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The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, September 07, 1867, FOURTH EDITION, Image 2

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The ConTrntlon aud the Judiciary.
From the If. Y. Timt.
The report presented to the Constitutional
Convention by Us Committee on tliu Judiciary
bears the marks of that compromise between
discordant views of wlWch it in said to be the
result. Its half-way propositions can hardly
fail to be greatly modified in one direction or
the other, after discussion. The elective prin
ciple, which is the distinctive feature of our
present system, is either its prime excellence
or its grand mistake. If the Convention decide
that it is the former, the provision for a life
long term of office will hardly be allowed to
Btand in the way of a more frequent recurrence
to it; if the latter, then there is no logio in ad
mitting even its single application. The great
difficulty lies in harmonizing the interests of
New York city, whicli sutlers from the perni
cious eflects of the elective system, with those
of the country districts where its results have
been more tolerable; and this is the problem
whioh the report evades without even stating it.
The proposed Court of Impeachment retains
those features of the present one in its compo
sition, and in the limitation of the punishment
it may inflict, to which objection has already
been expressed in these columns. If such a
Court is to be of any more practical use than
it has hitherto been, it is worth while to ex
amine ' whether its impartiality may not be
Secured, and its effectiveness increased, in the
manner heretofore suggested. .
A halting and timid reform is indicated for
the Court of Appeals. Its altered composi
tion of seven permanent Judges would be a
great -.improvement on its present variable
charaoter, besides embodying the excellent
principles to which deserved prominenoe is
given in a special section of the report touch
ing the Supreme Court, that no Judge shall
Bit in review of his opinion a principle so
essential to the due administration of justice
that it is a wonder it was ever disregarded.
But the oensure which this anomaly has
brought down on the present Court of Appeals
ia far less grave than that provoked by its
tardiness in disposing of business. Ouly pro
fessional men and their Buttering clients can
form any idea of the manner iu which this
delay of justice has often become equivalent
to its denial. Nor would a permanent session
of a court so small in number cure the evil, even
if it Were possible to add that burden to the pre
sent exhausting labors of its members. The
time required for mature consultation and the
preparation ef opinions forbids the idea of a
continuous hearing of arguments, which seems
to the uninitiated a simple remedy for delay.
The true cure will be found in increasing the
number of Judges to double that proposed, if
neoessary, and classifying the causes brought
for their consideration. Let a large Court
of Appeals be divided into t wo or more sec
tions, eaon of which shall decide upon a par
ticular class of cases, a discrimination being
made between those of legal and those of equi
table nature, or between those brought from
different localities, or between those now
known as preferred and those known as ordi
nary cases. And let the different sections
alternate in the trial of these different classes.
The increased expense of salaries is not worth
considering for a moment where interests so
important are involved. Is it fair that the
State should save itself the cost of an expe
ditious administration of justice at the ex
pense of its citizens, who, as suitors, are
ruined by delay f
Yet the report regards this difficulty as so
insuperable that it intends to perpetuate it.
The plan for a oomraksion to clear the arrears
of the present calendar is necessary, and the
proposed selection of commissioners judioious
but can no better expedient be devised
than its renewal as often as the mischief grows
unbearable, encumbering the machine of jus
tice with a fifth-wheel, to be set spinning at
intervals of ten years because the other four
are not large enough f
' ' With, regard to the Supremo Court the re
port recommends certain ehangea which are
only changes, and others to be commended as
improvements. There is no great difference
between the present arrangement of eight
judicial districts, each, except New York, con
taining four judges, and the new division into
four departments, each subdivided into two
districts, with eight judges to each country
department. If it is intended to distribute the
. judges unequally among the distriots, accord
ing to population, there is some reason of sym
metry for the change. And the increase of
the court sitting in general term to four judges
Instead of three, is an improvement. But so
..long as it required that a general term should
Bit fn each district, the present serious incon
venience of conflicting decisions in eight sepa-
' rate Independent jurisdictions remains uncor
rected. The Pennsylvania system of a single
" general term passing from district to district
seems preferable. When we come,
however, to the reforms offered for the city
.. of . New York, we find r something . to
approve, though rather ' as to kind
than as to degree. Although it might be
better to treat this city, containing nearly
one-sixth of the population of the whole State,
as a single department with eieht or ten
judges, instead of a district with only the
majority of those ten for, according to the
plan, there must be at least four judges to
make a General Term in the other district
yet even this increase in the judicial force is
a boon to be thankful for. , New York city
now has in its Supreme Court and courts of
nearly similar jurisdiction fourteen Judges;
the report gives it sixteen, more equally disi
tnbuted among the different courts-a wel
come addition to the. number of JudTe ,
though by no means a sufficient one. We are
aware that much of the delay In the trial of
causes in the city might be prevented by a
different arrangement of business in th
courts, and that very much it J. -wl!
