Men of wealth bad perhaps more power to rekindle the Rebellion.and it was therelore a wiso precaution to keep tlirm under restraint until the President deemed it safe to proclaim to the country that all danger was finally past. When he declared that in his proclamation of peace, there wus no reason (bevond the trudeutial one connected with the elections) why an amnesty should not have tm- rueitiately followed, excepting cy name sucn malignaut Rebels as it might bo expedient to nunish. The most solid reason for a general amnesty aoes not rest on sentimental uoiions or magna' nimity, but as a business like regard for ths general welfare. The capital, which tbe South so much needs for the revival of Its prosperity, will not go into that ection in Buiall driblets. Wealthy individuals or associations must borrow in large sums, in tbe first instance, and sprv as reservoirs lor distribution amoug weaker men whose credit is kuowu only in their own localities. The class excluded Irom the first amnesty comprises all the men with credit enough to make loans outside of the Southern States; but until their titles are restored to them by an amnesty, they can give no solid security, andaie as badly off dlstaut borrowers a it they were not worth a dollar. Moreover, the men of wealth possess the business talent, the energy, the enterprise ot the South. They are tv,o men n . ar. the wheels of the . arrested machine in motion by their activity, 'sagacity, and force of character, as well as by their pecu ulurv manna. Hut nntil they ara. amnestied, Ik., am im,it,rl hand Mid foot The shock which has tumbled tueolri industrial- system ot the South into ruius, makes it expedient lhat many enterprising men should change their pursuit; that tbey should take their capital out of a former business, to seek a more profitable investment in another. The facility of such translers is one of the most important Condi tions of recuperation alter a general wreck. But while a man's property is liable to coaflscat on he cannot sell It, because he can give no title. The consequence of withholding pardon from the wealthy class is, tbat the business of the South Is kept in a slate of stagnation. Congress, as a means of extorting submission to their demands, have deterroi lea to wrench the amnesty power from the President. Even so moderaie a member as Mr. Raymond is ready to support them. Wo cannot suppose that he is advocating in his paper what be does not mean to stand by in Congress. Forewarned, let tbe President be forearmed. Congress Intends to humiliate him; to undo his work in the South; to upset the State Governments formed under his encouragement; to keep the South In poverty and under the harrow ot the Confisca tion act. until they can coerce its assent to de&rtading conditions. True, the President will have not a whit less power to pardon after the permirBive section is repealed; but as it has become manifest that his power is to rx dis puted, it is better that Congress should be estopped by immediate action. The cobweb quibbles of the Times against the pardoning power of the President hardly de serve a refutation; but siuce we have pr mised one, we will try to make it effectual. Hamil ton, in tho federalist, delends the Constitution aeanst the objection that, in cases of treason, the power of pardon would have been more appropriately vested in ConirresF. We cited bis argument on this subject among other proois that Congress does hot poss-ess the power; Hamil ton's argument to show why it was withheld lK'iiiB a tolerably conclusive proof that it was withheld. Tha limes, as the foundation ot its quibbles, copies a little patch from that number of the Federaliff, omitting aud emphasizing as follows: "The expediency of vesting the power of pardon ing in the President, has, if 1 mistake not," he says in No 74, "liten only contested In relation to the