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The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, February 20, 1867, FOURTH EDITION, Image 2

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COMhucd vi!RT pay ob evknihg tklrokaph.
Southern Fooli.
from the Tribune.
YV nrcsuiiie the South hat no
larger jro-
portion of donkeys than otlier sections; bill
fliey seem to bo endowed with a dccidcdl)
louder bray.' And it is a general misfortune
that this bray is echoed and re-echoed all over
the country.
Some two week ago, a number of onr mot
respectable citizens generally, wo lxdieve,
nuchas are deemed "conservatives," but in
the avorage little addicted to politics called a
public meeting to consider and act on the sub
ject of Southern distress. (We believe the
movement was prompted, if not originated, by
certain of our city's noblest women, who could
not imagine that there was aught political or
partisan in an effort to feed the famishing.)
This meeting Henry Ward Beecherand Horace
Greeley were invited to address, and did so.
Thereupon, absurd paragraphs appeared in
certain Southern journals, inveighing against
the presumption or bad taste of the above
named in getting up meetings to relieve South
ern distress which they nevor thought of
doing. They simply obeyed a call whioh no
iivili.ed human being could have decently
declined. Either of them may have spoken
well or ill, and be liable to criticism or rebuke
accordingly: but their speaking at all ia
wholly tlie affair of others.
Mr. George I'eabody recently saw fit to make
a large gift in aid of education at the South;
' placing the money in trust with certain emi
nent and estimable citizens, North and South.
His was a noble act one of many tliat have
Berved to make every American proud to own
him as a fellow-countryman. We are sure that
seven eighths of the Southern people honor
and bless him therefor. Hut these are silently
grateful; while the few malignant donkeys lift
np their heels against him after the fashion of
their kind, accompanied by brayings which
disgust but, unhappily, do not deafen. It
seems that a majority of the trusteos desig
nated by Mr. Pealiody live north of the Poto
mac whereat the donkeys vociferate as though
Rotort C. Winthrop, George Uiggs, etc., were
hair-brained "fanatics," intent on subverting
"Southern institutions."
Of course there is no answering such don
keyisms, unless with a cudgel. And so of the
simulated fear that "niggers" will absorb the
lion's share of the great banker's bounty.
Mr. Peabody was never a politician probably
never voted and is the furthest possible
from boing any sort of a radical. He coxild
not, of course, stipulate that the most igno
rant and least favored moiety of the Southern
youth should receive no benefit from his
munificent gift; but if the blacks shall ever
get a dime out of each dollar of it, they will
be decidedly lucky.
There is a bitter, venemous, hateful clique
at the South, who clutch at every opportunity
to parade their chagrin anil -wrathful grief in
view of the downfall of the Rebellion. - Thi
clique makes noise out of all proportion to its
numbers and real importance. Let a wise
and firm policy prevail at Washington, and
it will speedily sink into its proper insig
nificance. Southern Reconstruction and Restora
tion A. Decisive Settlement.
From the Heraia.
"Land hoi" waking up from an ugly
dream, "land ho !" shouts Greeley. "A gleam
of daylight 1" in a feeble voice responds Ray
mond, over the new Senate bill for the recon
struction and restoration of the Rebel States;
and when such doubting Thomases are satis
fied, we must be near the island of San Salva
dor. In truth, this Senate bill gives us a sim
ple, complete, comprehensive, and decisive
settlement of this whole Southern difficulty,
Starting with the collapse of Jeff. Davis at Ap
pomattox Court House, and covering the
wholo ground to the readmission of the re
generated Rebel States into full communion
in Congress.
In the first place, all the Southern legislative
experiments of President Johnson, from the
beginning, are swept aside, experiments which,
as experience has proved, have been the only
obstructions in the way. In the next place
Congress; assuming its full authority, pro
poses the temporary re-establishment of mar
tial law over the ten outside Rebel States, thus
placing them back at the point of the Presi
dent's unauthorized departure. Next, on a
basis of universal male suffrage, "excepting
such persons, guilty of reliellion or other
crimes, as may be disfranchised," the bill pro
vides for the reorganization of said States; and
next, on the basis of the great Constitutional
amendment, when it shall have leen pro
claimed part of the supreme law of the land,
these States are to 1m restored to Congress.
