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sriniT OF THE ritESS.
DITOBlAt orWIOFB OF THB IiEADHKJ JOnRHALS prO CDMIDT IOPICB COMPILED BV8BT PAT FOB TH aVKNIHO TKLBOBAPH. Suffrage for the Blacki. Jmned Borce time since, that negro, iu the eoutbern Statea hould be recogmzed as cjti xens, and admitted to the suffrage. He be Ueres that such a course would contribute larirel to the peace and prosperity of the KhoIe community. He thinks, however, that this should be done by the State and not by Congress, and that suffrage for both whites and blacks should be made to depend upou Character and intelligence. We do not doubt that the thinking man of the South generally concur in Una opinion. There is much less of mere prejudice against Ihe negro in the South than among certain classes in the North. Even before the aboli tion of slavery, nngroes were sure of better Jiersonal treatment from Southern people than rom Northern. The South very naturally bjects to universal negro suffrage, because they know very well that the great holy of the negroes are utterly unqualified for it; that they know nothing whatever of the ques tions which their votes may determine; and that they will inevitably become tools in the hamlg Of demagogues. But there can be very little doubt that if Mr. Lincoln had lived, or if the polioy of reconstruction which he devised and favored had been carried out; negroe3 would have been allowed to vote in nearly, if not quite all the Southern States, just as fast as they might have become qualified so to do. He himself recommended it, as did also Mr. Johnson when he succeeded to the office; aud the general sentiment of the intelligent poli tical leaders of the South was decidedly in favor of it. The shallow pretense that this is the "white man's government," and that none but white men should ever have any share in making the laws and choosing the rulers which all are required to obey, died with Slavery among all sensible and reflecting men, South as well as North; and it has been re served for the Democratic Bourbons of the present day to revive it and make it the basis of their political creed. It ought to be remembered, moreover, that the adoption of universal negro suffrage, both in the District of Columbia and throughout the South, is due directly to the Democratic representatives in the last Congress. A large . majority of the Republican party decided in caucus against it; and when it was proposed in Congress to establish intelligence as a qualifi cation for negro suffrage in the District of Columbia, the Democrats voted with the extreme radicals against it, and thus secured . its defeat. Universal negro suffrage, with a disfran Chisement of the great body of the whites, forced upon the Southern States by military power, and leading in nearly all those states to the absolute supremacy of the negroes in the Government, must of necessity be odious and intolerable to the white inhabitants. Even If forced to consent to it, such a step must implant in their minds the most bitter resent ment towards those by whom the blow ha been inflicted. Its direct tendency, moreover, is to array the blacks and whites against each Other to make each feel that the other is his enemy, and thus to sow the seeds of future collisions and hatreds between the two races. If the work had been done by the people of those States themselves, the result would have been very different. That it must have been done Sooner or later is certain. The negroes in all the Southern States are so numerous, the capital and industry of the South are so dependent upon them, that their admission to the suffrage would very soon become abso lutely indispensable to the safety of Southern Bociety; and the Southern whites would have consulted their own interests quite as much as those of the blacks, by bringing them in as rapidly as possible to the exercise of political power. The violent and arbitrary manner in which Congress has seen fit to settle this question, is unquestionably one very powerful element in the recent reverses which the Republican party has sustained in the Northern States. 