enmo of treafou. ltnt the principal argument tor repoBingr the power ol pardoning in this case in the Cuiei Manstrate, is this: In seasons ot insur rection or rebellion, there are otten oritioal momenta when a well-timed Oder of pardon to the insurgonts or rebels may rostore the tranquillity of tho Com mon wealth, and whioh, if sulftred to pass unim proved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall. The dilatory process ol convening the Legisla'ure, or any ot Its branches, for tbe purpose of obtaining Its sanction, would trcquently be tbe occasion of letting slip the golden opportunity." On the basis of the expressions thus italicized, the Times proceeds to argue that the President has no power to grant an amnesty except at critical moments in tbe progress of a rebellion, when Congress is not in session ! Before chew ing this delicious piece of absurdity, we desire to remark that the extract disposes of a cavil that might be raised on the distinction between a pardon and an amnesty, the whole passase uuviuuMv uiiuiviuii iu uiat lorui 01 oiruon iu which wc apply the latter name, and showing ''that the pardon clause in tbe Constitution covers the whole ground. The Question raised by the Times is, whether the President possesses it permanently and absolutely, or only at criti cal periods when Cougress is not in session. Hamilton was arguing to 6howwhythe Con stitution withheld it, and all participation in it, from Congress. His whole argument is directed to that point, as tbe Times must have seen in culling out its quotation: so that it is consciously sophistical. Of the various reasons for conferring the power on tho Presi dent, the particular one quoted might not have required his exclusive possession ot it: but hit, exclusive possession of it in cases of treason is v. hat the whole combined argument alms to justify. Immediately after the first sentence of the Times'1 quotation, Hamilton 6tates the objection (for which, and other mat ters it could not meet, tbe 1 lines substitutes convenient asterisks) he undertook to remove in the following language: "This" (.the par doning power in treason), "it has been urged, ought to have depended upon the assent of one or botn branches of the legislative body." This very exclusion of Consrress which the argument of Hamilton w directed to Justify, tne 1 ernes, by garbling its quotation, distorts his language into denving. Is this nonorable argumentation ? Hut we have even Ulirher authority than Hamilton, namely, tho debutes and vote in the reaerai convention. When tbe clause relating to pardons was under consideration. Mr. Ran dolph, ot Virginia, moved to amend by except- mK -cases or treason." Alter a debate in which several 01 tne most eminent members nartici- pateu, tne amendment was lost, only two States (Virginia and Georgia) voting in its favor. A lew extractB (as well as the vote) will show with what resoluteness of determination the framera of the Constitution shut out Cougress frjni the prerogative ol pardon: ijouverneur Morns "had rather there should be no pardon for treason, than let the power devolve on tbe Legislature. Mr. Wilson (praised by Washington as one of tne soundest ana ablest members oi tne body, nod afterwards appointed by bim as one of the Cbiet Justices of the Supreme Court) said. Pardon is necessary for cases of treason. and is best placed in the hands ol the Execu tive." Rufus King "thoucht it would be inconsistent with theconstitu tioual separation of tbe execu tive and legislative powers to let the prerogative De exercised Dy tne latter. A legislative body is utterly unfit for tbe purpose. They are eov- erned too much by the passions of the moment. in taussncnusetis one asseniDiy would have hung alt tbe insurgents in that State; the next was equally disposed to pardon them all." it was on such considerations aa these that the framers of