"Death and destruction," cry the intractable
Copperheads; life andsalvatioii to the South, say
we, are embodied in the measure. "Negro domi
nation," exclaims Senator Saulsbury. But
why should he Ite alarmed, when, by his own
testimony, "the negro never lias lieen the
superior of the white man, and God Almighty
and the valor of our race will prevent him
(the Lord be prais.nl) from ever becoming his
superior." "You propose to organize hell in
the State of Louisiana," says Mr. Doolittle
but, Mr. Doolittle, this bill proposes to do
much the other way. "This is war," he again
exclaims ; but, Mr. Doolittle, you are again
mistaken ; for it is peace.
Remembering that Southern slavery and all
its political safeguards (a mighty mass of
broken rubbish) have been consumed in the
fires of war, the bill takes the Southern blacks
out of the field of Northern politics and places
them under the care and control ot the south
em whites. It ends the negro agitation in
bringing the negro to the political status
which he must ultimately Is granted; and in
harmonizing the interests of both races south,
it wm bring them into a happy accord. Utiier-
jvise, in the effort to rebuild upon the laws
Ana prejudices or slavery, ot caste and color,
the tWP races, though relieved of slavery, must
drift to tie woody scenes of St. Domingo from
the same incitements of political inequality,
If the Southern dominant white race, there
fore, will only recognize their present situa
tion and act upon these ideas with a will, they
may, under tins ultimatum ot Congress, still
be restored in season to wield the Southern
balance of power, with the aid of their blacks,
In tW approaching Presidential election. The
i,nii fi will rest with tnem to come in or
.tin outside till they have learned their
The alternative presented to Mr. Johnson is
equally clear. Ho niust cut loose from thti
malign influences that have 1ml him adray, or
walk the plank. His Mephistophelen has Iwwm
Mr. Peward, who, with his "good man Fri
day," Thurlow Weed, has lcen working his
wires mainly to control the New York Custom
House.and the other Federal sjoils and plunder
here, without much concern for Mr. Johnson.
When Mr. Seward, on that deplorable Chicago
Siilgrimnge, proclaimed his adhesion to Mr.
ohnson, as President or King, a sharp eye
would have seen the danger of such blarney
and turned the unscrupulous sycophant adrift.
Hut Mr. Johnson may still repair all Ids
damages in yielding gracefully to Congress. A
veto of this bill, or anything like bad faith in
executing it, when it shall have been pro
claimed a law, will bring hiin beforo the Senate
as a high court of impeachment, where, for
certain "high crimes and misdemeanors," ho
will be tried, convicted, condemned, and re
moved, and Chief Justice Chase, as presiding
judge, will pronounce his sentence.
The case, with the South and with Mr. John
son, is foreclosed and admits of no further ap
peal. His appeal to the people last fall,
though he would not believe their verdict, has
settled the question. Ho ought then to have
acted upon the tailor's sound maxim that "a
stitch in time saves nine." Hut still he may
save himself and his administration in doing
the work cut out by Congress. The Southern
State rights coat of Calhoun is too high in the
waist and too short in the tail for the present
fashions, and to be "sound on the goose" it is
no longer the style to "damn a nigger, any
how." This fact is beginning to be under
stood by the Northern Democracy. They are
almost ready to admit that negro suffrage will
not destroy "the Constitution of our fathers."
We must say, however, that upon this bill of
Congress the Democrats of both Houses have
adhered to the folly of the old woman who
persisted in sweeping the sea tide out of her
door till drowned in her cabin. But with all
their follies and obstinate blundering since
Beauregard's initial bombardment of Fort
Sumter, the Democratic party, like Mr. John
son, may still recover a solid position in a new
departure. Recognizing the settlement of the
Southern problem, they have only to fall in
with the prevailing public opinion upon the
bank question, the tax question, or the money
question in all phases, in order to rally the
masses of the people around them, North and
South, whites and blacks. With tho settle
ment of the Southern question and tho negro
question, the money question will rule the day,
and upon this great question, as it stands, the
party in jwwer is the party of the moneyed
aristocracy arrayed against the great body of
the people. Here, then, leaving Southern re
construction to " manifest destiny" here,
upon this money question, is the proper field
for the restoration of the Democratic party.