23ut we are glad to see that Wade Hampton and other Southern men of position aud inllu- ence have not changed their views on this subject. If the Southern States can be led to take wise and generous action on this matter, they will contribute very largely to the har- mony of sentiment between the two sections which is so important to the welfare of both. The Indian Peace Commlmlou, From the JV. Y. Timet. The Indian Peace Commission, of which Generals Sherman and Harney are members, if it does not eventually succeed in satisfacto rily arranging a permanent peace with the b-OBtile Indian tribes, has accomplished some good already. The Commission had an advan tage over all others which have preceded them of late, in the fact that they were authorized to offer to the various tribes some definite terms, and to bind the Government to the faithful fulfilment of them. Other Commis- oirna 1 ,11 u ti aunt nnf "tn ftivoatltt'ita " n n 1 while Indians were induced to come to their councils by the offer of presents, consisting mainly of guns and ammunition, finding that the Commissioners in reality had no autho rity to do anything, they listened to the mes sages fron their "great father," and then re turned to the plains to test their new guns upon the first passing stage coach or emigrant train. General Sherman's Commission offers them tennanent homes, the means of securing a ivelihood, and an immediate prospect of im proving their condition. The Indians with whom they have consulted have taken the matter under consideration, and are to return their answer at the council in November. . Thv promised that meantime no depreda tions snuld be committed, and thus far they Lave kept ileir word. Since that council we Lave heard of no outrages on either stage COaohes, emigrants, railroads, or road stations. Eettlera have been undisturbed, and horses and mules have been safe from "stampedes." The Indians require but an ordinary amount Of civil treatment to make them behave rea sonably, and we doubt not that, if their authority is sufficient, the Commission will make friends of those tribes who have recently been such an annoyance on the line of the Pacific Railroad. Having put matters in trim for seouring peace with the Northern Indians, the Com mission is now hastening further south to hold a grand council with the Arapahoe, Cheyennes, Apaches, Kiowas, and Coman cb.es, who are there assembled, and anxiously awaiting the Commissioners. These tribes have been brought in after much trouble and any promises, and are reported to be de 99U V? ieourg peace, iiey jiiftkt tfwi$ TDE DAILY EVEK'mG TELEGRAFII PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAjQOTOBER 17, 18G7. complaints of bad treatment and broken trea- ties, ana now reiy C to rieht their wrongs. iu;uiw homes and support, the same as tbe oiner tribes were, ana win aouune uo enough to exchange their roving, irregular life for comfortable houses and Government rations. Should they refuse this, however, the Peace Commission will have done some good in withdrawing, for a few weeks at least, so many hostile savages ironi the great lines of travel. The Presidential (ineatlon Uprising of Ilia People for Ueniral Urant. From the iV. 3'. Herald. Like a dazzling castle in the clouds, the gorgeous and imposing Presidential structure of Mr. Chase and his followers has suddenly melted away aud vanished. From its turrets to its foundations it has disappeared. The late emphatic verdict of the people of Ohio against immediate and universal negro suffrage has, in a word, set aside Mr. Chase as a Presiden tial candidate for 18(8, and brought the great soldier and champion of the Union cause con- Bpicously in the foreground as the central ligure on the canvass, around whom all other Presidential avauables or aspirants are secon dary and subordinate characters. As it was with Ciesar, so it may now be said of Mr. Chase "Yesterday he might have stood against the world ;" but now, looking to the succession among practical matter-ot-fact men, "there are none so poor as to do him reverence." Yesterday he had, apparently, the game in his hands against all competitors. Standing on the platform of universal negro suffrage, and strengthened on every side by his financial system, including his national banks, holding within his grasp the control ling machinery of the Republican party, believing his ruling idea on suffrage a foregone conclusion, and having, as he supposed, neu tralized the claims of Grant, Sheridan, Stautou, and other heroes of the military department, by jostling their heads together with that of "Andy Johnson," the rank and lile of tin Republican pai ty were silenced. They said nothing, because they saw not clearly any way of escape. Mr. Chase, to all appearances, was the coming man. This was his attitude on the morning of the 8th of Octeber ; but the next rising of the sun found him iu the position of General Lee at Appomattox Court House, and Grant the master of the situation What do we now see f A general uprising of the conservative masses of the great Union party of the war in the name of General Grant From Maryland to Missouri, from Massachu setts to Montana, from the Delaware to the Sacramento, public meetings and resolutions proclaiming General Grant for the succession are the order of the day. At one of these meetings at Philadelphia the other