the Constitution decided to exclude Congress from all participation in the pardoning and amnesty power. Whether their easoninz was sound or unbound, it equally attests their intention. Whether Congress was totally excluded for good reasons or for bud lentous is nothing to the purpose; it suffices that, in point ot lact, they were meant to be and are totally excluded. "The Chicago Tribune" vs. "The New York Tribune" Journalistic Kilkenny Cats Mr. Greeley for Senator. From the Clw ago Tribune, The term of the Hon. Ira Harris, United States Senator from Now 1 ork, expires on the 4th of March next. The duty of choosing Ms successor devolves on the Legislature of that State, at its session this winter. Among the aspirants for this office are Judge Harris, Gov ernor Fecton, Hen. Roscoo Conkling. George William Curtis, and Horace Greeley. Thouuh Mr. Greeley has seldom refrained from meddling with the domestic affairs of Re publicans in other estates, to tneir detriment and his own, we would not undertake to advise our political friends of New York upon a matter peculiarly tholr own, did not the general inte rests of the party demand of us a tew plain words. The Republican party does not exist and have power in the State of New York alone; indeed, it is one of the regrets of the times that it requires the most extraordinary efforts to retain tbe ascendancy of the party In that Stat by a majority equal to that given in a single Congressional district in the Northwest. Re publicans all ever the country have, therefore, a deep interest in an election which may have serious and unlortunate con equences to the party generally. Horace Greeley has not now, and never has been, a man who ought to be trusted with an official position requiring practical wisdom, ordinary statesmanship, or firm consistent action. For twenty-live years he has been a Marplot in council, an unreliable commander in action, a misanthrope in victory, and a riotous dlsorganlzer in defeat. He has alwaya been fanatical in his demands for the extremest measures, and when the party has reached the eve of k triumph, invariably thrusts himself for ward as a negotiator of terms of surrender to the enemy. His course during the war was but a repetition of hia course in politios. In 18U1 he 1 Mas an open defender of secession; he changed to a vigorous champion of the war, l ' and thereafter was forever recklessly making proposals for peace, and as recklessly withdraw ing them, "making war in spite of Msrs, dad negotiating in spite of Minerva." From the day ot his Inauguration to Ibo day , of his death. Mr, IJnooln was not moreannovcrl, embarrassed, and thwarted in his administra tion by the intensett Copperheads than ho was by "'Horace Greeley and bis faction.". In fixt, Mr. Lincoln was clectod against the w'shos and In spite of the opposition of Greeley. The latter by some means got a proxy in the Chicago Con vention, and in that body illustrated that want of Practical sense which has marked his entire life, 'or twenty years he had been an uncompro mising advocate for a square tight with the pro slavery parly, and when tbat kind ot fight was forced upon tbe Republicans in 1860, be was here in Chicago, voting not tor Lincoln, nor tor Chase, but lor old Edward Bites, of Missouri, one of the fossils oi the slave party. Ho was theu the associate and the colaborer ot that other equally impracticable and unreliable squad the Bialr family. Let the country look back upon the fate which would have beiallen it had tho Chicago Conven tion lollowed Greeley's advice and placed in power old Bates, flanked by the Blairs; and yet that was the fate which Greeley demanded at Chicago, and because the Convention repudiated hisfollv, belabored for five years to vindicate it by necking in an underhand way to make Lin coln's administration a lailurc. The N agara Palls peace negotiation was bad