able to the procrastinating habits "f tne l!T
which no legislation can amend; yet, a lar
inorease in the number of judges, confined
. with their equal distribution among the slv
ral courts, would promote the expedition.
Administration of Justioe. -
But who can explain the proposition to sub
mit to popular, vote three years benoe- the
question whether judgeo shall be elected -or
appointed f A report drawn on any coherent
plan should frankly have approved one or the
other of these irreconcilable systems. . Why
Bhirk this very knot of all .controversy about
the Judiciary, and throw over to the future
that trouble which, unquestionably before all
others, this Convention was expected and
called upon in some way to heal f Is not the
time as ripe for a conclusion upon it as it
ever will be t or must we Btill suffer till ripe
ness grows to rottenness f Suppose the Ke
port to bo accepted by the Convention, and
its action sustained by popular vote, and that
the Judges take office, as it provides, in 1808,
,will the people be content In 1870 merely to
Assert so maimed a right, or so iliusvry a
privilege, as Hint of having the chance to
dect at some indefinite period successors to
the ofllcers who have just been plaoed ou the
bench for a lifetime t . We may depend u;on
it, if the people mean to elect judges at all,
they mean to elect them often, lu truth the
idea of a life-long tenn, and that of popular
choice, are logically hostile " to each other,
and it is because we condemu the latter that
we so warmly approve tliu theory of the Re
port in regard to the former, though with
little hope that it will be permitted to go into
Blionld the plan of conferring a long term
of office, however, be adopted, we trust it will
first lie purged of an element of injustice
which it contains. Judges of the higher
courts are to hold their seats up to seventy
years of age, but as they cannot all reasonably
be expected to die at that exact period, there
will remain to many an honest, laborious pub
lic servant, removed in the ripenesB of his
judicial powers, some years which he will be
yet too old to devote to the aotive toils of the
only profession he is fit for. In such cue a
moderate retiring pension would be a just and
cheap reward for the State to bestow on those
who will have devoted the prime of their lives
to its service.
There are several other important topic for
comment suggested by this report, to which
the want of space prevents more thau allusion
at present.
Mr. be word lu Heal Kstnte.
From the If. Y. lYibune.
There is a rather musty anecdote of a French
husbaud who was made happy by tidings that
his wife had presented him with an heir. His
lnV 3 nil a n Iiahf In.. U t.A a
nouncement of a seoond aocession to his family
I nLnlAf I. .. t . 1- t. r It f 1 1 , 1
vuiiB, uui nuBii, auer a iunuer interval, me
nurse appeared to congratulate him on the
birth of a third responsibility, he jumped from
his Eeat,exclaim!ng, "I must go and put a stop
to this business t" In a kindred spirit, we
were disposed to tolerate the purchase of Wal
russia as a rather costly act of deferenoe to
our august ally, the Emperor of all the Russias
(Walrussia henceforth excepted); but the
reports of further investments exoite alarm
and repulsion. If common report may be
trusted, the eountry is already "let in" for the
following sums:
Walrussia (undoubted) $7 200.000
Pay of Kuruima (St. Domiuxc) 5 nm) 000
Danish West iuuiea 8.OW O00
Total $20,200,000
And it is cuttingly added that Oovernor
Seward cannot be spared at this time from the
State Department, because he has several
delicate operations in the same line as yet un
completed. General Prim, says a European
report, expects soon to be master of Spain,
when he will forthwith replenish his exchequer
by Belling our munificent Secretary the "ever
faithful" island of Cuba for a round hundred
millions, and perhaps throw in Porto Rico to
sweeten the bargain. In short, there is no eud
to the outlandish possessions we may acquire
if Mr. Seward Bhall remain long enough iu the
State Department, and our money (or oredit)
shall hold out.