day a Republican speaker, touching upon the popu lar sense of gratitude for preeminent publio services in the held of war, said that Grant, like Washington and Jackson and Harrison and Taylor, was sure of his reward. But it might have been added that, while the people ot the loyal states remember that the armies of the Union, scattered about over eight hun dred thousand square miles of territory. eclipsed, under Grant, the grandest combina tions, battles, and victories of the great Napo leon, it will be folly to talk of other candi dates for the Presidency if Grant is in the field. Nor. in practical statesmanship, has any one of tlie leading politicians ot tue day proved himself the superior or the equal of General Grant in the management, for instance, of this difficult business ot southern reconstruction In this view, then, as a ttatesman, on his first appearance as a Presidential candidate before the country, he will stand in comparison not only far above Taylor or Harrison, but much higher than Jackson himself; for in the outset General Jackson was known in the East only as the hero of New Orleans, and of some Indian fights in Alabama, and of the hanging of six militia men, and of that fatal duel with Dickson, and of a bloody rough-and-tumble light, pistols and bowie-knives, with Colonel Benton aud other parties, on both sides, in Nashville. Thi3 was so; yet, when put to the test, "Old Hickory" proved himself more than a match in statesmanship lor Clay, Calhoun, Webster, and ck Biddle, separately or com bined. Grant presents none of these attri butes of the ferocious backwoodsman. He is a quiet, amiable, modest little man. He is a puzzle to experts in character and to the keenest politicians, and yet he stands, like King Saul, a head and shoulders above all the host ol mighty men ot Israel. The Republican party has been carrying too much baggage. Grant is the man to cast it off' and to bring his army into the field in clean fighting trim. The heavy caravan of camels and donkeys, with all the traps and trumpery of Chase, Stevens, bumner, liutler, rhillips, Greeley, and their set, will have to be left be hind. The result will probably be a separate camp ol the intractable "manhood suffrage, " Sunday prohibition liquor law, and women's rights people, and other moral reformers, after the manner of the old abolition faction in their day. Let them go. The people who carried the country right side up through the late terrible war have their own notions of recon struction, and Grant is their man. The domi nant party in Congress, -and the Republican leaders outside, must fall into line or clear the track. Otherwise they will be run down and destroyed. The Democrats will probably con centrate again upon General McClellan, and, if relieved ol vaiiandigham, he will serve as well as any other man to hold the party in position in view of the campaign of 187-. The preliminary skirmishes for 18GB have swept out the radical Jacobins and their revolution ary schemes. They must now drop into the rear or join the guerillas. The vote of New l ork, in November, will only give a new im pulse to these popular movements for Grant, so that, with the reassembling of Congress, the fact, we expect, will be recognized in both Houses that the reign of the radical Jaoobins is ended, that the reign of common sense is at hand, and that General Grant is the coming man. Italy. From the N. Y. Tribune. The obstacles thrown in the way of the revolutionary party in Italy seem to swell the volume and ultimately accelerate the momen tum of the current. The Italian people are a sort of child-race among the nations, not only in their immaturity in all that pertains to Gov ernment, but in those causes out of which their immaturity arises, viz, their superstition, their love of ease and amusement, their lack of business capacity, masouline energy, per sistence, and will. Hence Italian revolutions are a succession of happy or unhappy aooi denta. The resistance to be overcome is 80 Blight as only to seem respectable when com pared with the feebleness in all but a leader of the Party of Action. It is into the midst of such weak elements that Garibaldi ia thrown as almost the only soul and energy and vita lizing power in the movement. Garibaldi at Jilerty isYelutlQa, Garibaldi utliwil is counter revolution. But the Imprisoned Garibaldi is again at liberty, if his words are free. The proclamations oi the prisoner are the decrees of the inchoate State that is still in the womb, but may be born to morrow. As with his revolutions of Sicily and Naples, so it may be with this of Xiome. lo-day the new state is but a thought in one hero's breast To-morrow .it is an emotion that trembles in the hearts of thousands. Then It