enough in itselt; but it was not so bad as Greeley's subse Qiieut editorial denouncing President Lincoln's letter "To whom it may concern," aud stating that it could only have been the composition of an ass, whereas it was tne editorial wnicn naa the better right to claim such authorship. This, remcmDer, was in the midst ot a Presidential campalpn, and it was no pleasant thing for Re publican voters to read that their nominee was an ass. With loud professions of humility, Mr. Gree ley's amoitton is undying. It never sleeps; it 11 the all-moving, inspiring force ot his personal and political conduct. His famous letter dis solving tbe partnership of Seward. Weed & Greeley disclosed the fact that he had been a persistent omce-secKer lor twenty years, ano tbat his grievance was that his associates had eiven office to every person but him. This ambi tion in Mr. Greek' v is by no means dishonorable to him: but taken iu connection with h:s eternal parade ol humility, it creates in thoinindnof plain men tne unpleasant tnougnt mat personal sell-seeking rules nis conduct as a journalist, and goveriiS bis treatment ot public measures. Tbe State ol Illinois lcr thirty years had been in the hands aud under the control of the Democratic party, which was as essentially pro-slavery as tbat which ruled Virginia. This party had been for a longtime under the lead ot Douglas. In 1858 Douglas quarrelled with Buchanan, and the opportunity was orfered to electa Republican. Wben the Republicans ot Illinois nominated Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Greeley cast his influence for Douglas, who was making his tight on tbe platform ot the DreS Scott deci sion. And Mr. Greeley never torgave Mr. Lin coln for the wrong which he (Greeley 1 did to him (Lincoln) at that time. During the lust session ol Congress Mr. Greeley's vacillation kept the Republicans ol New York in a constant shiver. During ihe entire silting of tbe Recon struction Committee be bad not a courageous word to say; and it was only after tbey had made their report, and committed themselves to a position, that he attempted to po.nt out their duty, and then it was in a different road irom that w hich thev had travelled. otbing was so much needed at that time as a masculine newspaper in New York city. Instead of this tbe New York 'lrihune, under Mr. Gree ley's guidance, was industriously co operating with the limts to extinguish the Republican party in that State. When Raymond went en tirely over to the Coppcrjohnson party, and Lis subscribers began to leave him and go to tbe 'lrilmne us the next best thing, Mr. Greeley caught some sparks or electricity from tbe people, and labored assiduously to repair the mischief. That the puttv, under such leadership. was not totally routed m the 31 ate, is a matter of surprise to themselves; and tbe movement to elect Greeley to the Senate, so lar as it has any popular support, proceeds from sheer gratitude that ne did no worse. Bennett supports Greeley en the "You tickle me ana i'ii ucKie you priucipie." ureeiey was proioundly impressed with the fitness of Ben nett's appointment as Minister to France some time since, and it is quite natural that Bennett should now be in favor of Greeley's election as Senator. Greeloy and Bennett, each in his peculiar way, opposed Hoffman iu tbe recent election for Governor, and Hoffman received 48,000 majority on Manhattan Islaud, where their respective journals have their principal circulation. Hoffman's majority was not given solely in the wards which embrace the Five Points and Corlear's Hook, wbere no news papers are taken, but in the Ninth and Fifteenth Wards, which have heretofore been Republican. What with tbe temperance issue, and the gene ral uncertainty and weakness of the New York Jriovne during the year preceding the election and its lrequent coalitions with one or tbe other factious