Our repugnance to these operations is known
to be radical and invincible. They seem to us
to assume as their basis the monarchical idea
of government. Why should thirty millions
here pay noney to have one million (or less)
elsewhere live under a cemmon government
with us? We cannot have colonies, depen
dencies, subjects, without renouncing the
essential conception of democratic institutions.
If Cuba, or any other territory, chooses to re
deem herself from European thraldom by a
payment of money, that is her own affair, and, if
she shall afterwards maka overtures for a
plaoe in our Union, we would have them con
sidered with every desire to find them accept
able; bnt to buy the alliance of any people is
to degrade our political system. What can
they bring- na more tliail a fair equivalent for
what we can proffer them f
Hitherto, our invulnerability to European
attack has been a substantial - guarantee
against foreign wars. While we are essen
tially continental and compact, we could, if at
war, damage any foreign power more than it
could injure us. Even California will be in
vulnerable from the hour in which our Paoilio
Railroad is completed. But the acquisition of
Walrussia exposes us to annoyanoe from any
great naval power; while West India posses
sions will enormously increase the cost of any
future conflict with Great Britain or Franoe.
Either we must dismantle and abandon at the
first intimation of war, or we must fortify,
provision and garrison at fearful cost a cost
which imposes no corresponding burden on
our enemy, who may assail or ignore at plea
sure. If we try a half-and-half polioy, as we
probably shall, the armaments and garrisons
of our West Indies would very soon fall a prey
to the foe. In no conceivable contingency
could they fail to prove a source of weakness
and of ruinous cost.
We want to pay our national debt. Daring
the last two years we havo reduced it bv two
hundred and fifty millions of dollars, or about
one-eieventn 01 its learrul amount when the
civil war closed. We want to go on paying;
but the reduction of taxes on the one hand,
and Mr. Seward's operations on the other,
make us heart-sick. Do, Mr. MoCulloch, use
up that hundred millions of coin in paying off
publio debt of some kind, before Governor
Seward can make ducks and drakes of it in
the real estate market 1 We fear ihat custo
dians may prove recreant, that Congress may
repeal more taxes, that thieves may break
through and steal but we fear, above all, the
operations of the President, d. la "Mrs. Too
dles." The safest investment for spare funds,
the surest safeguard against their misuse, is
found in paying honest debts.
The. Step Backward.
From the JV. Y. Independent. '
General Grant has surrendered to the Pre
sident. ., ,. , .1
This fact was unexpected. It took the
couatry by surprise. It is still the theme of
universal talk.
, What is a Just Judgment of the oa3e ? '
General Grant is one of the idols of the
people,. His name is a household word. Ilia
portrait hangs in publio galleries, in city man
sions, and in prairie cabins. His military
services have carried forth the whole nation's
admlution. His name belongs to one of the
of onleM(.andyetone of 11x8 darkest) pages
Jo tl ,each m"' laurels oujht
induct on?6ly tnrhA. Such a man's
SSKu U8ht D0t U fr7 called fa
no? MPiJin"??er V He deilied concealedi
withInPthe lflKt fWa' lVat Qeneral G
period, lieenmnW 1,?,ha3' within this
Sublio'prest XlTZZ' l0i? I? th9
former time since he Same a" ih&i at "y
Moreover (much as we dTin . f m0Uf ma.u'
confession th... Tt72 k to -make tud
There is a naTuVat dZSS Ke
one's heroes perfect-without blomi'h orflaw-
and, when they are not so in reality, we strive
to pahit them so in our imagination. But
even Grant is now proven to be not a hero in
all points.
