OCR Interpretation


The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, December 02, 1867, FOURTH EDITION, Image 2

Image and text provided by Penn State University Libraries; University Park, PA

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83025925/1867-12-02/ed-1/seq-2/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for 2

THE DAILY ', EVE1S ING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 18G7.
srmiT OF TUB PRESS.
JDITOBJAT. OPTHIOIJB OV TBI LSADmO JOURNAL
ITTOH CTRBKST TOPICS COMPIIJSD VBT
PAT FOB TH1 XYKllllta TM.WJKAPH.
Tk Timptnl Pwr.
from .rY. K. TWoun
The Hon. Enoch Loala Lowe, ex-Governor
of Maryland, is a retpeoUblu oitiaeo, who eea
fit to lie Roman Catholic, which ia Ma busi
ness, and none of oura. He lately aaw fit to
t In ampathy with the late slaveholder's
Rebellion, which was onr business; but the
war ia gone, and he ia now on the strong side
ia Maryland, and in the White House at Wash
ington, under the guise of conservatism or
Pemocracy. But Governor Lowe cornea to
tfew York to lecture her oitizena on "The
Roman Catholic Church and Modern Civil'za
titn," and sees fit to ray hat Sfema to as de
tervirg of criticism touching what is oalled
the Temporal Power. Ilia ideas on this point
we find summed up by our reporter as fol
lows: The speaker entered Into a full defense of
the temporal power of Hie I'ipen, contending
that ll bad been ruatuly exercised on behalf of
the people and hkhIiihi. tlit-ir oppressors, and
that II was demanded by tlie Interest of
2UO,000,0()0 ot Christians In all parts ol tne world
that the Pope kUouiu b luvupeuuent, and, lu
order to be this, lie must be Governor of a small
territory in Italy. The voice aud doctrlut'S of
the Papal Cburcli hud always been on the aide
of liberty," eie. eto. .
Now, "the right of 200,000,000 Christians"
(be the number more or less) to have a Pope,
to be guided by him in spiritual, and (if they
choose) also in temporal things, ia their own
affair altogether. We would not meddle with
it if we could. And if he and they hold that
he must exercise a temporal power, we have
no business with that. Most certainly, we
deem it a great mistake, most damaging to his
prestige as a spiritual ruler or guide, and in
evitably calculated to divide hia time and dis
tract his attention from the precepts of Him
Whose "kingdom was not of thia world." But
we are not hia judge in the premises, and do
not oare to discuss the point at issue.
But when Governor Lowe inaiats that this
earthlj head of '2H),000,000 Christians"
mast be sovereign of "a small territory in
Italy," we cannot but demur. Suppose Italy
does not want him for a temporal sovereigu;
suppose the "small territory in Italy" prefers
not to be ruled by him what then ? Is he
to rule that territory, dismember that Italy,
nevertheless J If so, how can it be pretended
that "the voice and doctrines" whioh demand
this are "always on the side of liberty ?"
Here ia a touchstone whioh instantly explodes
the pretense.
To all that can be said in support of Mr.
Lowe's position, we oppose one knock-down
argument the map of Italy. Scrutinize it, we
pray you, and judge if it be possible to assent
to that position. Most oertai-Tfedo not
agree with Metternich!tHrtf7aly is "merely a
geographical exprSSJ7Tbat sne Ig at least
mat. LOOor hu ., i snfl hour sh la
Wills
flSby the Alps, the Atlantic, and the
lediterranean, rendering her geographically
and topocraphically a country as distinctive
and palpabley as any in Europe. True, her in
land boundary should be the crest of the Alps,
not their base the Trentiue district, with the
southward slopes of Switzerland and the Tyrol
are rightfully part of her. We trust the day
is not remote when all who speak the Italian
tongue will be under the protection of the
Italian Hag. But even without these, Italy ia
a nation of twenty-five millions of civilized
people, inhabiting a fertile and geuial region,
speaking one language, thrilled by mutual
Sympathies and by common traditions of an
cient glory, while their more recent achieve
ments in painting, sculpture, architecture,
xuusio, have justly placed them high on the
roll of nations. Dante, Tasso, Ariosto,
Raphael, Michael Augelo, Titian, Corregglo,
Machiavelli, Columbus, etc., are not Tuscan,
Lombard, Sardinian, Genoese, Venetian,
Roman, or Neapolitan names they all belong
to Italy, and their fame is her proudest trea
sure. There is, there has been, but one coun
try between the Alps and Africa; and its name
ia Italy. And of that country, the capital has
been, is, and will be, Romb.