is an en thusiasm a riot a triumph and. at last, a state, the brightest gem in the diadem ol Italy. It is dilhcult to believe that the lt:than Government can be otherwise thau secretly desirous of the success of the revolution. That, while it is a mere dmnile, it should aim to keep up the appearance of preserve; iu treaty stipulations is natural. That it should arrest Garibaldi, mi l so keep him from launch ing himself on the uncertain tide of popular enthusiasm in the Papal States, without an organization or an army, was probably neces sary to prevent bis falling into the huuis ol the Pope's executioners. To suppose that Victor Emanuel has more regard for a trpnty wilh his admitted enemies than for achieving the addition of Rome and the Papal States to his kingdom, is to suppose that he is destitute not only of common sense, but of ordinary selfishness. The unknown quanti ties in the problem are, will the people or Rome effect a formidable rising, so as to justify the avowal of the movement by Victor Ema nuel r v ill Napoleon recnact the rule ot pro tector of the l'ope, as in 1840, and prevent the consummation of Rome's deliverance f Will Prussia intervene to prevent Napoleon's inter vention 1 The success of the Italian revolution would be so vast a step forward that the hearts of all the Protestant, and halt the Catholic world, beat quicker at every symptom of hope for its hero. The friends of liberty in England have sent him words of cheer and comtort which will have their weight. For words in England are stronger than men in Italy. The Pope, who alone of all powers recognized the Cou- lederacy, and mpoleon, author ol the Mexican empire, are his only enemie3. is our uov- ernmeut giving its moral support to freedom in Italy or to despotism; to those who were with us in our struggle or against us; to Gari baldi, whose residence in our midst would have made him a citizen of our republio, if he could have ceased to be a citizen ot the world; or to Napoleon, whose suppression of the re publio in Italy, in 184'.), was only equalled in perfidy by his attempted suppression ol tue republic in Mexico t Is it not time lor the American people to speak f The One Thing That Can't Possibly Be UOIXC From the JV. Y. Tribune. There is a venerable gentleman who hails from "The Leeches," Ohio, and conoocts a large quantity of sapience for the New York Times. His last effort is an attempt to account for the result of the late election in his State. Here is his first aud principal reason why many thousands ol nepuuiicans i,ue says; were dissatisfied, and refused to go to the polls: "The Stale ticket and Legislature ia gome of the large counties were borne down by tlie Question ol neiiro suflraee. unwisely and un- luercliuuy ;orcuU upon wiem, anu put iu me worst possible form. It was coupled with a cltHtraucniMt uieui oi ueseriers, many oi wnoiu were euliii'ly limooent, having left the army wetf. none can toll: but 1 tliluk a ureal ninuy. tsui, entirely aside irnra mis, me people oi vjiuo will nol vole lor negro nun rani) uu mey cuari:;e their niiiiuH. The fuel that it was. practically. of little or no importance, only showed that the mirtv leaders wanletl to iorco n upon tuoiu uonlnut. tlii'ir convictions. li oil can lo..id iiiii.K.' hays the moverb. Puler the Urent uu- lit.rse IO WUltr. out. yim unuuui iiiao uiiu dorlook to shave the lone hair of his soldiers. Hi-.'' cuiild not do it. I'nrty leailers cannot uo hk much ns lie could. It Is Derfect nonsense to tfilk about 'loKienl sequences' and the 'right of Huii'rnee to neonlo who don't know what a logi cal sequence is, uuucaieuoiumg suoui sunraau for others; Deslues, the uociriue useii is non sense. A mnn who nns not now a vote uus no more rieht to vote than those who nave, ine single women of this county (nuin boring many n.onmuHiR. tuxeu lor ineir nroneriyi huyo m right to vote, in every precinct of Ohio, thoState i ickt-t lout voles fon arcountof the amendment) of Republicans who either aid not vote at iu, or vlrtnnllv vntpil acalnst the whole ticket. In one word, you cannot force men to vote against bum their convictions anu ineir pre. uuiuca. j-k is wt-ll that the atlemnt is made In a year when the lesson will be useful, and not do a great ileal nf TniMchlrit T regard this lesson as the stepping-stone for success In 1868. The Repub lican paity, If H wishts to retain power, must at once throw aside all the wild, revolutionary theories which ultra men, by working on the war fever, have endeavored to engraft on the policy of the country. In other words, the side issues, the moral aud social questions, must be lelt where tbey belong, to the reason and con science of the people. It Is not tne Christian Lion m ipi'lulnta tnpn into unvthlntr. On