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BDITOW AL OPINIONS OF tllR LEAPING JOURNALS CrOfc CUBKBNT TOPIC COMPILED EVERT DAT FOB TBS IVKNINfl TIXFGBAPB- The ConTrntlon aud the Judiciary. From the If. Y. Timt. The report presented to the Constitutional Convention by Us Committee on tliu Judiciary bears the marks of that compromise between discordant views of wlWch it in said to be the result. Its half-way propositions can hardly fail to be greatly modified in one direction or the other, after discussion. The elective prin ciple, which is the distinctive feature of our present system, is either its prime excellence or its grand mistake. If the Convention decide that it is the former, the provision for a life long term of office will hardly be allowed to Btand in the way of a more frequent recurrence to it; if the latter, then there is no logio in ad mitting even its single application. The great difficulty lies in harmonizing the interests of New York city, whicli sutlers from the perni cious eflects of the elective system, with those of the country districts where its results have been more tolerable; and this is the problem whioh the report evades without even stating it. The proposed Court of Impeachment retains those features of the present one in its compo sition, and in the limitation of the punishment it may inflict, to which objection has already been expressed in these columns. If such a Court is to be of any more practical use than it has hitherto been, it is worth while to ex amine ' whether its impartiality may not be Secured, and its effectiveness increased, in the manner heretofore suggested. . A halting and timid reform is indicated for the Court of Appeals. Its altered composi tion of seven permanent Judges would be a great -.improvement on its present variable charaoter, besides embodying the excellent principles to which deserved prominenoe is given in a special section of the report touch ing the Supreme Court, that no Judge shall Bit in review of his opinion a principle so essential to the due administration of justice that it is a wonder it was ever disregarded. But the oensure which this anomaly has brought down on the present Court of Appeals ia far less grave than that provoked by its tardiness in disposing of business. Ouly pro fessional men and their Buttering clients can form any idea of the manner iu which this delay of justice has often become equivalent to its denial. Nor would a permanent session of a court so small in number cure the evil, even if it Were possible to add that burden to the pre sent exhausting labors of its members. The time required for mature consultation and the preparation ef opinions forbids the idea of a continuous hearing of arguments, which seems to the uninitiated a simple remedy for delay. The true cure will be found in increasing the number of Judges to double that proposed, if neoessary, and classifying the causes brought for their consideration. Let a large Court of Appeals be divided into t wo or more sec tions, eaon of which shall decide upon a par ticular class of cases, a discrimination being made between those of legal and those of equi table nature, or between those brought from different localities, or between those now known as preferred and those known as ordi nary cases. And let the different sections alternate in the trial of these different classes. The increased expense of salaries is not worth considering for a moment where interests so important are involved. Is it fair that the State should save itself the cost of an expe ditious administration of justice at the ex pense of its citizens, who, as suitors, are ruined by delay f Yet the report regards this difficulty as so insuperable that it intends to perpetuate it. The plan for a oomraksion to clear the arrears of the present calendar is necessary, and the proposed selection of commissioners judioious but can no better expedient be devised than its renewal as often as the mischief grows unbearable, encumbering the machine of jus tice with a fifth-wheel, to be set spinning at intervals of ten years because the other four are not large enough f ' ' With, regard to the Supremo Court the re port recommends certain ehangea which are only changes, and others to be commended as improvements. There is no great difference between the present arrangement of eight judicial districts, each, except New York, con taining four judges, and the new division into four departments, each subdivided into two districts, with