Now, conoeding the right of the Roman
Catholics to have a spiritual head, who right
fully possesses sovereign power over a "small
territory," we most sternly deny their right
to deprive Italy of her capital. Let us illus
trate: The Pope has often been solicited to remove
to this country, which he has a perfect right
to do, and where we trust he will, should he
ever cotne, be treated with universal respect
and deference. He ia quite welcome to come
here, and to exercise iu freedom all his spirit
ual functions; and we presume no Catholio
would doubt that bis acts would be just as
valid, Just as efficacious, as though performed
in the Vatican and at St. Peter's. But sup
pose he were to come here and say, "It is
essential that I have supreme civil or political
power over a certain territory; so I will take
the city of Baltimore for my see, with the
State of Marylaud for my temporal dominion
please give them up to me, to have and to
hold forever, in perfect independence of your
Republic or Union, and all will be serene"
does an? body imajnue that we should give
them up? Yet Baltimore is not the capital of
the United States, while Rome 1.1 the capital of
Italy, and has been these twenty cauteries.
Her histories, her glories, her roads, even, all
' centre in Rome.
If the Pope most Lave a temporal sove
reignty, let Bifuie island like Malta, or Majorca,
or Corsica, whose inhabitants are Catholics,
and shall vote (as they doubtless would) to
welcome and obey him as temporal sovereign,
be chosen for his kludom, and let all th tt he
may choose to take from Rome be transferred
thither. (It is wH known that the Popes once
left Rome and resided at Avignon, ia Southern
a ranee, lor seventy yearn.)
. If London, or l'aris. or Berlin, or Madrid,
with a surrounding diHtric.t, were wrenched
from the kingdom whereof it is the capital aud
erected into an independent sovereignty, ruled
by an ecclesiastic, we could not expect the
nation thus Toblied of its cipital to iw ooutent
under the visitation. Aud it would do no ver
mauent good to have a European dm i; reus
ratify the spoiling. The monaruhs of Europe
Lave great power; but were tliey to decree that
the Lake of Geneva should be traunl'urred to
the peak of Mount Blauc, and ki'iit fWn, they
would only sijuauder a mint of uiouey now,
and soon subject the dwellers by th Arve
and the Rhone to a terrible inun latiou.
Rome will surely be again the capital of
Italy.' If the Pope and his counselors t ho uo
to make her the capital of a 1'rotestaut rather
than a Roman Catholio Italy, they are on tun
right track, and have tmly to go straight
ahead.
Governor Lowe assures us that th l'ipvv
hasleenon the side of human liberty. We
are very glad i to bear it, and only wUu the
authority tor the statement were more conclu
sive. But Governor Lowe used to bold liberty
to moan the right of every white to "larrup
his own nipger," if he had or could get one,
and to carry-slavery into any part of the
Federal territories; and he held that the Con
federates were fighting for liberty. If the
liberty that the Papacy favors ia of that sort,
the assurance is not so comforting.
The President' Message ad the Ala.
bam Claim.
From the Jf. T. Herald.