tne contrary, the appeal is from human tribunals in lh hlchnr tribunal of the conscience. The (ierman must be allowed to drink his lager beer unmolested; the young men to chew to- Ducco; ine negro to do euueatea (.as u win "v to a high condition. In one word, a national nrt.v miiHt Im national. riAallncr nnlv with the general policy. We lost one of the largest counties of Ohio for something about laser beer, and the city of Philadelphia was lost from Ihe same cause, ine itepuDiioan party must at once return to lis proper business or proviu lug national measures lor the restoration aud prosperity oi tne country." Comments by the Trbiune. I. It ia a blessed consolation that the uni verse is so governed that men are not at liberty to evince in their conduct all the baseness that lurks in their hearts. Were it otherwise, we apprehend that what the Observer stupidly miscalls a "side issue" would be given the go-by; the party managers ignoring all "moral and social questions," devoting all attention to the grand problem: "How shall we retain our present ollices, or be enabled to exchange them for better 1" Thus, emancipation was a -siae issue" till it pleased God to mate it Pi- bably indispensable to the salvation of the union; necro soldiershin was a "side issue till it became impossible to fill the ranks of the national armies fast enou eh with whites alone. And now the Republican party will enfranchise the blacks or die in the etfort, not mainly because three-fourths of its members ardently desire to do it, but because the more cunning minority, who would otherwise out- manage or betray the great majority, will soon discover that they cannot help themselves 1 ..... f . 1 - ma mey uave exactly liobson's choice in me premises "10 be or not to !..' II. The Southern States timst be restored to neir normal position in the Union. This is tnot only right but urgent. Every hour of needless delay is a national inlurv. and of course a damage to the Remihlinan party. An attempt to postpone it on party grounds till after the next Presidential election will certainly injure and probably defeat the party uiai wanes it. III. And, since reconstruction cannot be postponed, the negro question cannot be dodged. The blacks of the South must be guaranteed the right of suffrage when their States are reconstructed, or they will never get it never I All adverse talk of "side issues," "moral questions." "national mea sures," "general policy," etc. etc. ia, in view of mis iacv, a simpie aenance of common sense. IV. For the Republicans are bound to go under (thank God I) if they don't enfranchise Ue Lktkj. AliUlllOfKl SU&aga.i B9 Issue" for them, but one of life and death. If the blacks are not enfranchised, Vaiiandigham couiu neat uenerai urani tor 1'resideut. If the Southern States wore reconstructed on a white basis, he could and would carry all but one of me nueen late slave Mates bv overwhelming majorities, as the late elections in Marylaud ana AentucKy conclusively attest. The Demo cratic party, reinforced by the late Rebels, would rule us with a rod of Iron from the hour that reconstruction without neero suH'race was consummated. We defy any one who can count twenty to shut his eyes to the fact that the lourteen boutheru Mates (Tennessee standing out) will unanimously choose Demo cratic Electors of President, and send twenty- eigut i;eniocrais to the Reuate, with nearly a nunuied to me House, lrom the hour in winch they are "rehabilitated" with their blacks under the feet of their whites. V. Of course, our devotion to manhood, as contradistinguished from white, suffrage is not governed by the above considerations. We worked as heartily for it in 184h,when slavery ruled the land, aud there was but the faintest hope of its ultimate overthrow, as we do now. We are simply showing why even the other sort of Republicans can't "go back" on the negro if they would. Unless they intend to make lilairs of themselves, by going over to the sham Democracy, they will have to face the music, no matter though they have no car. Jony Lumpkin, urged by his mother to disappoint his friends who are expecting him at tlie tavern, naively answers, "Though I could easily consent to disappoint my friends, 1 can t allord to disappoint myselt." And every professed Republican who turns against manhood suilrage should bespeak and secure beforehand a place iu the Democratic caravan. Tbere is no other going his way; and, if bis policy w ins, the other won't go at all much longer. Presidential Candidates Gen. Grant. From the JV. Y. World. The current of Republican journalism at least, if not the drift of party sentiment, is, since the late elections, setting so strongly in favor of General Grant, that the leading radical