. The President commands Mr. Stanton to
abandon an office in which Mr. Stauton has
been commanded by the Republicans to utay.
The Seoretary justly declines; bnt, in view of
superior force, retires under protest. General
Orant, to the astonishment of the country,
.voluntarily aocepts Mr. Stanton's vacated
place a plane which, iu the circumstances, no
member of the. Republican party could accept
without forfeiting his standing iu the party,
and without losing the confidence of the coun
try. The new Secretary's first act is then an
order for the removal of one of the faithfulest
of his old officers a gallant soldier, who bet
ter deserves retention at New Orleans thau
the President de.-ei ves retention at Washing
ton. Greatly to General Grant's praise, he
protested warmly and nobly against the
displacement both of Stanton and Sheridan.
His letter in behalf of Stanton was marked
"private;" and thomgh the injunction of
privacy has been removed by the author,
the President seems to be too great a coward
to exhibit the letter to his fellow-countrymen.
The protest in behalf of Sheridan was so honest,
indignant, and manly that it thrilled the coun
try, and gave us all a Budden hope that the
renegade of the White House had found his
master in the hero of Vicksburg. General
Grant justly insisted that, if Sheridan were
removed, Sheridan's orders should neverthe
less remain in force. The exact language of
General Grant on this point (in tliu order to
General Thomas) is as follows: "To continue
to execute all orders ho might find in force in
the Fifth Military District at the time of his
assuming command of it, unless authorized by
the General of the Army to annul, alter, or
modify them." General Grant had a plain
and unmistakable legal right to issue such an
injunction, or Bny other whioh he saw fit. His
legal right to do this was expressly vested in
him by act of Congress, March, 18U7, in these
"bectlon 2. And be it further enacted, That
the commander of any uitiriot named in said
act shall have power, subjeot to the disapproval
of the General of ilb Army ol the Uulted
Htutes. and lo have eilecl until disapproved,
whenever in the opintou of such commander
the proper iidiiiinisiialloii or said act shall re
quire it, to ouspend or remove Irom oliice, or
liom the performance of oillcial fiuiles and the
exercise or offlctul powers, aoy officer or peiso i
holding or exercising, or proles-ing to hold
or exercise, any civil or military offioe or
duty In fcucu district., under any power,
election, nppolntinenl, or authority derived
from, or granted by, or claiming under any so
called State, or the goverumenr, thereof, or any
municipal or other divlsiou thereof; end upon
such suspension or removal, mien commander,
tul Je t to the disiipproval of the General atore
eniu, shall have power to provide from time to
tlnif. for Lhri nprffki-nifLiifiA i.f th. u.i,t .t... i..
i ....... ,v . -. . j ivihi uuiica ui
such olllccr or rersou soMispenned or removed,
by the detail or some compelout officer or sol
dier eft he urmy, or by the appointment of some
other person t perform the same, au I to ail
vacancies eccasloued by death, resignation, or
'Htcilon 3. And be It further enacted, That
the (jerfrnl of thn nrmlon nr ihA TTniioH u.n.n
- --.j v.. u mi ii.il mn,oB
shall be Invested with all the powers of sus
pension, removal, appointment, and detail
limn ted ia the precediog hection to district
Now what is the meaning of these two sec
tions of the Reconstruction act ? The plain
English of them is that the district com
manders should be subject to General Grant,
since he was a man whom Congress could
trust; and no? subject to the President, since
he was a man whom Congress could not trust.
The act expressly took away from the Presi
dent certain powers which, if no such act had
been passed, would have been his; but which,
as soon as the act was passed, became Gene
ral Grant's. And this was the President's
own view of General Grant's powers under
this act, as expressly eet forth in his. veto
of the actl Thus, the President says, in
his veto message, dated July 19, 1807: "This
art vests in the military commanders, sub
ject only to the approval of the General of the
armies of the United StaUa. w-uUiattoa
power to remove any civil or military officer in
each of these ten States." He says, more
over, in the same message: "The military
commander is, us to the power of appointment,
made to take the place of the President, and
the General of the army the plaoe of the
Senate." Further he says: "Military oflloers,
looking to the authority given by these laws,
rather than to the letter of . the . Constitution,
will recognize no authority but the commander
of the district and the General of the army.