The most striking and interesting feature of
the forthcoming message of the President to
the Congress of the United States, as we are
informed, will be that portion of the doonment
relating to the Alabama claims and the posi
tion taken by the British Government in the
important international controversy to whioh
they have given rise. The allusion to these
topics by President Johnson, while it will pro
bably be clothed in language plain and em
phatic enough to prevent any misconstruction
of its import, and while it will be accepted at
home and abroad as significant of the luture
attitude of our Government, will, ia fact, be
only the precursor of a grand stroke of policy
with which Secretary Seward oontemplates
crowning Lis public career, and whioh may
yet enable the administration of his chief to
make its exit in a blaze of glory only equalled
in brilliancy by the variegated fire and
dazzling pyrotechnio display in the midst of
which the dull green curtain falls upon so
many of our modern spectacular dramas.
hollowing closely upon the heels of the
Presidential message will come a peremptory
demand upon Great Britain by the American
Secretary of State for a full and immediate
settlement of the Alabama claims on the basis
of the recount rendered by the United States,
without any offset or deduction. The volumi
nous correspondence in which both sides have
already indulged, has exhausted all arguments
that tan be advanced by either Government in
support of its views upon the subject; aud it
is by no means improbable that Secretary
Seward feels himself no match for the trained
diplomats of England upon paper, and believes
that he will find the musket and the bayonet
more effective weapons than the pen with
which to enforce a recognition of his country's
rights. If this demand, already too long
evaded, shall fail to meet with a prompt and
favorable response, Secretary Seward, by a
sudden and masterly movement, may maroh
an army into Lower Canada, seize upon
Quebeo and Montreal, and hold them aa mate
rial security for the full indemnification of hia
Government and its citizens for all losses and
damages sustained by them through the aid
extended by England, or by British subjects,
to the insurrectionary South during the war
of the Rebellion.
In pursuing such a course we shall but fol
low closely the example of the British Govern
ment, which, through a long career, has
promptly laid its grasp upon the territory of
nations against whom it has had occasion to
unsheathe the sword. Upon the first outbreak
of hostilities with France the fleets of England
swept the seas and. seized upon every French
possession within their 'reach; nor were the
occupied islands restored to the country to
which they belonged until the policy of their
captors was fully satisfied. The objection may
be urged that this is no parallel case, since the
United States are not now at war with Grraat
Britain; but the Alabama claims have reached
a point beyond which there lies no medium
course between immediate payment, voluntary
or enforced; and from the unmistakable indi
cations of the Presidential message, we believe
it will be evident that with England herself
must rest the decision whether peace shall
continue, or the crisis culminate in war. The
masterstroke probably contemplated by Seward
will be nothing more than a precautionary
measure, like the great Hank movement of
Bismark on Napoleon, when adopting the lat
ter' favorite doctrine of the consolidation of
nationalities, the shrewd statesman of Berlin
made Germany a unit, and left the French
Emperor in a helpless conndition, destitute
alike of the power to prevent and the courage
to resent.
It must not be supposed that in following
such a line of policy our Government or peo
ple have any desire to obtain permanent pos
session of the new dominion by foroible
annexation. We do not want those provinces
at the present time. The transfer of British
Columbia to the United States may prove
all that England will be called upon to yield
as a full satisfaction of our just demands
against her. It will be a cheap atonement for
acts that might have cost her a bloody and
devastating war but for the forbearance of the
aggrieved party. It will be a small recom
pense for the injuries we have suffered,
directly and indirectly, through the hostile
attitude of England and Canada towards us
during our terrible struggle for national
existence. But, if our occupation of Canada
shall be the means of establishing the inde
pendence of the new dominion, and linking
the chain of provinoes together in a solid
republio, England will only have her own
Machiavelian policy to blame for the
result. It would at least be a blessing
to Cansa. Freed from her useless
allihue with Great Britain; no longer the
battle ground in any war between England
and the United States; in friendly relations
with her powerful neighbor, aud with liberal
treaties established between the two republics,
ber population would increase, her resources
le speedily developed, and she would grow to
be a powerful coniederacy under the wing of
the United States. Her citizens, already seri
ously dissatisfied with the manner in which a
distasteful consolidation has been forced upon
them, would enjoy the right of Half-govern
ment in reality; and if annexation should
eventually follow, so that the waters of the St.
Lawrence might no longer divide ua into two
peoples, it would come of the frei accord of
both nations.
