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SPIRIT OF THE rilESS.
EDITORIAL OMBIOHB OF THB LRADIIKJ JOURNALS ppoil CCBBKHt TOPICS COMPtLRD EVBRT DAT JOB THR XVRMNO) TRLR1BAPH. The Democrats ud the Public Debt. From the N. Y. alion. As might have been expected, the publio debt is likel to form the most prominent topio of discussion in preparation for the State elections of this fall, perhaps even more prominent than the dispute between the Presi dent and Congress. The importance of this dispute depends entirely on the bearing it ia likely to have on the work of reconstruction, and the work of reconstruction on the Con gressional plan is more likely to be frustrated hy a determined assault on the public credit than in any other way. In selecting the pub lio credit, too, as the object of their attacks, the Democratic leaders are displaying that inti mate acquaintance with the worst side of human nature by which for years past their greatest triumphs have been won. The char acter of a people is, in fact, much more se verely tested by the pecuniary cost of a war than by the war itself. During the progress of hostilities there are plenty of sources besides mere love of principle from which men draw the courage never to submit or yield. There is pride, hatred, animal pugnacity, in terest in the dread game itself, all of which have often operated to protract a war for years after its original cause or obj ecta had been for gotten, and after all principle or semblance of principle had died out of it. But when the last shot had been fired, the banners have been folded, the dead buried, the books balanoed, and men have to settle down to the dull routine of their old life, and toil not only to repair their shattered fortune, but to pay off money borrowed to help them to secure objects which have been already secured or lost beyond doubt money, too, which, like most money borrowed in seasons of doubt and danger, baa perhaps been borrowed on very unfavorable terms, and which has doubtless been spent wildly, recklessly, and extrava gantly, as money is apt to be in time of war then, and only then, comes the real trial of their honor and patriotism. Almost any male animal will fight, but it is only the elite of the human race which, when the lighting is over, will Bit down in the calm of peaoe and dog gedly and industriously pay. Demagogues Know this, of course, perfectly well, and count on it, so that, whether they have in the first instance advocated the war or not, they are pretty sure, when it is over, to advise people to repudiate. The leaders of the Demoeiatio party have, perhaps, stronger reasons for urging repudia tion than any other demagogues have ever had. In the first place, they violently opposed the war, and predicted steadily and persistently that the money borrowed for it would never be refunded. Therefore, they have the ordinary human interest in bringing about the fulfil ment of their own prophecies. Ia the second place, they look on the publio debt as a great instrument of national consolidation, and to consolidation they are violently opposed; and if they should succeed in breaking down the national credit at this juncture, they feel satis- lied that the United States would never again be able to borrow on any great scale or for any great enterprise certainly never to resist a new attempt at secession. Moreover, they are tho friends of only one "section," and that is the South. To them New England is nothing and New York is nothing and the West is nothing; but for the South as a unit they have a real tenderness. Now, the South will probably feel the burden of the debt more than any other part of the country. To her it is not simply a debt, it is a penalty, and a very humiliating penalty a moral as well as a physical burden. It is at once the sign and memorial of her defeat. To get rid of the debt is, therefore, the highest service the Democrats can render the South, and, perhaps, the only way they can hope to Win back the Southern whites into the old alliance. Of course they do not now propose down tight repudiation. They are much too shrewd to be guilty or such brutal frankness as this. They know perfectly well that the memories . of the war are still Btrone and still sacred, and though they opposed it bitterly and mourned over every Union victory, and though the ' sight of a uniform ia odious to them, they like ; to get A Union soldier for their candidate whenevor they can, and affect to oonsider their participation in the struggle a title to popular i confidence. Occasionally at a nominating con . vention, as the other day in Ohio, a drunken . or indiscreet member blurts out the real feel ing of the party about the Northern army, hut he is instantly checked, and one of his col leagues "sits on his head," as on a fallen horse, till his kicking and plunging can do no Harm, co, aiso, wun regard to the puWio debt, they approach it cautiously and with the tenderest regard for what they consider the popular weakness. They have accordingly opened the campaign by a determined attack . on the interest of it, while for the principal they profess the profoundest respect. This idea of assailing the publio credit as an instrument of party warfare was undoubtedly conceived long ago. The first publio expres sion of it was made in Mr. Johnson's