of the Copperhead party in local elections, une itcpuniicans were not only routed in every ward, but they were practically extinguished as a political entity in the city of jew 1 org. The country at this time wants no innlred harlequins in the national councils. Still less does it want men with statesmanship so micro scopic mac tncy can see nothing in public bust ness but tbe mileage and per diem of tbeir fel low-membeis. If Mr. Greeley is not satisfied with his position as a journalist a position which ought to be equal, iu point of inilueuce, power, and dignity, to that ot six average Sena torsand if the Republicans oftNew York want to do something lor him, let them make him State Prison Inspector, or even Governor any thing that will not make the party outside of tho State responsible for his follies. SPECIAL NOTICES. tjST' ROLPn LEE HAS ADMIN IS irsj TElirD MTKOU8 OXIDE or LAUGHING U AS to thousands, with periect success for Dental, urtilcal, and JUeUloal purposes and tor amusement Only Hit; cents per tooth lor extracting; no chains tor extruding vt lien artificial teeih are oidored. Ollico, No 2.'6 WLbt' WAislllNUToM SOUAI1K, below Locust street. heventh street cars pass the door. Don't be foolish enoufih to go elsewhere and pay $2 and $3 lor sas. S. U. I ituntinue to give Instructions to tbe dental proles sin. 10 U rmwUm gggjf- GREAT A T TRACTION. WILL OPEN AOVEMBEB 18, AT TUB iiEW Lllii-HlV HALL, LOMBAKO rttreet above Serentb, the OKEAT UNION F A IK, for tbe Ueuefit or tbe PUnUCATIOK DKFAKIMKNT Of TUB A. M. E. . CHUKt H, wbere Useful and Fancj Artlolesof a very large va riety will be oliereo tor sale. Among the attractions will be three RUver Caps, to be sivento the three persons who shall present tha largest amount 01 cash tor tbe above object. And a splendid Miver-mounted Bat and Gilt Ball to be awaiaed to the t lub receiving tbetlarget number of votes. And one of 'Ray's Patent Library BevUter," to be awarded to the Sabbath bchool receiving tbe largest number of votes. 11 if lit CORN EXCHANGE NATIONAL BANK. Philadelphia. Oniihortn ihah The Vlce-Prealdent of the Hunk. AIuhihW IVhil nan. lea., having In tay last, in view ot a prolonged absence In Europe rescued his poelUon. the Board of Directors to day elected J. W. Torre. Ksq., Vice-President, and 11. P. Bchetky, Q. Caal.ier. 10 17 A I. EX AN DEB O. CATTELL. President JTJS- BATCHELOR'S HAIR DYE TUE BEST IN TUE WOULD. Harmless, reliable, Instantaneous, 'ihe only perteot dye. ho disappointment, no rulloulons tints, but true to nature, black or brown. iEMJlJ 16 BlQfcfcD WILLIAM A. BATCHELOB. ALSO Hopenerating Extract 01 Mlllefleureiwtores.preserrea and beautifies the balr. prevents baldness, hold Drupsuiis. Jr'aoton 0. 81 BABCLAY Ufa. " 1ST JUST PUBLISHED Br the Physicians ot tbe tr.n wjvjk uvDttvw, I ... I ... I. t. .. 1 1 l..n a, ...!. t OVU LEOTUBf entitled- vm. OHOPHt or ifAHniAQK, Tobeha.lhJe.lor stamps br aotbewlnK Seers-ts- y $fc ew 1 ork U tueunur A j&ftftr AXi Kw York, SPECIAL NOTICES rCCtf Ot'KlOK OF THK- DKLAWARN l3 MDlUAt H4FFTY IH-tlBANCB COMPAMT. . 1M( OKPOBATKU im ' i ' 1'bii,iki i iu Koranr II. ln. The tollowlrtff ftlK'lnci.l ol lin tnajiiotlhtl l)om- pany Is published in co.ilormltj i'ti s provlsioa rt its l.arter t rifinitim received from K ovemher 1 , IS, to octohorsi, im! On Marine and Inltnd risks S601 T7t 64 On l ire nats nt ii ... . v aiM ww I'remlams on Follcles not marked off ho- ycuiiier 1, IttoO ,. 