After a sixty years' contest the negro has fairly
beaten them on every point; but, in " dropping
the nigger," and in reviving Old Hickory's
fight upon the money question, they may rise
again into power.
The Emperor Napoleon and the Empire.
From the World.
The tone of tho Emperor Napoleon's speech
to the Corps Legislatif, of which the Atlantic
cable on Monday gave lis a general summary,
forcibly brings before the mind the most inte
resting question both for France and for tho
world at large which remains to be answered
with regard to the Napoleonic Empire. That
question concerns the probable stability of the
imperial throne upon the death of its present
Heretofore Napoleon III, in his publio ad
dresses and letters, has spoken not only as
one having authority, but as one whose autho
rity was alike indispatable and unshakable.
Both in the manner of his advent to power
and in tho extraordinary results of material
greatness and f prosperity "which have been
secured to France by his administration of her
resources, there has been much, it must be
admitted, to explain, if not to justify, tho
almost Messianic light in which the third
Napoleon has seemed habitually to look upon
himself and the system he has been founding.
It is excusable perhaps in the exiles of Cay
enne or of Claremont, in the Republicans who
have been kept by the empire at hard
labor under the tropics, or in the princes
whom the empire has excluded from the Tuil
eries, that the should persist in tracing
all the marvellous history of the last fifteen
years back to a single bloody day of Deceml)er
on tho Paris Boulevards. But foreign observ
ers, be their political preferences what they
may, cannot be expected to accept so crude
and superficial an explanation of a system of
phenomena so vast and so imposing. No im
partial student of French affairs, we presume,
now doubts that the overthrow of tho French
Assembly in 1851, although it was directly
effected by the military power in the hands of
the Executive, was substantially ratified by the
masses of the French people. It would argue,
indeed, but poorly, either for the intelligence
of France or for tho fitness of Frenchmen to
govern themselves, could it le proved that
they considered the hot-headed, impracticable,
and despotic hvdra which, under divers
forms, called itself an "Assembly" from 1843
to lc-51, to be either a liberal or a practicable
Government. Whatever else may be said of
the change from tho system of 1848 to the sys
tem of lh;2, it cannot truly be alleged that it
was lor r ranee a decline troin a greater to a
less degree of constitutional liberty. And the
strength which Louis Napoleon gradually ac
quired alter tho events of December, 18U1, first
as Prince President and then as Emperor, must
really 1)0 credited, we believe, not only to tho
restoration of order and the consequent pro
gress of trade and industry under the new
monarchy, but also to the serious and predomi
nant impression of the ma jority of intelligent
Frenchmen that there would be more of liberty
as well as of prosperity to bo lost than to bo
gained by upsetting him.
During a reign now of nearly fifteen years,
a reign longer than that of his immortal
uncle, and but a little less long than that of
Louis Philippe, NajMileon 111 had gradually
contrived to create a personal prestige of suc
cess for himself as an individual ruler which
had come to be a most potent auxiliary in for
tifying this impression; an auxiliary so potent,
indeed, that there has seemed to be very
great danger lest it should supplant what it
supported, and eventually reconcile Franca to
a direct personal despotism. 'Were this .dan
ger to U) realized, it would not be dliticult to
forecast tho future of the Napoleonic dynasty.
A reign of unchecked and unvaried successes,
resulting from and credited to the personal
skill and genius of the Emperor, would proba
bly be the very worst legacy which could bo
bequeathed to the Emperor's son and succes-
i0r'i i 81 a tase n nation would prove
Itself the most merciless of ,.i-iti.... ami the
glory of the father would nrettv surely be
made to be the cross of the son.