eight judges to each country department. If it is intended to distribute the . judges unequally among the distriots, accord ing to population, there is some reason of sym metry for the change. And the increase of the court sitting in general term to four judges Instead of three, is an improvement. But so ..long as it required that a general term should Bit fn each district, the present serious incon venience of conflicting decisions in eight sepa- ' rate Independent jurisdictions remains uncor rected. The Pennsylvania system of a single " general term passing from district to district seems preferable. When we come, however, to the reforms offered for the city .. of . New York, we find r something . to approve, though rather ' as to kind than as to degree. Although it might be better to treat this city, containing nearly one-sixth of the population of the whole State, as a single department with eieht or ten judges, instead of a district with only the majority of those ten for, according to the plan, there must be at least four judges to make a General Term in the other district yet even this increase in the judicial force is a boon to be thankful for. , New York city now has in its Supreme Court and courts of nearly similar jurisdiction fourteen Judges; the report gives it sixteen, more equally disi tnbuted among the different courts-a wel come addition to the. number of JudTe , though by no means a sufficient one. We are aware that much of the delay In the trial of causes in the city might be prevented by a different arrangement of business in th courts, and that very much it J. -wl! able to the procrastinating habits "f tne l!T which no legislation can amend; yet, a lar inorease in the number of judges, confined . with their equal distribution among the slv ral courts, would promote the expedition. Administration of Justioe. - But who can explain the proposition to sub mit to popular, vote three years benoe- the question whether judgeo shall be elected -or appointed f A report drawn on any coherent plan should frankly have approved one or the other of these irreconcilable systems. . Why Bhirk this very knot of all .controversy about the Judiciary, and throw over to the future that trouble which, unquestionably before all others, this Convention was expected and called upon in some way to heal f Is not the time as ripe for a conclusion upon it as it ever will be t or must we Btill suffer till ripe ness grows to rottenness f Suppose the Ke port to bo accepted by the Convention, and its action sustained by popular vote, and that the Judges take office, as it provides, in 1808, ,will the people be content In 1870 merely to Assert so maimed a right, or so iliusvry a THE DAILY" EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA SATURDAY, privilege, as Hint of having the chance to dect at some indefinite period successors to the ofllcers who have just been plaoed ou the bench for a lifetime t . We may depend u;on it, if the people mean to elect judges at all, they mean to elect them often, lu truth the idea of a life-long tenn, and that of popular choice, are logically hostile " to each other, and it is because we condemu the latter that we so warmly approve tliu theory of the Re port in regard to the former, though with little hope that it will be permitted to go into practice. Blionld the plan of conferring a long term of office, however, be adopted, we trust it will first lie purged of an element of injustice which it contains. Judges of the higher courts are to hold their seats up to seventy years of age, but as they cannot all reasonably be expected to die at that exact period, there will remain to many an honest, laborious pub lic servant, removed in the ripenesB of his judicial powers, some years which he will be yet too old to devote to the aotive toils of the only profession he is fit for. In such cue a moderate retiring pension would be a just and cheap reward for the State to bestow on those who will have devoted the prime of their lives to its service. There are several other important topic for comment suggested by this report, to which the want of space prevents more thau allusion at present. Mr. be word lu Heal Kstnte. From the If. Y. lYibune. There is a rather musty anecdote of a French husbaud who was made happy by tidings that his wife had presented him with an heir. His lnV 3 nil a n Iiahf In.. U t.A a nouncement of a seoond aocession to his family I nLnlAf I. .. t . 