71 Mt'W l.l.t.IMM Premiums msrketl off as earned November 1, 1MV. to Octoler 81, IWib: On arlne and Inland risks. avw.lM T On Fire rhiks iza.wi u 581,111 -M T.7Hta, 77,SW 11 Intermt daring the same period sal - vaves.cte Lom, expenses, to.. during the year as P1IOYO I Marine and Inland Navigation lows tfMltS'Ot Fire loenes W.tvflnl Hetutn nieniluuia 49 51911 Be innurancea M bit '81 AUfncy chaises, advertwlng, printing etc 33.11T-MI ' 1 ates-tjnlied Mates taa on pre miums nollcr ataiuDg. etc 10 rvilriS Kxpeuxes 14470-1 ' - fB,ii'ia ,l?lC6-t : This Is exclusive of the amount reserved lor taxes oa dividend and protl's. ASSETS OK THE COVPANT November 1, mil United states t'ire Per Cent. Loan. 1H.1 tlOOOQO 114.0l04) lMADOtt 2U.5M 0 mm m JI.70TH 44,62m M.7&3 0 20,509 W U'iW-Ov 20,7!H) U.OOt'O 8.049-tO 15.00 W 8.181. LOW xt.OOOM 195,900-M 120,00 200,000 1 125,000 84,000 41.000 00,000 20,001 25 000 23,000 30,000 7,000 19.000 United Mates Six l er Cent. ' Losn. 1HH1 Untied States 1 3-10 Per Cent. Loan, J reasiirj Motes City 01 Philadelphia blx Per l ent, Loan 1 exempts) state 01 Pennsylvania pLx Per t vnt. Loan btateot fciiu.yivania five Per Cent. Loan etate of ew Jeieey blx Per Cent Loan PennwyiTana Railroad first Aiortuaue six Pert ent Bonds PennsvivMnla Bailroad Second Mortgaiie Mx Per Cent Bonds Western Pennsylvania Railroad Mx Per Cent Bonds 1 t'ennsyl- vnnia Rat. road guarantee).... Btafe 01 lenn'ssee Five Per 1 em. I oaiL Slate of 1 enuessee Mx 1'cr Cent. Loan SlOhhures Stock Uermaiitotvn li an i ompany. prmuip it and Interest guaranteed anteea uy the 111 01 1 niiaiieipnia 7,150 14J bares Btocl Pennsylvania hailroad Company 8.0CO 100 Shares Stock North Pennsyl vania Raliroad C ompany 20.000 80 Sbaica Htock Phi ade pli'aand Southern Mall Meamsuip 1 ompany 11)5.900 Loans 011 Bonds and mortgage, first Uens on City propert) .... 1,045,080 Par. Cost, 81 030,882 05 Mtu VaLai,t1 J7 Real Fstate , 36.WI V Bil s Receivable for Insurances made 21T.637U Balances due at Agencies Pre miums on Msrlne Policies Accrued Interest and other di bu due tbe Company 34,923 91 Scrip and tock ot sundry Insu rance and other Companies, M 73-09. Estimated value.... 2,trj0'4 Canbin Bank 841.102 26 Cash In Drawer 447 34 41,S4!)M 81 407,321 This being a new enterprise, the par is assumed aa the market value. PnrLADKLPniA.. November 14 1888. The Board of Directors have 'his day declared CAbll DIVIDEND of EIOUT PER CIS NT on tbe . A I" 1TA L hTotK. and SIX PER CKS 1'. Interest oa the fcCRlP ot the Company, payable on and alter the lt December proximo, tree of .Nation, and Stato Taxes. 'l hey have also declared a SCRIP DIVIDEND ol TWxNTY PEa CENT, on the KAUN ED PKMUM.t tor the year ending Ociobor 81. 1H68 certificate or li'ch wUi be issued to the parties entitled to the same, on and aiter the 1st December pioxuuo, tree ot National and Htte 1 axes. J bey have ordered, also, that the SCRIP CERTIBT. CAT. 8 OtfcpHOFliH of the Company, for the yeai lmi. be redeemed in CASH, at tbe office of tbe don pany, on and alter 1st December proximo, all Inteiest thereon to cease on 1 bat day. No certificate of protlia Isxued under ttfi By Act of Incorporation, "no cur titles to shall lsnue unless claimed within two years after tbe declaration ot tbe dividend when 01 It Is evidence." DDtEOTOBS. Hamutl E. Stokes, Thomas C. Hand, Joliu C. Davla, lamund A.Houder, Theophllus Pauldiug, John It. Penrose, Jaujts 7 raquatr, Henry O. Dailttt, Jr., James C. Hand, W '1,11am C. Ludwlg, Joseph H. Seal, George O. Lerper, Hugh Craig, John D. lav lor. n huj oioan, William t) Hon ton, Edward Darlington, b. Jones Brooke, Edward Latourcade, Jacob P. Jones James B Me ar land. Joshua P. Eyre, tipencerMolivalne. JohnB. Sample, Pittsburg, v. B. Better. D. T. Mo gun. C. I1ANI. Prea'dent. TI10MA8 DAVIS, Vice President Henht Ltlbubn, Secietary. Jiitla C! 11 16 12trp jgT T 0 ARCHITECT 8. PLANS AND SPECIFICATIONS FOR NEWBUILD INGrORTHtS WAR DEPARTMENT AT WAHll- Arobitcct's are invited to prepa-e plans and specifica tions and estin a'os of oost 101 new fire proof buildings lor t lie War Department, on tbe site now oooupiedby the War Department and adjacent vacant ground, lit Wa hlngton. D. c. I be hulidinvs required should have a superficial area as large as the site selected will admit of. Photo graphs of site, and all other information