But the successful career of the third Napo
leon has run of late into a passage of shoals
and eddies. The consolidation first Of Italy,
and then of Germany, and the failure of
France to effect the establishment of an orderly
Government in Mexico, are all of them looked
uiKn by a majority of the influential classes in
France as positive proofs that the Emperor is
fallible, and that the destiny of France cannot
safely be reposed in his unassisted hands. So
far as we can judge from the synopsis which
alone we yet have of the imperial speech of
Friday last, Napoleon III has had the courage
and good sense to accept tho impression thus
made upon Fi ance, and to make it the occasion
for throwing the imperial system more widely
open to the judgment and tho action of publio
He recapitulates the main results of his
policy during the past year, slates both what
has actually been accomplished and what has
failed to be accomplished, and invites France
herself to lay hold upon the problems before
her, and to co-operate with the Executive in
solving or in preparing to solve them. The
importance of the "concessions" which Napo
leon has just made in this direction can only
be fully appreciated when we consider their
probable bearing upon the condition of things
in Fiance were the Emperor himself to pass
away from the scene to-morrow. France in
that event would find herself face to face with
a gigantic and growing power leyond tho
Rhine a power which already threatens her
preponderance in Europe, and which, in the
event of new intestine and revolutionary
troubles in France, would almost certainly
overthrow that preponderance finally and for
ever. The consolidation of Italy and of Germany
has completely changed all the relations be
tween the internal condition and the external
influence of France, and this in such a way
that nothing but tho absolute neoessity of
working out a government, at once expressive
of the nation's will and equal to wield the
nation's strength, is at all likely hereafter to
drive France into a violent revolution. The
passage-ways into power which Napoleon, by
confessing his own mistakes, and by inviting
co-operation, has now opened for the political
intelligence of France, will lie found, we sus
pect, when the appointed time shall come, to
have obviated any such absolute and perilous
Dangerous rivals tho Napoleonic dynasty
has never had in the traditions or tho affections
of France. The Legitimist party has no strength
save such as it might derive from the Church,
if it were strong enough in itself to make it
worth tho Church's while to seek a real alli
ance with it. The House of Orleans left an
ill-name on the scaffold of Philippe Egalite,
and the bourgeois king, Louis Philippe, did not
greatly benefit his father's inheritance. His
grandson, the Count of Paris, is a stranger to
France; and though Frenchmen might, and
probably would, turn to that young prince in
the emergency of an actual revolution, it is
grossly unlikely that anv actual revolution
will ever be attempted in his behalf. Tho
memory of tho republic is hardly less odious
in Franco than that of the Bourbons; and the
only leading man now on the stage who would
be at all likely, on the demise of tho Emperor,
to attempt a republican revolution, the Princo
Napoleon, has an evil repute both from his
reported caution on the battle-field, and from
his well-known recklessness in private and in
political life.
With all these negative advantages already
assured to his successor, the Emperor Napo
leon has gradually combined, first, such an
external concentration of national problems as
must needs make both French statesmen and
tho French people wary of unnecessary
changes, and, now, such a preliminary expan
sion of tho gateways of power as promises to
obviate hereafter any necessity for sudden and
destructive pressure upon the portals. It
cannot bo denied, we think, by any one who,
from the Emperor's present standpoint, looks
back upon his fifteen years of dominion and
forward into the uncertain future, that he
lias thus steadily increased rather than
diminished the chances in favor of a quiet
transmission of his sceptre to tho youthful
prince upon whom his policy has for some
years past more and more visibly centred.
Politics and Business.
From the Times.
The opponents of tho reconstruction mea
sures of Congress are positive in their pro
phecies of business disaster as a result of the
position to which the South is reduced. The
St. Louis Republican, one of the most trust
worthy of tho class, expresses itself upon the
subject thus:
"Let all who are forecasting the chances for
business In 1807 take special account of trie
politicul elements which may a licet it. Never
was caution iu that direction more necessary
than now. The measures which are finding
luvor with Congress are the poliilcul ruin of the
.south, and they luvolie with It the commercial
ruin ol that section of the country. These
incisures will do more to send down a blight
tu tlie fields of the South in 1867 than did in
1SU) a disastrous season almost without a
parallel. There can be no prosperity at the
South under the withering touch of such legis
lation, if these measures pass even If the
menace of them Is not speedily withdrawn
let no man look to the South expecting to find
paying customers there. And if there is no
prosperity at the .South, will there be pros
perity at the North? What reflecting man does
not anticipate the answer to such a question?