1- t. r It f 1 1 , 1 vuiiB, uui nuBii, auer a iunuer interval, me nurse appeared to congratulate him on the birth of a third responsibility, he jumped from his Eeat,exclaim!ng, "I must go and put a stop to this business t" In a kindred spirit, we were disposed to tolerate the purchase of Wal russia as a rather costly act of deferenoe to our august ally, the Emperor of all the Russias (Walrussia henceforth excepted); but the reports of further investments exoite alarm and repulsion. If common report may be trusted, the eountry is already "let in" for the following sums: Walrussia (undoubted) $7 200.000 Pay of Kuruima (St. Domiuxc) 5 nm) 000 Danish West iuuiea 8.OW O00 Total $20,200,000 And it is cuttingly added that Oovernor Seward cannot be spared at this time from the State Department, because he has several delicate operations in the same line as yet un completed. General Prim, says a European report, expects soon to be master of Spain, when he will forthwith replenish his exchequer by Belling our munificent Secretary the "ever faithful" island of Cuba for a round hundred millions, and perhaps throw in Porto Rico to sweeten the bargain. In short, there is no eud to the outlandish possessions we may acquire if Mr. Seward Bhall remain long enough iu the State Department, and our money (or oredit) shall hold out. Our repugnance to these operations is known to be radical and invincible. They seem to us to assume as their basis the monarchical idea of government. Why should thirty millions here pay noney to have one million (or less) elsewhere live under a cemmon government with us? We cannot have colonies, depen dencies, subjects, without renouncing the essential conception of democratic institutions. If Cuba, or any other territory, chooses to re deem herself from European thraldom by a payment of money, that is her own affair, and, if she shall afterwards maka overtures for a plaoe in our Union, we would have them con sidered with every desire to find them accept able; bnt to buy the alliance of any people is to degrade our political system. What can they bring- na more tliail a fair equivalent for what we can proffer them f Hitherto, our invulnerability to European attack has been a substantial - guarantee against foreign wars. While we are essen tially continental and compact, we could, if at war, damage any foreign power more than it could injure us. Even California will be in vulnerable from the hour in which our Paoilio Railroad is completed. But the acquisition of Walrussia exposes us to annoyanoe from any great naval power; while West India posses sions will enormously increase the cost of any future conflict with Great Britain or Franoe. Either we must dismantle and abandon at the first intimation of war, or we must fortify, provision and garrison at fearful cost a cost which imposes no corresponding burden on our enemy, who may assail or ignore at plea sure. If we try a half-and-half polioy, as we probably shall, the armaments and garrisons of our West Indies would very soon fall a prey to the foe. In no conceivable contingency could they fail to prove a source of weakness and of ruinous cost. We want to pay our national debt. Daring the last two years we havo reduced it bv two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, or about one-eieventn 01 its learrul amount when the civil war closed. We want to go on paying; but the reduction of taxes on the one hand, and Mr. Seward's operations on the other, make us heart-sick. Do, Mr. MoCulloch, use up that hundred millions of coin in paying off publio debt of some kind, before Governor Seward can make ducks and drakes of it in the real estate market 1 We fear ihat custo dians may prove recreant, that Congress may repeal more taxes, that thieves may break through and steal but we fear, above all, the operations of the President, d. la "Mrs. Too dles." The safest investment for spare funds, the surest safeguard against their misuse, is found in paying honest debts. The. Step Backward. From the JV. Y. Independent. ' General Grant has surrendered to the Pre sident. ., ,. , .1 This fact was unexpected. It took the couatry by surprise. It is still the theme of universal talk. , What is a Just Judgment of the oa3e ? ' General Grant is one of the idols of the people,. His name is a household word. Ilia portrait hangs in publio galleries, in city man sions, and in prairie cabins. His military services have carried forth the whole nation's admlution. His name belongs to one of the of onleM(.andyetone of 11x8 darkest) pages Jo tl ,each m"' laurels