organ attempts to breast it in a double- leaded leader, which sets out by turning pre tensions like Grant's into ridicule, and winds up with predicting that if any man of his type of politics is elected, it will be by the Demo crats. The Tribune thus advertises that, in addition to other causes of disintegration and embarrassment, the Republican party will be at loggerheads in the selection of its standard- bearer. The party stands between the horns of this sharp dilemma: with a radical candidate on a negro suffrage platform they are certain to be whipped while if the party makes a pre tense of moderation and runs General Grant; the radicals will bring out a separate candi date. It concerns General Grant more, perhaps. than it does anybody else, to form a correct judgment of the probabilities of his success if he should be made the candidate of the Re publican party. The reasonable pride of character which befits a man in his position would naturally withhold him from running the gauntlet of an acrimonious political can vass, unless he supposed there was more than an even chance of his election. Hut whatever political syrens may sing in his ears, the chances, if he allows himself to be made the candidate of the Republicans, are ten to one against him. We do not say this from an overweening coniidence in the fortunes of the Domouratio party; it is au opinion founded upon irreconcilable diligences among the Re publicans, and the strong vantage-ground pos- Besseu iiy ww rauicais ior running a third ticket. If they can get electoral votes enough to prevent either of the other candidates from receiving a majority, they are quite sure of electing the President; since, in that case, the House of Representatives, voting by States, make the choice, and the House on which this duty would devolve is already elected aud in tensely radical. General Grant, as the candi date of the more moderate Republicans, would prevent desertions to the Democrats, and thus, as the radicals hope, carry the election into the House, where their victory would be as sured in advance. If, therefore, General Grant consents to re ceive a Republican nomination, the very ut most his friends can accomplish is the preven tion of a choice by the people, and the election of his radical competitor by the House of Representatives. The aggregate Republican vote will be greater if the party splits and runs two candidates, than it would be by attempting to concentrate its strength upon one; since the moderate candidate of the Conservatives would retain many Republican voters who would otherwise desert to the Democrats, while the radical candidate would draw out the full vote of the extremists. This is the most skilful game that could be played for defeating the Democratio party: but if General Grant lends himself to it, he will merely beat the bush for his radical rival to catch the bird. The radicals, seeing that they hold a tramp card in their strong ascendancy in the House, cannot very well be coerced into the support of Grant. To be beaten in the Republican Na tional Convention would greatly improve their chances, which accounts for the boldness with which the Tribune flaunts the radical banner and shouts or an advance since the recent defeats. It is a calculated audacity. The Tribune itself does not pretend that the party can succeed by occupying its extreme ground. It artfully afl'ects to undervalue success in comparison with a resolute adhereuoe to principle; it bestows preposterous praue on the Ohio radicals for perilling the late elec tion by their fidelity to the negro; it takes no pains to have it believed that a radical plat form and candidate would lead to success. The weak-kneed Republicans and expe diency men will be confirmed by the protesta tions of the Tribune in their opinion of the necessity of more moderate courses, and the knowing radicals will secretly rejoice at the growing strength of Grant which they pretend to deprecate. They know well enough that with the Republican party united on a radical candidate the Democrats would easily win. They hope that a division will strengthen bath wings; the Grant wing by preventing deser tions, the radical wing by calling out voters who would otherwise stay at home in disgust. If the two wings together shall outnumber the Democrats, the radical object will be accom plished by carrying the election into the House, where they are safe. Judging from preBent appearances, there is little doubt that General Grant can have the regular Republican nomination, if he will take it. It will be given against a noisy, simu lated opposition meant for no other purpose than to lay the foundation for a radical bolt. We have mistaken the charaoter of General Grant if he is not too shrewd aud wary to be drawn into such a trap, and to allow himself to be made a stalking-horse to aid the election of a radical President. The ways of politi cians are crooked and slippery, a i Lim to la wU oa hU guard. nd it be- OU Bye Miislcics. THE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF E OLD RYE 7 H I 8 K I EZ G IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY HENRY S. HANNIS.