conver sation with Miles O'Ueilly, in which he de nounced the publio creditors as a "bond aris ' tocracy," and declared the design of the radi . cals was to administer the Government for . their benefit. But in Mr. Johnson's hands it has not, as might have been expected, been used with as much dexterity as in Mr. Pendle ton's. The theory on which the "bond aris tocracy" was held up for popular execration was that the United States bonds were mainly , held by very wealthy men, and that the Gov ernment was passing more and more into the hands of its creditors and used to serve their purposes. Mr. Pendleton knows, of course, that this is abBurd, or what is, per haps, more to the purpose, knows that no body will believe it; so, instead of maintaining that the debt is kept up for the benefit of a few bloated capitalists, he simply says that for the debt he has the deepest respect; all that he objects to is the interest. lie says that the holders of the bonds did not pay for them in speole but in greenbacks, and this at a time when greenbacks were worth very much les3 than they are now; therefore, what can be more fair than to pay them off in greenbacks f In this way they will get what they gave. The greenbacks required to settle their claims will only coat a few hours labor at the printing-press, and the people will be relieved of the burden of the interest. vha answer to this proposal is, or oourse, obvious. The prioe which every holder of iMtA finite bonds paid for them was what ' they were worth at the time. Investing in . lni,.fl rlniW the war was a specu- ' Ution which it required, both on the part of the native and foreigner, considerable faith to .. make. At the time when most of the United States bonds were issued some of the ablest financiers in the world were strongly of opinion Jr.. .v.- nnU nver be paid. The fortunes f war were Btill doubtful. Even the most THE DAILY" EVENING TKLKGKAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER C, 18G7. ardent supporters of it could fay little more, in 181X1 and 1804, than that they would never five up that, ooroe sooner or come later, victory would be tor the North, though what it would cost in men and money to achieve it nobody could tell. Moreover, the low rate in speoie at which bonds could be bought was one of the argu ments most strongly urged in reoomiuen ling them to investors. To turn round now and , use it as an argument for not paying them in specie would be very like fining a man for his simplicity in beiDg taken in by a cheat. ' Every nation which has never had its credit ' severely tested, and whioh is engaged in a war ' waged not for conquest or disputed sncoession, but to decide whether it is a nation or not, must expect to borrow money at a disadvan- i tape, and berrowiug at a disadvantage means ; getting very little and undertaking to pay a ' great deal. If we now undertake to pay oft" these bonds ' in greenbacks, the minute the proposition was I made publio greenbacks would lose nearly all their value; first, because the very issue of them would be a sign that the United States' i pioinisex to pay were worthless. Nobody in i Lis senses would give anything for the pro- ' misfiory notes of a Government whioh had I repudiated its bonds, particularly wheu these ' very netes were issued as the means of repu- I diation; secondly, because the number of ! greenbacks would be so greatly increased that, even if their payment is certaiu, their value iu relation to gold would fall to about one-half its present figure. It is not probable, in fact, that after the Democratic plan of getting rid of the interest had been adopted, greenbacks would bring five cents on the dollar. There would be a general return to specie payments; but it would le through one of the greatest swindles on record. Except for the fun and excitement of the "financiering," simple and undisguised repudiation would be much pre ferable, as it would certainly be more simple and manly, and would certainly make a less unfavorable impression on mankind as to the condition of American morals. The argument which Mr. Pendleton and his confreres bring forward, and whioh is pro ducing, and will produce, more effect than any, is the weight with which the interest of the debt presses on the mass of the people. But this is not a question which, with a people making any pretensions to morality, is worth a moment's consideration. The repayment of borrowed money is almost always a painful and inconvenient process; but this has never been held to be a good reason for not repaying it. Everybody knew the burden of the publio debt would be heavy when the loans were raised, and whether they were well or ill spent is something with which the lenders have nothing to do; the national faith being pledged to them that they will be repaid in coin aud in any event, not if we find it con venient, or if the West is satisfied or the East is satisfied, or if the poor are satisfied, but under all circumstances and at any hazard. It is pledged, too, against all forced conversions or wrigglings or twistings or turn ings which will make the debt any less valu able to bondholders than it was agreed that it should be when it was contracted. If we should fail to pay as we promised to pay, the creditors have, it is true, no remedy. There is no tribunal