"The political aepect warrants the expecta
tion that we shall have a year or more of com
mercial gloom, depression, and disaster. Pru
dent men will us all should take warning,
and be setting their houses In order. They are
now at the mercy of men who, in aiming at
the destruction of constitutional government
and republican Institutions would laugh at the
ruin ot the whole mercantile class as the merest
Vagal tile,"
The effect of the Republican's statement is
weakened by its closing remark, which reveals
more partisan feeling than harmonizes with a
cool business judgment.
It must be admitted, nevertheless, that the
general purport of the warning is justified by
probabilities. Whether the Sherman plan of
reconstruction becomes law or not, tho effect
of the recent action of the House will be ex
tremely prejudicial to Southern trade and
industry. We consider the Sherman plan
preferable to the rejection of all plans, and
infinitely preferable to tlie adoption of the
Military Government bill, with no provision
for reorganizing State Government. We
accept it because in existing circumstances the
choice of the country is confined to evils, and
Senator Mierman's measure appears to be the
least of the evils now before Conirress. Almost
f wy fww of reconstruction, provided it operate
u.my, wuiiiu be ueuer than the nid'.'liiiHe con
tinuance, of tho present condition of affairs.
Besides, the terms offered by the Senate bill
are neither cruel nor unjust. Unpalatable
they must be to the South; but they perpe
trate no flagrant wrong, and involve few of
the perils that would have attended Mr.
Stevens original scheme. Some time will
elapse, however, before reconstruction will be
consummated, and events render certain mar
tial Jaw m the interim. For a considerable
period, at least, military authority will be
supreme in the South.
Now, military authority is not favorable to
industry or enterprise, h may insure order,
and withal, perhaps, substantial justice. It
may be expected to" prevent tho outrages
which now occur, and to inspire confidence in
the minds of loyal citizens. Bo far it will do
good. But it will throw no clear light upon
the futuro-of the States. It will not reconcile
planters and merchants, who were dragged
into the Rebellion, to the prospect of negro
supremacy. It will afford them no guarantee
against disfranchisement and arbitrary penal
ties under the Constitution which delegates
elected by universal suffrage, black and white'.
are to frame; nor will it protect them from
possible contingencies of legislation pending
the completion of the reconstruction process. I
All these considerations are inimical to cotton
planting, sugar making; corn growing, and to
commerce generally. They will bo sources of
constant uneasiness, of. vague apprehensions,
and a want of trust in the immediate future
which must cripple every form of industry,
and paralvze trade as effectually, if not as sud
denly er violently, as ordinary panic.
Therefore, we consider caution pre-eminently
necessary in every branch of businoss, and
especially in branches which are in any man
ner dependent upon Southern crops or South
ern custom. In the end, we trust, all will bo
right. And having failed to obtain the parti
cular adjustment we have desired, we are
content to avail ourselves of Senator Sher
man's method, and to await patiently the ulti
mate result it is intended to accomplish. But
let no man le deceived, The road lsfore the
South is rough, and hard, and long; and
while its people are on the road there can bo
nothing liko steady, solid prosperity there or
anywhere in the country. Speculators may
try to force up prices on tho hypothesis that
trouble is over and the Union restored.
But no sensible importer, or manufacturer,
or merchant, or investor will permit himself to
1e cheated into neglect of the need for caution
that grows out of the yet unfinished work.
Focds may rush iato deep water, and the world
will not' miss them if they happen to bo
drowned. Prudent business men will prefer
to remain on dry, solid ground, and to regu
late their transactions with a distinct and con
tinual reference to the condition of the South
ern States. If manufacturers, their production
may be less; if merchants, their sales may be
smaller than would bo desirable in different
circumstances. They will have the satisfaction
of know ing, however, that their position is
comparatively safe, and that their course is
calculated to divest tho period of depression of
its most formidable dangers.