oujht induct on?6ly tnrhA. Such a man's SSKu U8ht D0t U fr7 called fa no? MPiJin"??er V He deilied concealedi withInPthe lflKt fWa' lVat Qeneral G period, lieenmnW 1,?,ha3' within this Sublio'prest XlTZZ' l0i? I? th9 former time since he Same a" ih&i at "y Moreover (much as we dTin . f m0Uf ma.u' confession th... Tt72 k to -make tud There is a naTuVat dZSS Ke one's heroes perfect-without blomi'h orflaw- and, when they are not so in reality, we strive to pahit them so in our imagination. But even Grant is now proven to be not a hero in all points. . The President commands Mr. Stanton to abandon an office in which Mr. Stauton has been commanded by the Republicans to utay. The Seoretary justly declines; bnt, in view of superior force, retires under protest. General Orant, to the astonishment of the country, .voluntarily aocepts Mr. Stanton's vacated place a plane which, iu the circumstances, no member of the. Republican party could accept without forfeiting his standing iu the party, and without losing the confidence of the coun try. The new Secretary's first act is then an order for the removal of one of the faithfulest of his old officers a gallant soldier, who bet ter deserves retention at New Orleans thau the President de.-ei ves retention at Washing ton. Greatly to General Grant's praise, he protested warmly and nobly against the displacement both of Stanton and Sheridan. His letter in behalf of Stanton was marked "private;" and thomgh the injunction of privacy has been removed by the author, the President seems to be too great a coward to exhibit the letter to his fellow-countrymen. The protest in behalf of Sheridan was so honest, indignant, and manly that it thrilled the coun try, and gave us all a Budden hope that the renegade of the White House had found his master in the hero of Vicksburg. General Grant justly insisted that, if Sheridan were removed, Sheridan's orders should neverthe less remain in force. The exact language of General Grant on this point (in tliu order to General Thomas) is as follows: "To continue to execute all orders ho might find in force in the Fifth Military District at the time of his assuming command of it, unless authorized by the General of the Army to annul, alter, or modify them." General Grant had a plain and unmistakable legal right to issue such an injunction, or Bny other whioh he saw fit. His legal right to do this was expressly vested in him by act of Congress, March, 18U7, in these words: "bectlon 2. And be it further enacted, That the commander of any uitiriot named in said act shall have power, subjeot to the disapproval of the General of ilb Army ol the Uulted Htutes. and lo have eilecl until disapproved, whenever in the opintou of such commander the proper iidiiiinisiialloii or said act shall re quire it, to ouspend or remove Irom oliice, or liom the performance of oillcial fiuiles and the exercise or offlctul powers, aoy officer or peiso i holding or exercising, or proles-ing to hold or exercise, any civil or military offioe or duty In fcucu district., under any power, election, nppolntinenl, or authority derived from, or granted by, or claiming under any so called State, or the goverumenr, thereof, or any municipal or other divlsiou thereof; end upon such suspension or removal, mien commander, tul Je t to the disiipproval of the General atore eniu, shall have power to provide from time to tlnif. for Lhri nprffki-nifLiifiA i.f th. u.i,t .t... i.. i ....... ,v . -. . j ivihi uuiica ui such olllccr or rersou soMispenned or removed, by the detail or some compelout officer or sol dier eft he urmy, or by the appointment of some other person t perform the same, au I to ail vacancies eccasloued by death, resignation, or otherwise. 'Htcilon 3. And be It further enacted, That the (jerfrnl of thn nrmlon nr ihA TTniioH u.n.n - --.j v.. u mi ii.il mn,oB shall be Invested with all the powers of sus pension, removal, appointment, and detail limn ted ia the precediog hection to district commanders."