before which a nation can be cited; but no nation has ever yet re pudiated without finding before very long what a terrible thing tue toss ot credit is, tor nations which repudiate are almost always governed by knaves, and so badly governed that they can never very long keep out of scrapes which mak9 loans necessary. We confess, however, that except as an illus tration of the way in which demagogues seek to use human baseness for their own selfish ends, we do not consider the Democratic cru sade against the public debt very formidable. The "bond aristocracy" is happily a figment of Mr. Johnson's excited though not very cul tivated imagination. The vast majority of the holders of the national bonds are poor men and women who are glad to commit their hardly-won savings to the national keeping, and where they do not hold them directly the savings banks hold them by the million, so that the publio credit has plenty of support in the interest as well as in the honor of the people. It would be hard to overestimate the import ance of the course of the majority on a ques tion of this sort. If democracy is going to excel monarchies and aristooracies in nothing but in being stronger, better fed, and richer, everybody who believes that the mission of nations, aa of men, is not to breed fast and get fat, but to "incline to God's will and walk in His way," will be glad to see the last of it. If this democracy were deliberately to embrace the principles preached by what is called the Democ ratio party in this country, history would talk of 11 as ine worst ourse mat ever betel mankind. From the vices of kings and nobles there was an appeal to popular virtue, but from the vices or democracy there is no appeal but to despotism. It is, of course, of the highest importance that we should all get rich as fast as we can ; but in getting rich we should never forget that the State is something " bet ter than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper ana or ooiiee, calico or tobacco, or some other such low concern, to be taken up for a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the parties. It is to be looked on with other reverence, because it is not a partnership in things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and pensname nam re. n is a partnership in all arts, a partnership in every virtue and in all perfection." The South and the President. From the N. Y. Timet. The recent action of the President, and the ill-concealed antagonism that exists between his position and that of General Grant, seem scarcely to have disturbed the current of Southern opinion. Taking the press as a correct exponent of the various shades of local feeling, we must conclude that the hope once cherished of help from the President has been universally abandoned, and that the interest felt in his policy is limited to the per soual and partisan complications which it involves. The journals opposed to Congress and the Reconstruction law are violent in their denunciation of Grant. His approval of bheridan's course, his resistance to the Presi dent's schemes, and his identification with the measures of Congress, have raised the ire of editors who mistook his moderation for Indif ference and his silenoe for sympathy. But this altered tone in regard to General Grant has not been attended with the slightest growth of faith in Mr. Johnson or in his ability to lessen the burdens of the Southern people. As a mere gladiator, he is cheered lustily enough. But in his own fortunes or in the result of his oonfliots, there is compara tive little lnteroft. - To this extent the South ern aspect is satisfactory. J i The slight importance which our Southern contemporaries attach to events now trans piring at Washington, is the effeot in some de gree of a more just estimate of the relative strength of the parties engaged in the contest. At the outset, no doubt, Mr. Johnson was re- lied upon hopefully, confidently, by the oppo nents of reconstruction. Iu his efforts in their j liehwlf, they raw a chanoe of deliverance, aud even of ultimate triumph. The last few months hare dissipated these delusions. Mr. Johnson, it is seen, Is as nothing and nobody against Congress, bac ked by the firm will of the nation. IMh aid has rendered matters worfe, not letter. And they have outlived the folly that would place any dependence upon pretensions and endeavors whioh a few weeks hence will le crushed ami frustrated by the power of Congress. We find noiie suffi ciently Ignorant or weak to believe that the display now made by Mr. Johnson will avail him or his alienors in the smallest degree; while there is everywhere an evident conscious ness of the fact that Congress, wheu it assem bles, will make its mastery of the situation more absolute than ever. Apart from the loss of all reliance on the power of Mr. Johnson, we trace in Southern journalism an entire want of respect for his judgment. Whatever I the interpretation put upon his motives, there is no longer any reliance upon hid sagacity or statesmanship. It is seen and felt that as President he is a blunderer all tho time marring even good things by his manner of doing them, and making bad things tolerable by the temper in which they are attempted. lleuce he has erased to enjoy credit as a friend of the South, and is rated instead