Iu these days of eruptions, voloanoes, me
teors, earthquakes, and tornadoes, and the
upheaving of mountains, the publio mind is
prepared for great and sudden events, and
such a masterstroke of policy on the part of
Secretary Seward would serve to allay the
restlessness and feverishness discernible -all
over the country in business, politics, reli
gious and social life. It would carry the
ueait of the people with it, and be the crown
ing feat of the Minister's territorial acquisi
tions, casting all others Into the Bhade. It
would i ot only settle at once the Alabama
claims, without a war with England, but it
would finally swallow up and dispose of l'eul
auWm, liuance, military rule, nigge.rism, im
peachment, and all the agitating issues that
are giving bo much trouble to the incompetent
blot kbeads who are showing their folly in Con
giess, and go far towards verifying the predic
tion of Lr. I nmrnlngs regarding the ap
preaching millennium.
Moacy.
From the Ohio State Journal.
e have passed through not one, but a
Series of revolutions within live years. The
poli:ical and the social revolutions all have be,
held: a flnaucial or monetary revolution,
scarcely less complete, all are now beholding.
If we Lave not gauged or realUed" the swift
ness and the force of the currents, it la because
we ourselves have been swept along with the
stream, and have not enjoyed that advanta
geous point of observation a fixed position on
shore. Before inquiring whence We have oouie
and whither we are tending, it is desirable to
know where and what ia that haven of safety
and perpetual stourity from finanoi.il storms
whioh we ought to seek. A good mariner
knows precisely where the port is for which
he set out; and, although he maybe oompelled
by adverse winds or tempestuous weather to
lie at anobor or to tack about, he never turns
the prow of his ship directly from the port he
desires to reach.
Id our endeavors to reach that flnanotal sta
bility which rests on a basis as firm as the
earth we stand on, and which depends for its
continuance on unchangeable natural laws, we
must first inquire what money is. What is
that form of value which possesses not a speci
fic but a universal purchasing power a power
to buy all (hinga fiom all persons at all timesf
What is that medium of exchange and mea
sure of value which constitutes the best cur
rency f . . '
The object of money, or of a circulating
medium of any kind, is to facilitate exchanges.
It was found that trade or commerce could not
be carried on to any extent by means of barter
alone, or by exchanging one speoifio article for
another. And hence different countries sought
for Borne common medium of exchange, and
salt was adopted in Abyssinia, stamped bark
in China, nails in bcotland, and tobacco in
Virginia. These seem absurd expedients to
supply a want universally felt; but they were
better than nothing at all.
l hat money or currency is best which most
facilitates the transaction of business which
serves as the best medium of exchange. It
f-hould act as lubricating oil, not only to keep
the wheel of exchange in motion, but to in
crease the number of its revolutions. It should
be the impartial agent fairly mediating between
those who are ready to render servioes to each
other guaging the relative values of each ser
vice and ot each artiole of exchange. It sheuld
be portable, divisible, durable; not too bulky
for the ready transmission of large values, and
not so deBtruotible as to cause its value to dis
appear by frequent use.
The most essential oharacteristio of the best
currency ii that it is a uniform standard and
steady measure of value. All currency is bad
just to the extent that it lacks this quality.
Why thia fundamental point is not more dis
cussed and better understood la to ua a mys
tery. It ia evident that, if we were purchas
ing cloth by the yard from a manufacturer
whose yard-stick possessed such peculiar
powers of contraction and expansion that it
was 35 inches one week, 37 another, and 30
the next, we could do business with little cer
tainty of profit or satisfaction to ourselves. If
the farmer contracts to sell his wheat for $1
per bushel, and ia informed one day that a
bushel is 55 pounds, on another that it is 63,
and on another that it is 66 pounds, it ia evident
that he knows very little about what he is get
ting for his crop. And yet, in this matter of
currency, we forget that we are allowing pre
cisely the same state of things to exist every
year. We agree to-day to pay for a certain
service, one thousand dollars, six montb.3
hence. We may be obliged to pay what ia
equivalent to eleven hundred of to-day's dol
lars, or possibly only nine hundred. Until
the expiration of the six months, we cannot
tell whether we have made a profitable or a
ruinous bargain. We agree to pay a certain
rent; but whether we have made a good or
bad eontract will depend on the state of the
currency when payment comes. Every pur
chase, every loan of mouey, every sale of
goods or of produce, every agreement eutered
into, every exchange or commercial transac
tion, is immediately and directly alfeoted by
the condition of the currency; that is, its
value compared with the true standard of
value gold. Aa the papr dollar, not the
gold dollar, is the measure or supposed
measure of value, it is perfectly obvioua that
it measures nothing and determines the value
of nothing with accuracy; for its own value
is ever variable. What sort of a standard
of value for all other values is that whioh
is itself constantly changing f A yard
is a yard, an inch an inch, but a dollar ia not
a dollar it may be sixty-eight cents one day,
and seventy-two cents the next, and seventy
the next. A slip of paper containing a pro
mise to pay a dollar, whether that promise is
made by a government, a- bank, or an indi.