- Now what is the meaning of these two sec tions of the Reconstruction act ? The plain English of them is that the district com manders should be subject to General Grant, since he was a man whom Congress could trust; and no? subject to the President, since he was a man whom Congress could not trust. The act expressly took away from the Presi dent certain powers which, if no such act had been passed, would have been his; but which, as soon as the act was passed, became Gene ral Grant's. And this was the President's own view of General Grant's powers under this act, as expressly eet forth in his. veto of the actl Thus, the President says, in his veto message, dated July 19, 1807: "This art vests in the military commanders, sub ject only to the approval of the General of the armies of the United StaUa. w-uUiattoa power to remove any civil or military officer in each of these ten States." He says, more over, in the same message: "The military commander is, us to the power of appointment, made to take the place of the President, and the General of the army the plaoe of the Senate." Further he says: "Military oflloers, looking to the authority given by these laws, rather than to the letter of . the . Constitution, will recognize no authority but the commander of the district and the General of the army. The power of the President is effectually taken away." Exaotly sol And when this act of Congress, thus vetoed, was passed despite the veto, itwaa so passed for the very reason which the President assigned, namely, that military officers in the ten States should "re cognize no authority but the General of the army," and that "the power of the President" should be 'effectually taken away." Such was the President's own interpreta tion of the act when he vetoed it; but, now that he wishes to use the law for his own tyrannous purposes, he has found out a dif ferent interpretation an interpretation by which military officers 6hall not "recognize the authority of the General of the Army," and by which the "power of the President" Bhall not be "etfeotnally taken away" an in terpretation, too, which he has even persuaded General Grant to accept. But General Graut might have said to the President, "Sir, if the text of the law is not, of itself, sufficiently plain as to what are my powers, I have, in addition, yonr own official interpretation of the law, dated July 19, to warrant me in my resistance to ypur Bohemes." Perhaps he did say this in that conversation in which ' (as the ' Tribune's corres pondent1 informs ' us) "he told Mr. Johnson very plainly that a correct interpre tation of the Reconstruction act gave the Pre sident no authority to overrule the General's Instructions to Thomas in respect to carrying out the orders of Sheridan." Or perhaps he said Bomething like it in that letter to the President (since withdrawn and cancelled) in which we are told that "he made a direct issue with the Executive in regard to the as signment of General Hancock" the same letter in which (as we are also told) he states "that the Reconstruction act vests in him the power to see that the District Commanders under him faithfully execute the law, and subjects to his approval or disapproval all orders that they may issue"the same letter in which (as we are still further told) he argues that "the President had no right to annul paragraph 5, which directed Thomas to keep ia force the orders of Sheridan.' General Grant abandons not only his original Interpretation of the law, but also the Presi dent's interpretation of it last July; and he now unites with the President in a different interpretation for August. The General of the Army thus presents to the publio the singular spectacle of having entered upon a contest with the Executive without a definite know ledge either of his own powers or of the Presi dent s. Hebegimswith one understanding of Ii 8i po.wer8 8nd eDds with , another. Stf i. xla P'ooess of fighting against the 1 resident, Oeneral Grant, insteaJ of oon quertag his antagonist, is converted by him. 4i T' 0wiral Grant became convinced rUt t Was wroll ln h,a attempt to resist the Pre8il.mt r..i. i r . . j noncBt in hha (a3 it would havo been in any ', Other manl to retract and amnnd tita orror 1'ut we cannot refiain from saying that, even if he was wrong in the first place," and right now, the whole proceeding exhibits iu an un happy light the inadequacy of his Judgment in political affairs. All parties must agree that one thing is clear and that is, either General Grant oucht not tn hv m,1a fight, or else he ought not to have ma le a Burrenner. pum a man as General Grant never fieureS Well ill t&kimr ft t.n lunliwinlg When, therefore, he lately planted himself ou aecuou u, we expected him to "light it inn ou mat line, ii it tooK all summer." 