amongst its worst enemies. Material interests, too, are gradually assert ing their euj'teniacy over malcontents and partisans. The Wade Hamptons, the Hills, and the llerschel Johnsons may avow thsir preference for a continuance of military gov ernment over governments reconstructed in conformity with the law; but the Southern people appear to be tired of agitation, whether originated by Southern citizens or forced upon them by a President powerless except for evil. If the press foims an index to opinion, we are warranted in assuming that the desire for re construction, even subject to existing condi tions, is gradually but surely prevailing over the efforts of Rebel agitators. We were not without fears that this tendency might be temporarily checked by Mr. Johnson's unwise demonstrations. Of this, however, we find no sign. On the contrary, we do find mauy tokens ot mistrust of Mr. Johnson as an obstacle to the peace and prosperity which the boutn needs and craves above all other things. Madnessof the Republican, Party Iadrs From the N. Y. Herald. l he radical journals and party leaders are beginning a new revolutionary programme, and endeavoring, by their violent appeals, to lead the country on in a whirl of excitement to anarchy and ruin. They are repeating the policy pursued by the ultra pro-slavery poli ticians of the Southern States for a year or two before the Rebellion, and are seeking to raise a storm of passion and prejudice violent enough to carry reason and common sense liefore it. Cool judgment and firm action are more thau ever needed at the present time in the admin istration of our publio affairs. The South is undergoing a military process of reconstruc tion which will result in giving the control of the local Governments of ten or eleven States of the Union into the hands of the negroes. This will oblige us to establish a permanent military police in all the reconstructed terri tory, and to maintain a standing army large enough to hold possession of the Southern States and enforce the authority of their civil governments by the power of the bayonet. To give up the South to the politioal rule of the negroes, and then to withdraw the protection of the United States army, would be simply preparing the way for a war of races and a general massacre, we are in as mucn ceniu sion and trouble financially a3 politically. The Treasury Department is assailed by the most damaging rumors and charges, and the gene ral impression is that our wuoie nnanciai sys tem is rotten to the core. The national credit is suffering, and nothing will remove the feel ing of apprehension and insecurity that pre vails except a tnorougn cnange in me i rea sury Department, and exhaustive investiga tions into all its transactions for the past four or five yearB. In such a condition or anairs, as we nave said, we require broad statesmanship andcalm judgment to guide us safely through our diffi culties. And yet we und the exeouuve ana legislative branches of the Government, all Republicans together, striving which can increase in the most violent degree the mad ness of the hour. The radical factiou, in their family quarrel with their own President, appear to be getting perfeotly wild and reck less. Some of them seem to desire the Gov ernors of the several loyal States to lead the Grand Army of tho Republio down to Wash ington and seize possession of the Government. Their organs and party leaders brand the President of the United States as a drunken loafer, but the fact is they are all drunk together. Greeley's article in Wednes day's Tribune, like Wade's speech in Ohio a few days since, must have been incited by the fumes of whisky, and very bad whisky at that. The accounts from Washington every day show that all the affairs of the Govern ment are in a terrible state of demoralization, and officials, high and low, civil and military, appear to forget that we live under a written Constitution, which assigns to each depart ment of the Government its legitimate func tions and authority. Is it not time for the rank and file of the Republican party to withdraw their counte nance from the violence and recklessness which mark the conduct of their leaders f The steadfastness of the Republican masses earned to a successful issue the great objects of the war, but they can have neither part nor sym pathy with the men who are tearing at each other like Bav age beasts in their struggle for the spoils of office. They should repudiate them and their doings altogether, and take the imir hands. The country is getting heartily sick and tired or sucn aiserraoefni brawls, ana a - movement nn th nurt of tha respectable por tion of the Republican party will easily carry the next election and sweep away the entire breed of agitators, including Johnson, w 1 Will. R..n.nn .v. wlnl radical Uon- cnni u .11 .i.vk- vavnlutionary. ana e.vuu, n A.V fkl J MAX U1UU.) - ' mad together. Amnesty. From the N. Y. Tribune. , It Is said that Mr. Johnson is about to puh lish a nrofilartmUnn of amnesty, and the pro babilities are that it will he Prett7 nearl7 universal In its terms. Let us see Just now this matter at ayida. ' 4v ... t..iii iBrtO the President was empowered to extend at any Jun " P" clamation, "to persons who may have pariioi pated in the existing Rebellion in nr ,f ,u mart tli.iw.nf