vidual, is as unfit a standard or measure of
value on which to transact all business as the
government bark of the Chinese, or the
stamped leather of the Carthaginians. It is
as unsuited to . fufil the object for which
money was invented, as the surveyor's chain
would be to answer its purpose, whose links
were made of India rubber, liable to indefinite
expansion and contraction. Now, the circu
lating medium which we have used during
almost two years of peace, and whioh may be
made the very best to facilitate the exohange, is
still subject to variations in amount and in
value. Sudden contractions as well as expan
sions of the currenoy unsettle values, cause
those fluctuations in prioes whioh derange
business, and make unoertain all enterprises
and commercial transactiuns.
There is but one remedy for thia uncer
tainty and this perpetual variation in the
so-called measure of value; and that remedy
is a return to a specie basis for our currency.
When a paper dollar is at all times redeem
able in coin, and equivalent to coin, it will be
as little variable in value as gold. Gold has
for centuries been accepted by all civilized na
tions as the least variable measure and best
known standard of value. When the Govern
ment and the National Banks commence
specie payments, the bright days of the re
deemed republio will begin. To have secured
a national currency is the great fiuanuial
achievement of our history. To secure an in
ternational currency will be the crowning
glory.
- Th Press on Impeachment.
W-ow the JV. Y T met.
The comparatively moderate tone whioh has
maiked the Republican press since the recent
elections, is particularly apparent in the criti
cism which the majority report on impeach
ment has elicited. Three months ago im
peachment was a favorite remedy for the ills
incident to Mr. Johnson. The proceeding was
declared deserved and inevitable. To doubt
its wisdom, then, was to inour the reproach of
being "weak-kneed" and backsliding Repub
licans. Now, however, much jnore considerate
opinions prevail; the larger number of our
Republican contemporaries dissenting very
decidedly from the recommendation of the
Judiciary Committee.
Excepting only the Cincinnati Gazelle, we
have not found any really influential Journal
which undertakes to urge impeachment on
the merits of the cafe before Congress. "John
son's usurpations in the matter of Southern
reorganization Justify 'impeachment,'" 1X tun
subbtauce of the argument which the Gazette
EreRSt-s with its usual earnestness. The St.
ouls Ucmvcrut entertains the same view; but
is more gnarded in its practical apnlloaUen.
Even the Gazftte and the Democrat, however,
exhibit qualms, not indeed as to the Justice
of impeaohment, but as to the expediency
ofinsUtiDg on it at the present time; both
carefully divest themselves of responsibility
uoder the conviction that the House must
bear the whole. And the Democrat protests
against attempts to talk the House up to
the impeaohiug point, if it be not otherwise
inclined to prooeed. t"No impeachment at
all," says the radical , oracle of St. Louis,
"would be Infinitely better than a tedious de
bate about it; better for Congress, better for
the dominant party, better for the country."
As it is certain that the Committee's report
has no obance of adoption except under mere
effective party discipline than we deem pro
bable, and equally certain that the iuopeaoh
ers will rely on debate to cover the short
comings and absurdities of their .report, we
expect to see the Democrat disgusted with
the - business before it reaches an end.