1'er haps, however, he will vet ntriv lilni9lf. Meanwhile the country wishes him not to bhuo, uui to conquer the l'residont. Sumner, Wilson, and Butler on the MUualton. From the JV. Y. Herald. Senators Sumner and Wilson and General Rutler, all of Massachusetts, and all leading radicals in Congress, have been giving pretty freely their views and opinions on the present crisis, and on the principal characters, issues, and difficulties of the political situation. These views and opinions are very interesting, and esjiecially in reference to President Johnson, the impeachment question, General Grant, Chief Justice Chase, and the Presidential suc cession. lltfginuing with Senator Sumner: he pro nounces the removal of Secretary Stanton at this time as "a national calamity," that the action of General Grant in consenting to take his place is difficult to explaiu, and that, con sidered as a Presidential candidate, "we are left in harrowing uncertainty in regard to his opinions;" that President Johnson "is per verse, pig-headed, and brutal;" that "of course he is a usurper and a tyrant;" that "the wonder is Congress did not act accord ingly long ago," aud "put him at once into a Straight jacket;" that at last, however, he will be impeached and removed, and "that if any person calling himself a Republican takes the side of the President it will be Mr, Pessen- aeu," styled by Wendell Phillips "adyspoptio Scotch terrier," but who, according to Sum ner, is a pugnacious customer, like Johnson, "though ot a much finer fibre," and who "has always had a sott side for Johnson." Such, in a nutshell, are the views and opinions of Senator Sumner on the subjects presenttd. His colleague, Wilson, though running in the same general channel, diverges here and there from the track of Sumner. Ac. cording to Senator Wilson, the Congres-ional scheme oi leconstruction, though, embarrassed i and delayed by Mr. Johnsou, must go through to us consummation, vvuson believes, thougu a late belie ver, that "the President will be im peached," that he "deserves impeachment," and that such has become the prevailing iudf- meDt of the Republican party. In the opinion of Wilson, Grant and Stanton are in the hap- pit-Bu iuuuiu, uu viraui, luo jstauton, nas gone into the War Department "to do what he could and save what he could for the coun try." Ab regards President Johnson. Mr. Wilson thinks that "he goes by fits and starts;" that, "in fact, he acts like a man on a 'bust who goes to sleep and wakes up and djcbks tuings, ana men goes to sleep again, and so on till he gets sober." "In mv idea." says the Senator, "he is a foolish man, gov- eineu uy gusts or passion ana temper; and a disappointed man, because he really believed he was going to succeed." Mr. Wilson does not know whether Mr. Chase is a Presidential candidate or not, but thinks "no man better ntted to be President of the United States." Only the other day, however, General Grant was ine cnampion or Wilson against the field. Next, in summing ud the viewn of Gnural Butler, he does not like the position of General uraui m me vyarumpe. it is "a very diffloult and dangerous role" that he has to play, and wine must oe icit 10 ten ine consequences cttonton iM ths conttdonoa of tLtq country Seward has evidently determined to be re venged on the Republican party "for its pre lerencefor Mr. Lincoln." "Impeaohment is sure to come. The same causes whioh hindered it heretofore will now tend to bring it on," because President Wade's term in the wniie riouse must now . of neoessity be so short that his promotion will excite no jealousies, from the fact, even if bo inolined, he can do no mischief against any candidate in his distribution of the spoils. It is on the national finances, however, that General Butler comes forth in the character of an en lightened statesman. When we say that his views on the great money Question inthA Wrt. ing details are those whioh have been, venti-, tatea through the llcrald for many mouths past, we say all that is necessary in the Gene ral's defense, for en this ground no enemy can Hank him and bottle him up. Such are the views, in brief, of three of the most conspicnous Republican leaders of Mas sachusetts. What do they signify 1 What is the leading idea, . party necessity and party purposes, in which they all concur f It is the impeachment of President John on. Differing on other men and other questions, Sumner, Wilson, and Butler are iu harmony in regard to President Johnson, Nor do we any longer hear an opposing .voice from any corner of the Republican camp against this general cry of impeachment. Mr. . Johnson, doubtless, is aware of his danger, and is doiog and will do all he can to hold his position. He cannot back out. He must