r,,rAnn and amnesty. WlUl BUOn A.T,ti,n. . i, tim. and on suoh con ditions, as 'he may deem expedient for the pub lio welfare." In aooordanoe with this autnorl- zstUn P-ocMun. T lr.,.,.ln amld his aUUJOBty vnvaxsaa IvQIUVMV 44IMUVLM - O 1 "I A proclamations of the 8th December, ltJ, ana Dmi. M.n,i. ifltM Air Jnhiinon. onthe-Jtn May, JbCO, published another granting am nesty, pardon, and restoration of property to all Rebels, certain classes excepted, who would take the oath of allegiance. The exceptions Were civil and dinlnmniin nffifara nrl foreign agents of the Confederate Government, military officers above the rank of Colonel, naval oflioers above the rank of Lieutenant, Governors 0f States under the Confederacy, all persons who left judicial stations under tin unueu ciates, or seats in Congress, to aid the Rebellion, officers of the amir or navv whn tendered their resicnations to . avoid duty in suppressing the Rebellion, military and naval ofiiuers of the Confederacy who were eduoated at West Point or Annapolis, all persons who treated unlawfully our prisoners of war, all who left the United States or entered the r liellioilB States for the niirnna of aidi hit the Rebellion, privateers, the Canada raiders, pur sons in custody at the time of applying for the Wiefits of the amnesty, and all Rebels whoe taxable property exceeds f'20.000 in value. 1 his is the offer of amnesty which the United StateB still hold out to the conquered Rebels; and this is the most which the loyal people nave thus far shown a willingness to grant. On the 3d of December last, the House of Kepresentatives. on motion of Mr. Eliot, re pealed the section of the act of July 17, 1832. which conferred upon the President the power of declaring a ueneral amnesty; on tho 7th of January the Senate did the same, and as the Executive neither 6igned nor returned the bill, it lecame a law ten days afterwards. Thus, the authority of Congress for the publication of a fresh offer of amnesty has been explicitly withdrawn. lut cau the President make such an offer in virtue of the powers vested in him by the Constitution, aud without the intervention of Coneressf We think it very clear that he cannot. The Constitution gives him autho rity to "grant reprieves and pardons for of fenses against the United States." Now, a naidon and an amnesty are two very different things. A pardon is an act of grace exempt ing a person from penalties whioh he has in curred under the law. Amnesty is defined as "an act of the tovereign power, the object of wbi( li is "to efface and cause to be rorgotten a crime or misdemeanor." Amnesty is abo lition of the offeiibe. Pardon is remission of the penalty. The sovereign power of this nation is not the President, but the people The representative of the people is not Andrew Johnson, but the national Congress The President may pardon individual offend ers, but the Constitution gives him no autho- rits to declare a general amnesty. If it did, he might nullity every act of legislation to the violation of which any penalty is affixed, and virtually exercise an absolute veto over I many of the most important proceedings of Congress. Tins proposed proclamation, therefore, oan only be regarded as the boldest defianoe of the people which the President has yet uttered. He assumes to exercise a power which was only granted him for a time, aud then delibe rately taken away. It is better for him to understand that when the people, through their representatives, took away that tempo rary authority, they meant to keep it in th dr own hands, and there they will keep it, John son, Binckley, and all the rest of the milliners to the contrary notwithstanding. Politics In the Army. From the W. Y. Herald. It appears that General Grant has requested to be excused from all Cabinet meetings except where military affairs are to be discussed. Under this simple request we see much that means good to the country, and a lesson to the crazy politicians, who, in their race for power, forget all the principles of statesman ship, and bequeath, as an inheritance to the future, tne elements of a dozen military despo tisms and countless internal wars. Biuoe the close of the Rebellion we have virtually set up a political school for the education of our army officers, liefore the Rebellion, and even during tbe war, politics in the army were Ignored by all true soldiers, and especially was this the case with the regular army. The officer who tarnished his epaulettes by descending from the lofty positicu of a soldier of the republio to the petty bickerings, jealousies, and re venges of party feeling, lost caste with his fellows. The subject was degrading, and while the republio went purely on tho officer was a true soldier and pure. Now all is changed. Our first soldier is a Cabinet officer and a forced partisan in a hot politioal contest between the Lxecutive and Congressional power of the nation. Five of our principal Generals aro placed in political control of five pro-consulships, with the right to use the military power of the nation to support them in their civil rule. These Oenerals and all their subordinate oflioers, with the task im posed upon them by Congress, are made ad ministrators of civil law through military power, and are readily learning the force of tbe combination placed in their