& Q0 Kce. 218 aud 220 SOUTH FEOKT STREET, wni emu iiik same to hie tbadb ih lots oh tkbi invANTieEoci TEB9U, Vhelr rtotk or Br Wrilihlee, IX BOIID, unprlin all th ftrorlto braall extant, a rune through the rlo moatbi of 1868,'6fl, and of this year, wp tej r"ft date. Ltlieral rontmrti made for lot to arrive at FenneyWaula, Hellroad Uepotf fc-rrloio T.ln Vriarf, or at llosded YY arehoaaae, as parties may elect. CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS AND DRUGGETS, EEEVE L. 12thtu2m Fresldent Jolimnn and the Tenure of fifllee Bill, From the N. Y. World. A statement was made in Washington on Tuesday, purporting to have been authorized by the President, that he was determined to disregard the Tenure of Office act and treat it as a nullity. Instead of communicating to the Senate, as that act requires, his reasons for suspending Secretary Stanton, and awaiting its action thereon before appointing a regular successor, he will merely send in a nomination to fill the vacancy precisely as if no such act had been passed. If the Senate should refuse to act on the nomination and attempt to rein state Stanton, the President will forbid the delivery to him of the keys and papers of the office. Stanton, in that case, will apply to the Supreme Court for a mandamus to put him in possession. It will not be granted without argument, and the President expects that the Court will pronounce the Tenure of Office act unconstitutional, and thus restore to him the powers of removal and appointment which have betn exercised by his predecessors since the beginning of the Government. The Republicans will, of course, make this determination the topio of another great out cry against President Johnson, whom they will accuse of defiant disobedience to the laws of the land. But his course admits of the most solid justification. If the Tenure of Office act be really, as he deems it, repugnant to the Constitution, it is no law at all, and ought not to be obeyed. The President does not assume to decide this question for himself, but proposes to refer it for decision to the tri bunal ordained for interpreting the laws arid judging of their consistency with the Constitu tion, if the Supreme Court, after lull argu ment, should decide to Issue the mandamus, the President will obey it. Nothing could be more absurd than to dis pute the right of the President to bring laws which he believes unconstitutional to a judi cial teat. It is a right possessed by every citi zen. This right, which all aggrieved citizens possess, of refusing obedience to unconstitu tional laws, is the indispensable means of maintaining the supremacy of the Constitu tion, and keeping the legislative branch of the Government within its prescribed bounds. The courts can take no cognizance of such questions until they are brought before them by regular suits, which none but aggrieved parties have any motive to bring. The mean est citizen equally with the highest officer has a right to resist any law which he considers unconstitutional, provided he resists by legal methods; provided he resists not to make himself the final judge in his own cause, but to bring it before a competent tribunal. The question raised by Mr. Johnson was ably argued on constitutional grounds in the first Congress, and brought to a legislative de cision which was respected for nearly seventy years. Leading Republicans like Madison, and leading Federalists like Fisher Ames, concurred in the opinion that the President possesses the power of removal by the Consti tution. The authority of the first Congress ia of at least as much weight on such a question as that of the thirty-ninth; the former having consisted of framers of the Constitution and their contemporaries, and the latter of heated, Intemperate partisans. The deliberate deci sipn of the first Congress, after full debate, and the uniform usage of the Government, create a presumption against the constitutionality of the Tenure of Office act strong enough to amply justify the President in referring the question to the judiciary. STEAM engine: packing. The modern and extremely populur packing, called MIL! Klt'N tlBKICATlVE, 80AP-&T0IKE IMCIilNli, Has blrc&dy been adopted Dyover20,0flo Locomotive and stationary Kngloes, anil Is beyond quest Ion tbe eahient applied, (lie mom durable, tlie cheapest, aud wears tbo machinery iho leant of any steam engine piicking yet introduced. It Is not liable to bum or cut, Uoea not require oil, and there is uo waste iu the use, as it is iuucIh ol all sizes to suit Die boxes, from 4 to 2 inches in dlieueter. All persons interested in the u -te ot tbe steam engine are particularly requested to give this packing a lilal, A liberal diucouut wij be made to (leaiers, NO, 039 A Ht II NTUUKT, fllll.A. Bole Agent for Pennsylvania aud Delaware. Pee certllicutc below. OFl'K'K OF Tilt KlI'KKINTKNnFNTOF MOTIVB .POWUU AMI 111 AlllISKHV. KlllK UtlLWlY Kuw Youk. bent. 79. lMiifi. 