maintain his ground. What then is to follow no man can tell. We may safely predict, however, that Southern reconstruction will be interrupted and de layed, that confusion will be worse confounded between President and Congress and in the Southern States, and that there will be no peace and no reconstruction until this Admin intration and the present Congress, and this rabid and revolutionary Republican party, are swept out of power by a new party movement representing the will of the people. r . Reaction A Great Democratic Victory ln California! From the XT. Y. World. , ! What Mr. Stevens calls "apathy," and what common sense calls reaction and a return to reason, is now the prominent political feature of the North. The people are tired of radical ism. .Its old cant phrases about "justice," the "Rock of Ages," the "progress or" lib erty," and the like torchlight procession mot toes, have become meaningless from the fact that they were cant and nothing else. It has become a matter of dollars and cents; lower taxes; cheaper rents and food and clothing; in short, it Las at last "come home," and the people refuse to sustain radicalism because they cannot afford it. It costs too much. This reaction began in the very stronghold of radicalism New England. Here is the popu lar vote in New Uampshirs in the years 18G6 and 1807: - .1866- -ieG7- Dem, Jiaa.Wetn. JaL 80,461 Xi.lM '22,472 ' 81,b This gives, in 18Gtf, a radical majority in that Btate of 4U5G, while in 1807 the radical majority was but 2472 an enormous falling oil ln a single year, and rn so small a vote, In Connecticut the reaction Li. fairly, remark- . ,. , . , 1 SEPTEMBER 7, 18G7. Oldlite UlE IAHGEST FINE OLD IN THE LAND IS NOW TOSSESSED BY ; I1ENKY S. II ANN IS & C(X, Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET, Vi no FF,ERT1(F, SAME TO TUB TBiDH IH LOTS OH VF.BI iRVANTACIKOVt TEBHS. Their Stock of Rya WhUklaa, I1V DORO, tomiirlMi all tha favorlta bramJa nam, and rune thiough tli various tnontna of 1&6,'O0. and of thla ar. nJT Z liitunt data. " ! Liberal contract maria for lota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad. Danafc: Krrlcaeon Lina tterl.or at Bonded "W iriboain, aa parties mar elect. M able in political annals; radicalism lost in the changed vote of a single year the entire State ticket, and three out of four Congressmen. The vote of lSUG and 18(37 stood as follows: 18G6. . 1807 . Dctn, 43.41)3 Jin a. I)em. Jittd 43.074 30.&81 teMl Thus, in Connecticut, radicalism, with a ma jority of 541 in 18o'6', in 18G7 was defeated by a Democratic majority of 802. The reaotion inthisStite is still more mirked, when we remember that only two years before the ra dical ticket was successful by mo: e than 11,000 majority. We have, as yet, only imperfect returns from elections this week in Vermont aud Cali fornia. Both are radical States. The vote in .Vermont in 1866 was: Demorratio, 11,292; Radical, 34,117. Which gives a radical majority of 22,825. The claimed radical majority now is "about 18,000," or an admitted loss of "about" 5000 votes in one year. From California, however, we have the glorious news that the Democrats have elected the Governor and State candidates, two out of the three Congressmen, and a majority of members of the Legislature securing, it will be Been, the election of a Democrat to the United States Senate. Whatever "explana tions" defeated radicalism may offer, the fact cannot be argued away that this great Demo cratic victory is due to the irresistible popular reaction. These elections and this reaction will be manifest in the returns in Pennsylvania and Ohio, especially in Ohio, where negro suffrage, which the State has heretofore rejected, is made a prominent issue this fall. In this connection, it is well to call attention to the table presented by the Personal Representa tion Society to the Albany Constitutional Con vention, showing that in the elections last year in twenty-three States, the total radical vote was 2,061,871, against a total of 1,644,308 Democratic vetes. The total radical ma jority is therefore 417,563, and a change of 208,787 votes, or only b!x per cent., would turn the balance against the radicals ln every State. The following is the table: 2 a at STATES. Maine , Vern.out Nw Hanjfiihlre Mug8acbusetl8. tthu InlitDd New Jtrtwy , Ntw York Pen nsyl vail Clif'inla..,.., 'rgon fi,lc I ndlana...... Io Mil Lilian ., Wl Virnluia..": Mlnnefcolu 41.