The power of the President is effectually taken
away." Exaotly sol And when this act of
Congress, thus vetoed, was passed despite the
veto, itwaa so passed for the very reason
which the President assigned, namely, that
military officers in the ten States should "re
cognize no authority but the General of the
army," and that "the power of the President"
should be 'effectually taken away."
Such was the President's own interpreta
tion of the act when he vetoed it; but, now
that he wishes to use the law for his own
tyrannous purposes, he has found out a dif
ferent interpretation an interpretation by
which military officers 6hall not "recognize
the authority of the General of the Army,"
and by which the "power of the President"
Bhall not be "etfeotnally taken away" an in
terpretation, too, which he has even persuaded
General Grant to accept. But General Graut
might have said to the President, "Sir, if the
text of the law is not, of itself, sufficiently
plain as to what are my powers, I have, in
addition, yonr own official interpretation of
the law, dated July 19, to warrant me in
my resistance to ypur Bohemes." Perhaps
he did say this in that conversation
in which ' (as the ' Tribune's corres
pondent1 informs ' us) "he told Mr.
Johnson very plainly that a correct interpre
tation of the Reconstruction act gave the Pre
sident no authority to overrule the General's
Instructions to Thomas in respect to carrying
out the orders of Sheridan." Or perhaps he
said Bomething like it in that letter to the
President (since withdrawn and cancelled) in
which we are told that "he made a direct
issue with the Executive in regard to the as
signment of General Hancock" the same
letter in which (as we are also told) he states
"that the Reconstruction act vests in him the
power to see that the District Commanders
under him faithfully execute the law, and
subjects to his approval or disapproval all
orders that they may issue"the same letter
in which (as we are still further told) he
argues that "the President had no right to
annul paragraph 5, which directed Thomas to
keep ia force the orders of Sheridan.'
General Grant abandons not only his original
Interpretation of the law, but also the Presi
dent's interpretation of it last July; and he
now unites with the President in a different
interpretation for August. The General of the
Army thus presents to the publio the singular
spectacle of having entered upon a contest
with the Executive without a definite know
ledge either of his own powers or of the Presi
dent s. Hebegimswith one understanding of
Ii 8i po.wer8 8nd eDds with , another. Stf
i. xla P'ooess of fighting against the
1 resident, Oeneral Grant, insteaJ of oon
quertag his antagonist, is converted by him.
4i T' 0wiral Grant became convinced
rUt t Was wroll ln h,a attempt to resist
the Pre8il.mt r..i. i r . . j
noncBt in hha (a3 it would havo been in any ',
Other manl to retract and amnnd tita orror
1'ut we cannot refiain from saying that, even
if he was wrong in the first place," and right
now, the whole proceeding exhibits iu an un
happy light the inadequacy of his Judgment
in political affairs. All parties must agree
that one thing is clear and that is, either
General Grant oucht not tn hv m,1a
fight, or else he ought not to have ma le a
Burrenner. pum a man as General Grant
never fieureS Well ill t&kimr ft t.n lunliwinlg
When, therefore, he lately planted himself
ou aecuou u, we expected him to "light it
inn ou mat line, ii it tooK all summer." 1'er
haps, however, he will vet ntriv lilni9lf.
Meanwhile the country wishes him not to
bhuo, uui to conquer the l'residont.
Sumner, Wilson, and Butler on the
From the JV. Y. Herald.