Apart from these exceptions, the Judgment
of the Republican press is against both the
debate and the recommendation. This is now
as true in regard to decidedly radioal newspa
pers as to papers of habitual moderation. The
Houtwell-Williams report has sickened them.
The flimsiness of its evidence, the gross par
tisanship of its spirit, and the haziness and
ponderosity of its style, are characteristics
which have made not a few heartily ashamed
of the oauae thus wretchedly championed. No
love, no respeot for Mr. Johnson dictates the
moderation which is recommended. The con
viction that he has betrayed the party which
trusted him, and inflicted mischief on the
country he has sworn to serve, obtains
almost universal expression. But the desire
to remove him from the Presidency ia tem
pered with a feeling that it would be impru
dent to take a step which, on the evidence
shown, could not lead to conviotion, and whioh
would meanwhile produce very serious embar
rassment. Mr. Sumner's fancy, that Mr. John
son cannot safely be trusted for five minutes,
does not find admirers. The general feeling ia
that Mr. Johnson's hands are tied already
that with proper action on the part of Con
gress he cannot do muoh harm that the coun
try will outlive his term of offioe and that
though he deserves deposition, extreme mea
sures would not, in existing circumstances,
admit of Justification.
The Political Horoscope.
Prom theN. Y. World.
The pontics of the oountry are in a state of
evident transition. All that can as yet be
affirmed with confidence respecting the new
phase is, that the negro question will be
eclipsed by questions of finanoa. The number
of financial propositions broached on the first
day of the session attests the deep Interest
the country is beginning to take in that class
of topics ; and its torpid interest in the old
questions will be manifest in the ease with
v. hich the impeachment project will be shuffled
out of view. The defeat of the radioal zealots
on this measure will damp their ardor and
depress their courage. They will stand aside
nnd let the current of business and debate
How into the financial channels towards which
it tends.
Questions of finance irresistibly force them
selves into prominence after great wars. For
the ten years after the overthrow of Napo
leon they predominated in the politics of Eng
land, and convulsed the country as it had
not been convulsed in the colossal struggle of
the preceding twenty years. After our war of
the Revolution, it was financial questions that
shattered and overthrew the Confederation,
and led to the formation of the present Con
stitution. Those same financial questions
were inherited by the new Government, aud
the policy of Hamilton, by whioh they were
met and solved, was debated with altogether
more heat than any other questions of the
period. After the close of our second war
with Great Britain, the same class of ques
tions loomed into prominence, and continued
to agitate the country with little cessation for
the ensuing thirty years, until the slavery
question and the Mexican War sup
planted them by engrossing the publio
interest. The tariff and currenoy ques
tions rocked the country from side to
side ; and the three statesmen of that
period, whose names were in all mouths, ex
pended their best energies in financial contro
versies. Our own history and that of England
proves that such topics are capable of stirring
publio feeling to its profoundest depths. In
fat, most of the great events o( modern times
have turned on them. The Frenoh Revolution
grew out of the financial difficulties which led
to the convoking of the States-General. The
greatest of all the English revolutions, that
which beheaded Charles the First and intro
duced the protectorship of Cromwell, had its
source in financial difficulties between Charles
and Parliament. We are in the dawn of an
era when financial discussions will agitate the
oountry more deeply than in the time of
Hamilton, more deeply even than in the days
of Andrew Jackson, when they came near
lighting the torch of civil discord. Most
public questions have only a distant interest
for the great body of the people; these oome
home to every man's business and fireside.
That they have not sooner risen into absorb
ing prominence is due to the preoccupation of
the country with the draggling sequences of
the war. Wars commonly end by a definitive
treaty of peace, in whioh the future relations
of the parties are Bettled, and all questione
connected with the conflict dosed. Had our
civil war oome to a like clean result, we should
long age have been in the midst of exciting
financial discussions; they would have been
two years ago what they are presently to ba
oome, the pivot of our politics. These ques
tions are too pressing to be longer deferred,
and although the future relations of the pa
ties to the late war are not yet settled, they
will sink before the winter ia half spent into
subordination to the topics which must for
some years be supreme in our politics.