nanas. We are marching to the system of the Roman vAvtml.lif. wIiav. iv.pv aoMiMr w&4 a rmlfHnl&n. where all government had its b rtn in the military element, and wnere tne military, finally learning that it had acquired all power, overturned the republic, and esiablished the empire upon its ruins. We advance more rapidly even than the French repur lio to the moment when the military politician mnst become the man of the hour, and where poll tics, ingrafted upon the army, beo me a pjw eriul weapon for any military man who has the brain and will to handle the forces thus unwittingly placed in his control. The French Revolution, in its progress, forced the army to become a poiitiiil machiue, and nothing but tbe empire restored it te a status where it no longer beoame a wtapon in the hands of mili tary politioal oomman!ers. The Kugliih sol dier to day is entirely aloof from a political coutact which gives him any power to shape the destinies of England; and his feeling in that direction goes no further than a transient interest in a change of miuistry. The whol of Spanish America may be held up as a warn ing of tbe effect of making politicians of Sol diers; for there every offioer is tbe exporent of some political principle or faotlon, and the soldier is virtually the government. We commenced our reconstruction on a bad basis. Civil governors should have been ap pointed over each of the five districts of the bouth, with power to call for aid upon the United States troops wheneve- aid migbt be required to enforce the oivil law. No officer in the army should have been appointed to even the most inferior civil office. In fact, the army should be held in its position and sub ject to the purposes for which it was organ ized an armed unit of power to enforce oivil law where the ordinary process fails after trial. Had this method been pursued, there would have been no necessity on the part of General Sickles to make the people in his district feel the sting of a military dictatorship, when he ordered the American flag to lie saluted by those who failed to pay it homage; no neces sity for General Bohofield to suppress news- Eaper publications which were not exactly in armony with the radical Bentlment of the country; no neoesaity for smothering an ex pression of opinion on the part of any man who felt that he was living in a oountry whiuk professed to give him free speech; no neceasity Old Eye Wli isMes. THE LARGEST AND REST STOCK OF FINE OLD RYE. V H I u II I E O IN THE LAND IS HEN11Y S. II Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FEOIiT who offeb the hank to the TRADE IH TEuas. Tkalr B toe Ik f Rye WhliklM.IH BOWD, comprises all the favorlU bramda xi ant, and run through the various moutha of ib66,'CV0, aud of this raar, up pint data. Liberal contract mada for lota to arrive at Pauusylvaula Railroad Dapet.' Krrlcsaoat Line Mharf.or at Vonritd WtnhoiHi, tl parties mayalsct. f boldly threatening the stability of the re- puono by merging military and civil power into the same bands, and tread ing immedi ately upon the border of a military despotism. -oncreBS. by tbe tolly of its leir station, has almost wrecked the nation, and many of its most radical members are beeinnini? to see the effect of the strokes which they have struck at its fundamental principles. They have set wo great powers at work In the South to con rol that section the neero and the soldier. To the negro they give the vote, and to the army they give military control of the oountry, while the negro rides into political power. The result is clear to impartial eves. It means either a war of raoes, the extinction of wnne or DiacK, or both, in the Bouth, or else a strong military power to stand in the breach and bold the two dashing foroes at bay. It means, then, ten years of military dictator ship over the nve districts; ten years of poli tical education for the army; ten years of marching towards a military despotism; and. as a resultant, the overthrow of the Republio by the imposing of the same rule over the North that now exists in the South. The politicians have gone mad. The country must rise, through the votes of the people, and nun bacK this wave that threatens to en gulf everything must place statesmen in our Congress, a clear-headed and firm man at the helm, and, above all, keep politics out of military hands. The Internal Revenue. Prom the N. Y. World. . Tbe movement against Commissioner Rollins Is prompted by cupidity, and It is being en gineered by men who havecousplred todeiraud i he Internal Kevenne; who liuve been prose cuting their unlawful traffic here lor several weeks, and wIiohb operations are embarrassed by Mr. Folllue. The pretext lor these frauds upon the revenue is, that tbe money Is wanted to sustain the Motional Intelligencer, whose managers (Snow & Coy le) claim to have the President's authority ii. r tueir uepreaauons upon me revenue. Tbe reported Cabinet removals originated with thofce Intelligencer whisky manipulators wno are auxiliaries 01 vne mans, jerry juiaca, end Fernando Wood. The protection of tbe revenue was sufficiently onerous to tax all the lime, ability, and courage 01 tne revenue omcers oeiore ine National intel ligencer gang, armed as they profess with the authority of ihe President, entered the Held. Hiooklyn. before an Indomitably