Senators Sumner and Wilson and General
Rutler, all of Massachusetts, and all leading
radicals in Congress, have been giving pretty
freely their views and opinions on the present
crisis, and on the principal characters, issues,
and difficulties of the political situation. These
views and opinions are very interesting, and
esjiecially in reference to President Johnson,
the impeachment question, General Grant,
Chief Justice Chase, and the Presidential suc
lltfginuing with Senator Sumner: he pro
nounces the removal of Secretary Stanton at
this time as "a national calamity," that the
action of General Grant in consenting to take
his place is difficult to explaiu, and that, con
sidered as a Presidential candidate, "we are
left in harrowing uncertainty in regard to his
opinions;" that President Johnson "is per
verse, pig-headed, and brutal;" that "of
course he is a usurper and a tyrant;" that
"the wonder is Congress did not act accord
ingly long ago," aud "put him at once into a
Straight jacket;" that at last, however, he will
be impeached and removed, and "that if
any person calling himself a Republican takes
the side of the President it will be Mr, Pessen-
aeu," styled by Wendell Phillips "adyspoptio
Scotch terrier," but who, according to Sum
ner, is a pugnacious customer, like Johnson,
"though ot a much finer fibre," and who "has
always had a sott side for Johnson."
Such, in a nutshell, are the views and
opinions of Senator Sumner on the subjects
presenttd. His colleague, Wilson, though
running in the same general channel, diverges
here and there from the track of Sumner. Ac.
cording to Senator Wilson, the Congres-ional
scheme oi leconstruction, though, embarrassed
i and delayed by Mr. Johnsou, must go through
to us consummation, vvuson believes, thougu
a late belie ver, that "the President will be im
peached," that he "deserves impeachment,"
and that such has become the prevailing iudf-
meDt of the Republican party. In the opinion
of Wilson, Grant and Stanton are in the hap-
pit-Bu iuuuiu, uu viraui, luo jstauton, nas
gone into the War Department "to do what he
could and save what he could for the coun
try." Ab regards President Johnson. Mr.
Wilson thinks that "he goes by fits and
starts;" that, "in fact, he acts like a man on a
'bust who goes to sleep and wakes up and
djcbks tuings, ana men goes to sleep again,
and so on till he gets sober." "In mv idea."
says the Senator, "he is a foolish man, gov-
eineu uy gusts or passion ana temper; and a
disappointed man, because he really believed
he was going to succeed." Mr. Wilson does
not know whether Mr. Chase is a Presidential
candidate or not, but thinks "no man better
ntted to be President of the United States."
Only the other day, however, General Grant
was ine cnampion or Wilson against the field.
Next, in summing ud the viewn of Gnural
Butler, he does not like the position of General
uraui m me vyarumpe. it is "a very diffloult
and dangerous role" that he has to play, and
wine must oe icit 10 ten ine consequences
cttonton iM ths conttdonoa of tLtq country
Seward has evidently determined to be re
venged on the Republican party "for its pre
lerencefor Mr. Lincoln." "Impeaohment is
sure to come. The same causes whioh
hindered it heretofore will now tend to bring
it on," because President Wade's term in the
wniie riouse must now . of neoessity be so
short that his promotion will excite no
jealousies, from the fact, even if bo inolined,
he can do no mischief against any candidate
in his distribution of the spoils. It is on the
national finances, however, that General
Butler comes forth in the character of an en
lightened statesman. When we say that his
views on the great money Question inthA Wrt.
ing details are those whioh have been, venti-,
tatea through the llcrald for many mouths
past, we say all that is necessary in the Gene
ral's defense, for en this ground no enemy can
Hank him and bottle him up.
Such are the views, in brief, of three of the
most conspicnous Republican leaders of Mas
sachusetts. What do they signify 1 What is
the leading idea, . party necessity and party
purposes, in which they all concur f It is the
impeachment of President John on. Differing
on other men and other questions, Sumner,
Wilson, and Butler are iu harmony in regard
to President Johnson, Nor do we any longer
hear an opposing .voice from any corner of the
Republican camp against this general cry of
impeachment. Mr. . Johnson, doubtless, is
aware of his danger, and is doiog and will do
all he can to hold his position. He cannot
back out. He must maintain his ground.