Barnum up for Congress In Connecticut.
From the Herald.
When the Democarts-of New York nominated
John Morrissey for Congress in this city it was
regarded as a very lold act, and it was gene
rally conceded that the party had exhibited a
greater amount of courage than the world had
given them credit for. Tho radicals of Bridge
port, Conn., have, however, far outrivallod
the New York Democracy in boldness and
hardihood by putting forward Barnum as their
Congressional candidate. Well, courage and
pluck are qualities that always excite a cer
tain amount of sympathy, and it was on this
account that we really felt disposed to favor
Morrissey, although it is unquestionably true
that he was of material assistance to us in in
suring Hoffmann's defeat.' As regards Bar
num, wo feel disposed to do as much for him
as we did for Morrissey. Ho will meet with a
very powerful opposition on account of his
antecedents and associations. He has a hard
contest before him, and will naturally enlist
the sympathies of those who are inclined to
help "the tinder dog in the tight.
Barnum has no doubt calculated upon the
support of the Herald when seeking the nomi
nation for Congress. Many years ago, when
one of our present well-known hotel-keepers
was exhibiting a fat ox in a corner of an open
lot in this city subsequently called Niblo's
Garden; Karnum set up a rival show in tho
opposite corner, with an old negro woman
named Joyce Heth, and astonished the publio
by announcing that she was the veritable nurse
of Georce Washington, aged ono hundred and
lift v vears. He paid a visit to the Herald
office, and, producing a pile of documents,
gravely offered to prove to our satisfaction that
the negress was really what be represented
her to be; but we shook our head, and told
him very plainly that our incredulity was not
to be overcome by any array of documentary
At this the showman was evidently non
plussed; but putting the lest face he could on
the matter, he changed his tactics and said,
"Well, my dear sir, the fact is this old negro
woman is all the capital I have in the world,
and will you not give a young fellow a chance
to make a start in life ?" Our reply was, "Oh,
if you put it on that ground, it is another
matter,-' and we gave him the chance he
The present position of Barnum as regards
his Congressional venture is precisely similar
to that which he occupied in his Joyce Heth
speculation. He wants a Start in political life
on much the same capital as he possessed
when he sought to make a start in active life.
He is just as complete a humbug in politics as
he was as a showman. In this respect, how
ever, he will le a fit and proper representative
lor Bridgeport, Connecticut. In fact, he will
appropriately represent the whole State of
Connecticut in Congress, and will be an equal
match for John Morrissey in any political
trickery that may lie going on at Washington.
Both will be fitting representatives of this
original and progressive age. They will be in
perfect harmony. Their politics will enable
them to pair off on occasions when they desire
to absent themselves- from the House, and
whenever the brandy-and-water is passed
around by some of the Congressional bar
keeper Barnum will take tlie water and
leave the liquor for Morrissey. By all means
let Barnum be elected. It will be the last and
biggest humbug of his life, and will appropri
ately crown tlie edifice of humbug which he
has been for so many years engaged in building-up.
'o , ,'fti Ai J
Pnld by all driu-eiMs at II per bottle.
No. tuKUtXlSUTbtreet. I'Uiiadeliihia, fa,
FEBRUARY 20, 1867.
S.E. Corner TENTH and CHE3NUT.
Great Reduction in Prices-
Watcha. and Jewelry Carefully Repaired.
rarticnlir attention paid tt manufactorlng ell articles
In our line.
Pavlnir tnpaged with KITCHEN Co., will be nmch
p!feo loaceliiihlendaaodcuatomeni. Slim
J02 Chentntit St.. PhM
Have on, band atargeand splendid assortment of
Particular attention Is requested to our large stock
or DIAMONDS, and tbe extremely low prices.
BRIDAL PRESKNT8 made ot Sterling and Stan
dard Silver. A large assortment to select from.