&29 11 2iil 27,687 22.824 4 6u6 t ail l.5t.i 18.78U 17.178 (.976 872 18.844 11.418 2.328 S2.65 2,601 Tjh 8,895 6 589 8,488 101 21,318 7.1UI 5.60D 17.706 14.519 t.m s.ioi 27.993 11,9-1 10.615 545 M 64 simhi 26 871 2.NI6 63 947 1 2U7.U9S K6.2tft ,a l&A.ltM) 8.1BI . 55 815 . 67,708 17.1A1 48.tWS M.2US II 219 St 418 20.UH8 6,644 10. 3 8 69S7 23,117 2I2LD 1,090 109 '108 15.775 Wircon'hin. WlxHourl , Kfvada rebrakk.., Colorado.. 147.058 55.416 40 W8 4,036 1,838 8.421 ? 1.644.808 417,563 208,789 Total voles.. 3,706,1711 This Sh0W8 that & 1 ii - ., ;r -66'6a" " woaia nave given the Democrats the majority of the votes m the Union vhilat 4 i . . . . . ner cent, in tha . , , - - -i "" " Dororaj, ui me mates a cnanee or Ibrh th 7r - wuuiu nave altered the resnlt. In view of the chances action, it would seem an appropriate time for i i '''""""t ', ana ueraid to publish their fit aniline editm-ioln n iiti. - n..x .. 7. ,9 - .u vi. iiio xeainoi ine L o K I no - C LASSES OF TBI BEST FKENC1I PLATE, In Every Stvle of Frames, i ! ON IIAND OR MADE TO ORDER. I NEW AIIT GALLERY, F. do la no & co,; 8 8Jm2i No.014AnCHStreet.' BALTIM ORE ' IMPROVED BASE BURNING j FIRE-PLACE HE A.TEH, Magazine niitl Illuminating; 'ine n oat Cheerful and Perfeut liatr In tTs. To he bad Wholale and HeUllol I.S.CUKK, 1"2P Ko. liM AIARKET bu.ut. i'ujla. ! T MinPLRTON A CO., DEALERS IN r- xi a lull l. union ana a(!l.r, VKI-N l)AI. Kept dry under cover. Prepared exurawalv 1 for luoiily uk. Ybrd, No. !?:s W AtiUulfu ION Avmue. OlUce. No. 614 WALNUT Bltet. 7 g ttiliisleies. AND ... lilCfcT STOCK O! R Y n: V7 II I O ic l e o WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. LEWIS LAD017IU3 U CO t Diamond Dealers aad Jewellery HO. SOS CIIBMNUT ST nilLADELTHIA Would Invite the attention ot pnrcbMen to their large and bandaomeaaaortmentof WATCHES, JEWELBT, ICE PITCH ERH In treat variety. ETC BT A large assortment ot email BTUDS, lor eyele holes. Just received. WATCHiLS repaired In the beet manner, and gnaranteed. t mp B. K.BMTTH. B. T. ADAIR SYTH & AD AIR; Practical Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealer la Superior Silver - Plated Ware, GOLD AND SILVER PLATERS, FACTORY AND SALESROOMS SO, S5 SOUTH. THIRD STREET, (Upstairs.) WAREBOOSI.NO. liaeciIESHCTTalTRKET (Second Floor), 6 rthetuSmrp PHILADELPHIA. C. B. KITCHE Nf JEWELER, S E. Corwr TENTH and CDESXUT. ORKAT BEDCCTIOH IW PRICES. DUBOMDS, WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER-W ARK, ' . ' KROJfZES. ALL GOODS MARKED IN PLAIN FIGURES. WATCHES AND JEWELRY RHFOLLY AB PAIRED. : . .;7 Particular attention paid to IlanoAustarlng all artl clea ln oar line. rsu than U e keep au uys on band an assortment ol LADIES' AMD UKNTS' "FINK WATCHES Oftha beat American and TnrWn Makers, all war rautea to give complote satlsiactlon, aud at , , T GREATLY REDUCED PRICES. i FARR & BROTHER, Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, eta 11 UemUiJrp No, 824 CHE8NTJT St., below Fourth. WATCHES, JEWELKY. HO. 1 OUTU tUECOND TREET, to)ck,,oXBn tai n? mCMeftaiy selected AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES. JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES Ol EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable - ' FOB BBIOAI. OB IIOUSAT PBCSSHlf An examluailon will show my stock to' be unani passed In quality ana cheapness. nnaM Particular at leu tion paid to repairing. $ 18 C. RUSSELL & CO., No. 23 SOUTH SIIT1I 8IBEET,-"- Have just received from Europe 'an invoice of NOVILTIES. consisting ol AMMALS'-HEADS tot halls and dlninK-rooms; HAT-RACK8 of Roar's tusks nd some very curious CLOCKS, of Chamois and Ellc horns. - The above Is the first Invoice of these goods ln the country, and are offered at very low prices. I s HENRY HARPER, No. 520 AH OH Streof Hanulacturer and Dealer In watciiem, ! - .n" C1NB JEWKLRY, ' .... '- :l c-: U.TER-P14TED W1BE, AMS oiao aaTea-wARB, 11 AMERICAN WATCHES. jThe beet ln the world, sold at Pactorr Trices, ' C. & A. PEQUICMOT. 1 MANUFACTURERS OP WATCH ' CA8E3 ' Ko. 18 South SIXTH Street. 8 tlamtiactory, JVo.82.fl; flFTIt BtrteU HOOP SKIRTS. tl A T nwK HOPKINS' TON 9.Q www vrrn Mai It ftlfords n. tnnoh ,i rz 1 1 1 pu u tiro i i . . i. . . . " aVM numerous piiioj T.(f ta7Ji"f" ODt miDiuir. " r. PP.biio, Hj.i la cods a. tiBther with Z..: t"'!5.JB.J1?P Bklrt material. K.i.,"'nl!.T.r'from New York and the low JrlcBH-Vn.... VTo,.i0W "" Hklrte. at very follow luVi ?i ,to ' ltnbklrua eate aml.?. ?iM?rl?lter'd'nd palr1. Who!i .nin. , f1"1';! 'el'hHa.lelj.l.la lloup hklrt iuu- 'i No- WS 1VH. bln-t. bourn- hi.-mh. l8urp W1UJAM T. aW'alKH. FINE WATCHES. 1