What then is to follow no man can tell. We
may safely predict, however, that Southern
reconstruction will be interrupted and de
layed, that confusion will be worse confounded
between President and Congress and in the
Southern States, and that there will be no
peace and no reconstruction until this Admin
intration and the present Congress, and this
rabid and revolutionary Republican party, are
swept out of power by a new party movement
representing the will of the people. r .
Reaction A Great Democratic Victory
ln California!
From the XT. Y. World. , !
What Mr. Stevens calls "apathy," and what
common sense calls reaction and a return to
reason, is now the prominent political feature
of the North. The people are tired of radical
ism. .Its old cant phrases about "justice,"
the "Rock of Ages," the "progress or" lib
erty," and the like torchlight procession mot
toes, have become meaningless from the fact
that they were cant and nothing else. It has
become a matter of dollars and cents; lower
taxes; cheaper rents and food and clothing;
in short, it Las at last "come home," and the
people refuse to sustain radicalism because
they cannot afford it. It costs too much.
This reaction began in the very stronghold of
radicalism New England. Here is the popu
lar vote in New Uampshirs in the years 18G6
and 1807: -
Dem, Jiaa.Wetn. JaL
80,461 Xi.lM '22,472 ' 81,b
This gives, in 18Gtf, a radical majority in
that Btate of 4U5G, while in 1807 the radical
majority was but 2472 an enormous falling
oil ln a single year, and rn so small a vote,
In Connecticut the reaction Li. fairly, remark-
,. , . , 1
Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET,
Their Stock of Rya WhUklaa, I1V DORO, tomiirlMi all tha favorlta bramJa
nam, and rune thiough tli various tnontna of 1&6,'O0. and of thla ar. nJT Z
liitunt data. " !
Liberal contract maria for lota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad. Danafc:
Krrlcaeon Lina tterl.or at Bonded "W iriboain, aa parties mar elect. M
able in political annals; radicalism lost in the
changed vote of a single year the entire State
ticket, and three out of four Congressmen.
The vote of lSUG and 18(37 stood as follows:
18G6. . 1807 .
Jin a. I)em. Jittd
43.074 30.&81 teMl
Thus, in Connecticut, radicalism, with a ma
jority of 541 in 18o'6', in 18G7 was defeated by
a Democratic majority of 802. The reaotion
inthisStite is still more mirked, when we
remember that only two years before the ra
dical ticket was successful by mo: e than 11,000
We have, as yet, only imperfect returns
from elections this week in Vermont aud Cali
fornia. Both are radical States. The vote in
.Vermont in 1866 was:
Demorratio, 11,292; Radical, 34,117.
Which gives a radical majority of 22,825.
The claimed radical majority now is "about
18,000," or an admitted loss of "about" 5000
votes in one year.
From California, however, we have the
glorious news that the Democrats have elected
the Governor and State candidates, two out of
the three Congressmen, and a majority of
members of the Legislature securing, it will
be Been, the election of a Democrat to the
United States Senate. Whatever "explana
tions" defeated radicalism may offer, the fact
cannot be argued away that this great Demo
cratic victory is due to the irresistible popular
These elections and this reaction will be
manifest in the returns in Pennsylvania and
Ohio, especially in Ohio, where negro suffrage,
which the State has heretofore rejected, is
made a prominent issue this fall. In this
connection, it is well to call attention to the
table presented by the Personal Representa
tion Society to the Albany Constitutional Con
vention, showing that in the elections last
year in twenty-three States, the total radical
vote was 2,061,871, against a total of 1,644,308
Democratic vetes. The total radical ma
jority is therefore 417,563, and a change of
208,787 votes, or only b!x per cent., would
turn the balance against the radicals ln every
The following is the table:
2 a
Maine ,
Nw Hanjfiihlre
tthu InlitDd
New Jtrtwy ,
Ntw York
Pen nsyl vail
I ndlana......
Mil Lilian .,
Wl Virnluia..":
11 2iil
4 6u6
t ail
6 589
26 871
63 947 1
. 55 815
. 67,708
II 219
St 418
10. 3 8
WlxHourl ,
40 W8
? 1.644.808 417,563
Total voles..