WATCHES repaired In the beet manner, and war
ranted. . 5 14p
Diamonds and all precious stones bought for cash.
Oilers an entirely new and most carefully selected
stock of
An examination will show my stock to be unsur
passed In quality and cheapness.
Funicular attention paid to repairing. 8 IJ
Gold and Silver-Hated Goods,
No. 704, AKOI1 Street,
Those In want of SILVER or SILVER-PLATED
WAKE will tind It much to their advantage to visit
our b'i'OKE helore muklns their purchases. Our Iouk
experience in the manufacture of the above kinds of
goods enables us to duly competition.
Wejceep no goods but those which are of the FIRST
CLAbrf, all our own make, and will be sold at reduced
prices. 6 'Ziij
No. ii a North SIXTH St., !
Invite attention to their CHOICESTOCK OF SOLID I
SII.VEK-WARE, miltuble
is m
ISO. 5QO ARCH Street,
Manufacturer and Dealer in
JOHN 33 It .EN N A N
30 No. 13 South EIGHTH St., Philadelphia.
No. 40 South THIRD Street
No! 1 SOVtin SIXTH Street..
Manufacturer of MILDEW-PROOF AWN
Stencil Cutting .-! Cnva Printing. 273tArp
LIMB 8. Anns, VheTu.X.r,
DelonnltJ. eto etc. J"? .nda
transient Irom lue 'gJP-f."!:
are the lightest, D.o,t eutl t ilta
able. perisi, and ars ,UJ5
7,t Watt . V2LFl:?Uo2.
lent and our nHnoinat'liron.. "u" "
lbS S Ala; M, IbWi W 1. 1 ftfAtL A CO..
tit. 6tt AKCH Street. nlld1,i?,5;
rampnietsrree. ,B1
mod mi ui ma I'uwu dm -
ltlttTT, a M tblrty practical ein v,f!!2
aareuire xnt wtiiut auiuoiuiODi ol bis r Tj ,7t
lent Graduating- t-ressuie Trass, and a varta. ' .
Oi tiers, bupporiora, Elastic Btockluvi.Htisuller Bra
Croti'bfs. Bin-jx usuries, ate. LaOW aaartiuvaU Cv
act 1.7 a Ls4r.
imroKTir.il or ladiks' drksh Ihu
CI.OAK lKIMlllNGg. Alo. en elegant etook ol
Imported Papn PeUerna for I.aclif' and Chlldrei'a
Itirna. Peiiman Irf and Clonk Making In ell IU
varieties. l.adlM fnmlablD their rl'h and coaUr
emtcrlala mar ralr on being artistically fitted, anl
llielr work tmiahtd In tbe mmt prompt and H
clent Dinnner, at tlie lowrat possible prices, at twenty
four hours' notice. Cutting end banting. Patterns la
ots. or bj tbe single tece, lr merchants end dree,
makers, now ready. 8W6os
Nos. 323 and 331 SOUTH Street.
Ilea handsome assortment of MILLISEItT.
Also, Bilk Vel rets. Crapes, Eibbon'.reaUiers, Flower
Frames, etc. Ladles who make their own Bonnets sop.
plied with the materials. 7 18k
(Late Fahy A Bro.),
No. 31 North THIRD Street.
City and country trade solicited. Satisfaction guar
antecd on all work. u "m
(Late of the Firm of FAI1Y A BRO.)
Glaring, Draining, Gliding elo.1
Depot Qua rtekm aster's Office.
Bai.timohk Ma., February 6, 1IW7. f
Will be sold at I'ublio Auction, In tlie city
of Haltlmore (at Government Btoroliousa. No.
120 S. EUTAw Htreet), on WEDNESDAY. 11
M., February 27. 1W.7, a lot of
roijRiHttng of
of Irregular pattern, and otherwise unstated for
Issue to troops.
l:y reason ef Its long retention la store, the
material ia in some instances more or leaa
Hale will take place In lots to suit puroliasen.
Terms Cash in Government funds, on day of
Three days allowed to remove purchase.