honest Dis trict Attorney commenced ma rata upon revenue robbers, was given over to Illicit distil lation. Tbe demoralization was general, em bracing manufacturers, inspectors, and collec tors. Tbe conlllol was fearful, for in money there is power. One man who, before bis whisky enterprise commenced, scarcely knew the use 01 a Dan it rooa, was depositing daily from $5000 to S26.010, of which amounts the revenue was defrauded. This man, witn some of the dishonest revenue Inspectors, are in dlcttd. One dishonest collector was removed, but that was not the only relorm demanded. The removal of Mr. ltollins, and the appoint ment as his sucoessor of a dishonest or weak man, wonld open the floodgates ot fraud and cmrupllonto an appalling extent. The com bination is already formidable. The profit is so large that It makes men reckless. The con spirators are making money fraudulently now, but not last enough. Their "appetite Increases by what it feeds on." The Metropolitan Board is endeavoring to do Us duty, but If Mr. Hollins should be removed, or their powers in any other way diminished, all control over the question would be lost. Andrew Johnson maintained, through life, tbe reputation of personal and publio pecuni ary integrity. That reputation, strengthened by bis early and consistent devotion to the Union, made him Vice-President. We confided, aud we still confide, in his straight-forward, uncompromi-ing honesty. We believe that men wbo are systematically defrauding tne revenne use his name either without his authority, or that he is not informed of the dis honest nature of their operations. We think the President erred, in principle, In endeavor ing to resist tbe action of Congress in reoon stiuctlon alter tbe people had declared in favor of Cencress. We think he erred (in policy) in not, from the beginning, giving the radicals all the rope they wanted, for If he had done so their leaders would ere this be looking through hemp windows. Hut if tbe President, now that he is informed of the operations and designs of men wno have conspired to rob the Treasury, lends himself to them, tbe last link in the chain which bound us to him will have been broken. iV. Y. Com. Arv. The allegations contained in the foregoing article merit careful consideration. The gist of the matter, as laid by the Commercial, is that Mr. Blair, senior, Mr. Montgomery lilair, and Mr. Black, are in a conspiracy with the managers of the National Intelligencer to defraud the internal revenue; that this band of conspirators has set on foot a move ment for the removal of Mr. Rollins, the pre sent Commissioner; and that the cause of this movement is the embarrassment he offers to the before-mentioned schemes of unlawful traffic. It will he observed that this alarming incul pation by the Commercial embraces names of much prominence in publio affairs, and to which, hitherto, no taint of dishonor in pecu niary matters has ever attached, whatever criticisms may have been vented upon the political opinions and actions of the indivi duals referred to. We have never heard before that anybody believed Mr. Blair, senior, or his son, or Mr. Black, to be capable of per forming acts so base as are distinctly charged by Mr. Weed. And we do not think a man can be found, outside a lunatio asylum, who will put credit iu the averments of the Com mercial upon this point. Such a conclusion upon one branch of the article necessarily in volves suspicion of the truthfulness of the re mainder. We do not doubt that Mr. Rollics has done the bett be tould to secure an honest and efficient administration of the interna revenue law. lias he succeeded 1 If he has not, does a suggestion that another man oould be found iojill the oflico, compel ns to jump to tbe con clusion that the suggestion is made in the interest Ot illicit distillers f There is no denying grossly improper prao tioes In the Internal Revenue Department, nor the failure of the Government te collect the full amonnt of tax on certain manufactures. The exlsleuoe of dl-honest officers, and gross frauds in that department, are as notorious as the existem-e of fellow fever at New Orleans. It is generally Iwlieved that prominent officials iu this city are in the pay of those who evade the Iuteriial Rev. nue laws, and we cannot understand how i ia that the Bearetary of the Treasury and the ( MjUl-er do not require that thu et-oi-ls shall explain how it happabs that, within a few years of official NOW POSSESSED BY ANN I S & CO., STREET, LOTS OH VEHI ADTAHTAOEOira life, they have sprang from most limited means te be men of opulence. And it is still more inexplicable to us (unless upon a theory we shall hereafter mention) why the depart ment at Washington has made no striking re movals or changes, in the face of this admitted fart, that the collectors and assessors faa utterly to execute the law. T he action of the Treasury Department ia organizing the Metropolitan Board, is a oonfea sion of inability te collect the taxes imposed by law through tbe machinery direotly pro vided by law. The Board was a contrivance to supplement the regular officers of the inter nal revenue. It was avowedly an attempted repair of a broken-down machine. If a oor. rect history of the inception of this Board were written, we think it would appear to be tbe device ef thoBe in