This Sh0W8 that & 1 ii
- ., ;r -66'6a" " woaia nave
given the Democrats the majority of the votes
m the Union vhilat 4 i . . . . .
ner cent, in tha . ,
, - - -i "" " Dororaj, ui me mates a
cnanee or Ibrh th
7r - wuuiu nave
altered the resnlt. In view of the chances
action, it would seem an appropriate time for
i i '''""""t ', ana ueraid to publish
their fit aniline editm-ioln n iiti. - n..x ..
7. ,9 - .u vi. iiio xeainoi ine
L o K I no - C LASSES
In Every Stvle of Frames,
F. do la no & co,;
8 8Jm2i No.014AnCHStreet.'
Magazine niitl Illuminating;
'ine n oat Cheerful and Perfeut liatr In tTs. To
he bad Wholale and HeUllol I.S.CUKK,
1"2P Ko. liM AIARKET bu.ut. i'ujla. !
r- xi a lull l. union ana a(!l.r, VKI-N
l)AI. Kept dry under cover. Prepared exurawalv 1
for luoiily uk. Ybrd, No. !?:s W AtiUulfu ION
Avmue. OlUce. No. 614 WALNUT Bltet. 7 g
AND ... lilCfcT STOCK O!
R Y n: V7 II I O ic l e o
Diamond Dealers aad Jewellery
Would Invite the attention ot pnrcbMen to their
large and bandaomeaaaortmentof
ICE PITCH ERH In treat variety. ETC BT
A large assortment ot email BTUDS, lor eyele
holes. Just received.
WATCHiLS repaired In the beet manner, and
gnaranteed. t mp
Practical Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealer la
Superior Silver - Plated Ware,
(Second Floor),
6 rthetuSmrp PHILADELPHIA.
' . ' KROJfZES.
PAIRED. : . .;7
Particular attention paid to IlanoAustarlng all artl
clea ln oar line. rsu than
U e keep au uys on band an assortment ol
Oftha beat American and TnrWn Makers, all war
rautea to give complote satlsiactlon, aud at , , T
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, eta
11 UemUiJrp No, 824 CHE8NTJT St., below Fourth.
to)ck,,oXBn tai n? mCMeftaiy selected
An examluailon will show my stock to' be unani
passed In quality ana cheapness. nnaM
Particular at leu tion paid to repairing. $ 18
Have just received from Europe 'an invoice of
NOVILTIES. consisting ol AMMALS'-HEADS tot
halls and dlninK-rooms; HAT-RACK8 of Roar's tusks
nd some very curious CLOCKS, of Chamois and Ellc
horns. -
The above Is the first Invoice of these goods ln the
country, and are offered at very low prices. I s
No. 520 AH OH Streof
Hanulacturer and Dealer In
watciiem, ! - .n"
C1NB JEWKLRY, ' .... '- :l c-:
oiao aaTea-wARB,
jThe beet ln the world, sold at Pactorr Trices, '
' Ko. 18 South SIXTH Street.
8 tlamtiactory, JVo.82.fl; flFTIt BtrteU
tl A T nwK
www vrrn Mai
It ftlfords n. tnnoh ,i rz 1 1 1
pu u tiro i i . .
i. . . . " aVM
numerous piiioj T.(f ta7Ji"f" ODt
miDiuir. " r. PP.biio, Hj.i la cods a.
tiBther with Z..: t"'!5.JB.J1?P Bklrt material.
K.i.,"'nl!.T.r'from New York and the
low JrlcBH-Vn.... VTo,.i0W "" Hklrte. at very
follow luVi ?i ,to ' ltnbklrua
eate aml.?. ?iM?rl?lter'd'nd palr1. Who!i
.nin. , f1"1';! 'el'hHa.lelj.l.la lloup hklrt iuu-
'i No- WS 1VH. bln-t. bourn- hi.-mh.
l8urp W1UJAM T. aW'alKH.

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