866. ) Mv Dkar Sjk: In reply to your Inquiries in rela tion to the comparative economy of Hemp Packing, us compared wlh Lubricating Packing, I will say that Hemp Packing, at an uveragr cost of. 3a cents per round, costs ii h 2 3 10 mills per mile run, while the rubricating Packing coils, at an averuge cost of bl 2 8 cents pe- pound, 1 1-10 mill per mllu ruu. We propose to une it exclusively for all fcteam btufliug boxes. Very truly yours, li. ti. llitUOKS. bupt. U. P. A M. P. S.-Tlie popular IlYMtAl'LIC PAtKIIKW, Adapted to' cold-water pumps, and madeslmllar to tlie Lubrlcallve Packing, but ol dlllerent material, will be furnlhbed promptly any li" 'row, to 2 inches, and w ill be found a superior article tor pumps. It 21 stuth 2iVtp M. TJt GARDNER & FLEMING, OOAOII MAKERS. mo. si voiiTii rirrii tbket. New and BeoonJ-band Carriage for sale. Par t Jf-nlar attention paid to repairing 80 6m OXKBI BOXESI BOXPSII Franklin Planing Kill, all klnus of Boxes. Bos bhonks and 1P Boards made to order. Also, Lum. ber lor sale, worked to suit customers. Also, While a.ud Hard Pine Flooring. V. M. Will TIKO. N. K. cor KNICtfIT & SQN, NO. 80 OII.ISM'T NTBEET. WATCrlfcS, JEWELRY, ETC. C B. KITCHEN, JEWELER, S.E. Corr.er TENTH and CIIESNIIT GREAT SEDUCTION IK PBICEJS. DIAMOKDM, WATCIIEH, JEWELBT, SILVER. WARE, BRONZES, AU. GOODS MARKED IN PLAIN FIQXJKEB, WATCHES AND JEWELRY REFTJLLY RH PAXJUOJ. Particular attention paid to Manufacturing all aatt, Olea In oor line. rilltham FINE WATCHES. We keep always on hand an assortment ot INDIES' AND CENTS' "FINE WATCIIES' Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all Wat ranted, to give complete satisfaction, and at GREATLY REDUCED PRICES. FARR A BROTHER, Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc, 11 Usmtbirp No. 824 CHESCTOT St., below Fourth, Especial attention given to repairing Watches and Musical Boxes by FlKBT-CLAHt8 workmen. LEWIS LADOMUS & CO., DIAMOND DEALERS AND JEWELLERS, JVo. 80S CHE8NUT 6TIIEUT, Would Invito the attention of purchasers to their large stock of CENTS' AND LADIES' WATCHES, ' Just received, of tbe finest European makers. Independent quarter, "ecoud, ana self-winding. In gold and silver cases Also, AMK1UCAN WATCHES of all sizes. lamond Sets, Pins, Studs, Kings, etc. Coral, Malachite, Garnet, and Etruscan Seti, la great variety. 16 IMd SOLID SILVERWARE of all kinds, Including ft large assortment suitable tor Bridal Presents.' WATCIIES, JEWELKY. W. W. OASSIDY, NO. 1 KOIITU SECOND STREET, Offers an entirely new and most carefully selected stock of AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES QV EVERY DESCRIPTION. suitable FOR BRIDAL OR IIOL.IDAT PRESENTS, An examination will show my stock to be nnsoi passed In quality and cheapness. Particular attention paid to repairing. ' IMf C. RUSSELL & CO., Ko. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET, OFFER ONE OF TUE LARGEST STOCKS or FINE FRENCH CLOCKS, OF IDEIROWN IMPORTATION, IN TUB CITY. 6 2j AMERICAN WATCHES, Tbe best in flie world, sold at Factory Prices, BY C. & A. PEQUICNOT, MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES, No. 13 Kouth SIXTH Street. Manufactory, Ko. 22. 8. JHFTH Street, 8 8 gTERLIKQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY ' NO. Ill LOCIKT STREET. GEOltGE S II AJZ I, Patentee of tbe Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures every description or fine STERLING SILVER. WARE, and offers for sale, wholesale and retail, a choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new styles at low prices. 9 26 3m J. M.BJIARP. A. ROBERTS. cloths, cassimeres, etc. 1867. fall. 1867 JUST RECEIVED, NEW STYLES' FANCY CASSIMERES AND COATINGS, In addition to pur unusually large line of good adapted to MEN'S AND BOYS' WEAR. M01IBIS, CLOTIIIER & LEWIS, CLOTH JOBBERS, 824m WOW. IB AND 81 8. FOURTH T C L O A K I N C S. We call particular attention to a large assortmea ol very desirable styles LADIES', CLOAKINOS, J nut received from New York anction sales, In add lion to tbe BILVER FOX, DIAMOND, I1XDM PARK, and many other leading makes. . MQRltlS, CLOTIIIER & LEWIS, CLOTH HOUPE, sum flWtiFstsoMiirwBxwsit a"-1 um