New York was despaired of any effective, thorough re form coming directly from Washington, and hearing immediately on the inspectors, as sessors, and collectors. It is said that Mr. Tracy, the Federal District Attorney for the Kabtern District of New York, was mainly in strumental in getting up the Board. It is te him that the Commercial refers as "an la domitably honest District Attorney," and it is admitted on all hands that he brought mere labor, ability, and persistency to bear against illicit whibky distillers than any one in tk public service. But he found that, acting alone and with no more power than he pos sessed by law, he could not master the evil giant who was stalking defiantly through New York and Brooklyn. He made efforts, there fore, to induce the Treasury Department te change its regulations about removals from bonded warehouses, class B; but when that was accomplished, bogusbonds, improper com promises, infirm prosecutions, fraudulent offi cers were still beyond his reach. Uenoe the Metropolitan Board, which required the three adjacent district attorneys to act ia concert, and permitted each to scrutinize the official acts of the other, and whioh plaoed all internal revenue officers in this vicinity under surveillance. Whether the project of this Board was at first acceptable at Washington we do not knew. It was, at any rate, adopted in the end, pxd we are informed and believe that, early in its operation, there was an irre- Eresaible jealousy, rivalry, and finally open ostility between Mr. Tracy and certain other members, which was carried before the Com missioner, and involving the action of the Deputy Commissioner therein. We have ob served with curiosity that the Internal Revenue Record, a weekly publication in this oity, the official organ of the Bureau at Washington, which is in the habit of disoussing with free dom matters of publio interest in the internal revenue service, says hardly a word in oom mendation of the Board, but does express with much force its oonviotiou that no reform will avail anything which does not start upon a basis of honest and efficient inspectors, asses sors, and collectors. Its idea is that it is be ginning at the wrong end to select a Board te watch rogues in the subordinate offices. And in this it is right. The reform must begin at the bottom, under the administration of a penetrating chief at Washington. The Metro politan Board may be well enough as an ex ceptional and temporary thing, provided it, too, be run in the interest of dishonest officials who are in league with Illieit distillers; but corruption in one branch of the department will, before long, work its way everywhere. It must be got rid of not merely weeded out it must be extirpated. In our opinion, the Internal Revenue Bureau, will never be purified until two things are done: , . . . First. Mr. McCulloch must cease to trust so implicitly certain subordinates, and must really study Into the praotioal working of the ureau. Secondly. There must be politioal harmony between the Commissioner, the Secretary, and the President. Till that comes, all else will he in vain, and there may he corrupt deputy commissioners, district attorneys, collectors, and assessors in office. As it stands now, and there is known to be conflict of opinion as to matters inside the Republican organization, between these three officers, and that the quarrel is bitter, if the Commissioner deteots and attempts to remove or otherwise discipline an officer, the latter instantly starts the cry that he is persecuted by the Commissioner be cause he is a political sympathizer with the Secretary or the President. So if the Secre tary initiates inquiry in respect to the con duct of an unworthy officer, the Commissioner is made to think that the complaint cornea from the fact that the inoulpated person is a radical. The reBult is that nobody is re moved, and rogues have a carnival. We have no desire to see a Democrat made Commissioner. That would only complicate troubles; but we do insist that the Internal Revenue Bureau shall politically be in har mony with the Seoretary of the Treasury, and the latter with the President. IIow that is to be done is a matter of Republican politics. Bnt done it must be, or existing rottenness will give rise to unendurable stench. We dare say that Mr. Rollins is amused by the claim set up that he is vital to the in tegrity and security of the national revenue. He would probably not deny that, with a little practical expeiienoe at Washington, Mr. Tracy or a hundred other men easily named, oould administer the Bureau as efficiently as is now done. This idea that any one man is essential to the proper on going of the Government cau be pushed so far aa to make it ridiculous. It has been carried up to the last point, and per haps strained a little, in the case of Mr. Mc Culloch. , JOHN CnUMP. OAltPENTEll AND BUl'l.DBH. KUOr Ho. all LOMK STBKKT, AMU . 17a CIU-SHUT IKTBIU-T, . ; ran.ti-LrHi-. JAMES E. EVAK3, GUN-MABEli, SOUTH Hirvel, abovs tMcoud, would cull Hie mteniton of SIKirtNDieo to tlit rlioicesfclec-Uonof SUKHlrf TKOUT M) Bihb hOr;(a new amonmsnl), File, aud all Ui u.tifcl olw;ilou ot Jr Ta.UK.LK in ad lis Vartuiii braurli. HAND la L'V.ZI.K-LOADINO GUNU altered to TtkKK ir-LOAirtlitf la tii best uaauer, at the lowaal faUia. T 1 U j.