By order of the 0.uartennaHter-GeneraL
Captain and Assistant Quartermaster, U. S. A.,
Depot Quartermaster.
No. liS. CHARLES Street.
2 7 17t Auctioneers.
Depot Quartermaster's Office,
Baltimore. Md..
January 30. 1807.
Will be aold at Publio Auction, at the oort oi
Baltimore (Henderson's Wharf, East Haiti,
more), ou THURSDAY, 12 M., February 28,
1867, the
of 779 tons; length, 225 feet; Dreadth of beam, 31
feet; depth of hold, 13 feet; cylinder, 50 inches
and 11 feet stroke.
A rare opportunity is afforded. In the sale of
this steamer, to persons desiring to purchase m
really first-class vessel.
Biie is of light draught, the engine and boiler
are In most excellent condition, and the hull
perfectly sound and strong.
It Is believed that, for size and build, the COS
MOPOLITAN surpasses any vessel hitherto
offered by Government for sale at this port.
. Terms Cash, in Government funds, on day of
further particulars may be learned on appli
cation to the undersigned, or to the Auction
eers, Messrs. ADKEON, THOMAS 4 CO., No. 13
South CHARLES Street.
By order ol the Quartermaster-General,
Captain and A. Q. M., U. B. A
2 2 127 Depot Quartermaster,
B. C.
The following ORDNANCE PROPERTY will
be sold at Public Auction, at the United States
Arsenal, Charleston, 8. C, on MONDAY, Maroh
4, 1K07, commencing at 10 A. M.:
About 200 net tons (cannon) Cast Iron.
About 750 net tons Shot, Mhell, etc. (about one
half have valuable soft motal attached).
About 100 tons Londed Shell.
About 15 tons Scrap Wrought Iron.
About 4V$ tons Scrap Brass, Copper, eto,
637 -wooden Artillery Carriages, ironed.
lf,0 wooden Chassis, ironed.
About 750 Cavalry Saddles, 750 Bridles. 850t
Cartridge Boxes, and a quantity of other leather
1 largo Hand Fire Engine, built by Agnew
About 1300 barrels Unserviceable Powder.
Also, a large quantity of other property, cor
slstiijg principally ol Musket Appendages, Rag
Rope, Implements, Miscellaneous Tools, eW,
Terms Cash on tilt day of the sale, In United
States Currency.
Ample time allowed for the removal of the
property, at the expiration of which thai uol
removed will revert to the Government.
By authority of Chief of Ordnance.
Captain Ord., and Brevet Major-U. S. A.,
2 7 9 13 16 20 Conim'g Charleston Arsenal.
Ho. 510 EACE Street.
We beir leave to dn.w our particular attention to ooi
new French Htesm Kcourlng Establishment, thenrstand
only one ol its kind lu this uttj . Ws do not dje, bat b
a cben.lcal procus restore Ladies', Gentlemen's, anl
Children's Garments to their ordinal states, vitboat
iDjariuii them ia tbe least, while great experience and
tlie best machinery troui Prance enable us to wsrTaiit
periect satiaiaction 10 all who may lavor us with their
p trotiaK. LAIlr 8' DBE8t.ES, of every desonpUoa,
wither without Trimmings, are cleaned and nuUhsd
without being taken apart, whether tbe color be genuine
or not "
Opera Cloaks and Mantillas, Curtains, Table Coven.
Carpets. Velvet. Klbbous, Kid Gloves, etc., cleaned and
reonlhhed In the best manner. Uentleinen'e Hummer
and Winter Clothing cleaned to perlecttuo without ln
Jurr to tliestufl. Also lags and banners. All kinds of
stains r moved without Cleaning the whole. Ail orders
are executed under our immediate supervision, and
satlsiaction guaranteed in every instance. A ealltaj
examination of our urocess Is respectiully soholted.i
1 10 mwi' Vo. 110 BACK Street
The only plaoe to fretfrivr Wall cleaned and
nfceted at very low price.
siaiivfaftnreiof Foutmii1
I . eOU8MITt.d IsAX!,, t KKABl Biro
f( .Sixth StVV J

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