relating to the subject, win be lurnlshed to Architects desiring to 00m- ?ete tor the work, upon application, personally or by lit er, to 1 lie undersigned A premium of swo for tbe first, of $2000 for the second, sud ot $1000 lor the third moat acceptable plans and specifications received, will be awarded, upon the appiovnl ot tbe Don. secretary of War, by the Board 01 ottlcor charged with 'be duty of select ing a site and preparing plans and specifications for tbe buildings of tbe War Dcpaitmeut under act ot Congress approved July 28 UMM '1 he plain anu specifications must be sent to the oflice ot Brevet l.leuteni.nt t olonel T. J. Tieadwell. Recorder 01 the Boi.rd Ordnance Office, Winder's Building, Waahlngtoo, D. C, on or belore the 1st day ot February, 1W7. 'J he Board will reserve the right to reject an or all plans submitted, should none be deemed suitable tor the purpose, as well as to retain any or all 01 such plans. By ordor of tbe Board, II 20 1m T t. TREADWELL. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel. V. B. A., Recorder. prv5f- OFFICE OF THE LEHIGH COAL w AND NAVIGATION COMPANY. Philadelphia. August 29, 18fl6. The Stockholders of this Company are hereby noUfled that tue Board 01 Slanavers have determined toailow to all persons who shall appear as Stockhoidurs on tka Books 01 the Compaay on the 8th ot September next, alter tho closing 01 transient, at 3 P. M. of tha. day tha privilege of subscribing lor new s ock at par, to tbe extent 01 one share of new stock lor every five shares then standing in tbeir names Each shareholder entitled to a iraotloval part oi a share shall have the privilege of subscribing lor a lull share. 'ihe subscription books will open on MONDAY, Sep tember 10, aud olose ou SATURDAY, December 1, lm at 8 P. JU. Pat ment will be considered due Jnne 1, 1R67, but an inbttluieiit ot 2U per ct ut , or tn dollars per share, must be paid at 'be time 01 subscribing. 1 be balance may ba paid irom time to time, at the option ot the subscribers, buore tbe lat ot November. 1H67. On ail payineuts. Including the aforesaid Instalment, made betore the 1st 0 f June, lbt7, discount will be allowed at tne rate ot 8 fer cent, per annum, ano on ail payments mads between B at date and the 1st ot November, 1067, interest will b charged at the same rate. Allatock not paid up In full by the 1st ot November, 1867. will be lorieited to tbe ass ot tbe Company. Cer tificates tor the new stock will not be issued until site r June 1 18bT. and add stock, 11 paid up In lull, wi.l be eu tlt.ed to tne November divdeno of!w7, but to no earlier dividend. BOLOAION bilEPlI Kill), 8 80 Treasurer fTS?? OFFICE OF TnE LEHIGH COAL w5 AND NAVIGATION C JMPANV. Philadelphia, November 15 1886. Tbe Stockholders of ibis Company, wnose names ap peared as such on their books on the 8th day 01 Sep tember J ant. at ( P.M., are hereby notified tbat the privilege to subscribe to new stock at par. on tne torms 01 the circular ot August VI latitt, will exMre on the 1st day 01 December next, at 3 P. M II 15U21 SOLOMON SHF.PBERD. Treasurer. NEW LONDON COMPANY. COPPER MINING A Special Meeting of Stockholders .will be held on WOljDAV. December at tbe office or the company. No. 129 8 FhONT Street, at 4 P. M."and all piruia interetd are requested to be present, as there Is busi ness pt the most urgent nature to trans as t. ll'!0 12 Mx ON t'oaiv, Secretary. rT- PENNSYLVANIA R A I L RO A D00M Fan ytreawurer'S department; . Pn"-A"LrniA, November 1, Utf-' NOTICE TO STOCKHOLDERS. ' i The Board ol Directors have this day declared semi annual dividend ol FOUR PER CENT. 00 the Capital Stock of the l ompany, olear of National and tiiala tsxee. payable on and slier November 90. 181. Blank l'oweis of Attorney lor 00 1 lee lilt dividends can he had at the office 01 Uie Company, No. JH8 to. THIRD Street. Ill Hot 1 , THOMAS T. FIRTH, Treasurer.