The publio mind has been so startled by
the new theory of Messrs. Pendleton and
Butler as to disclose a deep though hitherto
dormant interest in the subjeot. It was not
the supposed novelty, or ingenuity, or ab
surdity of their doctrine whioh had such an
electiio effect, but the fact that it touched in
terests so vast that everybody felt that it
could not safely be ignored. Had it been some
new theory on the negro, or new crotchet
about reconstruction, it would have burst
and disappeared like a new-blown bubble; the
publio would not have remembered it a week.
The fact that it has kept its place aa a leading
topio of constantly growing interest; that it id
eclipsing the impeachment question, the re
construction question, and the negro question,
proves that the linauoea are felt to be a topio
of fresh interest anu vast magnitude.
Ti e first well-marked symptom of the decay
of radicalism was presented in the early part
of the summer in the strong disposition to
nominate General Grant as the Republican
candidate for President. Thia showed that the
interest of that party in its policy needed to
I e crutched upon a something extraneous'; for
(Kneral Grant is in no sense a representative of
the distinctive principles of the Republican
party. The next symptoms were suck as
OLD RYE
TUB LARGEST AND
FINE OLD RYG V H I
In tho Land Is now Possessed by
HENRY' S. H A NN I S & CO.,
Nos. 218 ard 220 Seuth FHONT Street,
WIlOOlrtR IIIE NAME TO TUB MAOB, IW XjVTN, If YERT ADVANTAGEOUS
TERM.
Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, In Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, and runa
through the various months of 1665, '66, and of this year, up to present date'.
Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Raijroad Depot, Ericsson Line
Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect.
It required no habits or reflection to
interpiet. The brilliant series of Demo
cratic victories, beginning with California
and ending with New York, demonstrated
that the spell of fanaticism was broken, and
that the oountry had passed into a new era.
the suddenness of the reaction, while it con
founded the Republicans, surprised evn the
Democrats. Later in July Congress had ad
journed in a spirit of haughtier domination
than it had ever before exhibited. In less
than two months came the promooitory thunder-claps
from Maine on one side of the conti
nent and California on the other, followed by
heavier reverberations in the two suoceediag
months in all the greater and several of the
lesser States of the Union. The violence of
this great reaotlon was in part owing to the
fact that the natural current of publio thought
had been arrested; that the questions which
should, in due course, have occupied the
country on the olose of a great war, had been
postponed until no barriers oould longer with
stand them.
LOOKING- GLAGGEO
Of TH
BEST FRENCH PLATE,
In Every Stylo of Frames,
ON HAND OR MADS TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERY,
F. BO LAND & CO.,
11 1 2m2p No. 014 ARCH Street.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
gggp- NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING. JOY
COB A CO., Agents for the "Ticuaiiu"
and Newspaper Press or tne whole country, have RE
MOVED from FIFTH and OHKSNUT Ulreeta to No.
144 8. SIXTH Street, second deor above WALNUT.
Offices: No. H4 B, SIXTH Street, Philadelphia;
TRIBUNE! BUILDINGS. New York. 78oHp
jg- "THK LANDS TO THE NORTH
OF US."
THE Oil EAT LECTURE UT
GEOEGE ALFRED TOWNSEND,
Will be delivered, by request of the leading citizens
of Philadelphia,
AT CONCERT HALL,
9IOSDAT EVENIBfO, DECEMBER B. 1967.
Tickets for sale at Asl mead's. No. 724 Qiesnat
street; Trnmpler's, No. 92S Chesnut street: Khley's
Book btaod, Continental Ho. el, and at the door ot the
Hall, on the evening of the Lecture.
Ar mlttance, 60 cents. No reserved seats. 1 1 2 at
THE MODEL HOME A PLEA FOR
Marriage and Domestic Joys.
A NEW LECTURE,
BY
JIEV. A. A. WILLITS,
In tbe Church corner ot ELEVENTH and WOOD
Streets, on MONDAY KVKNINU, Dec 2, at 7 SO
o'clock.
In aid of the Young People's Mission Sabbath
School.
Tickets, SO cents, at the door. U 80 2t
ff A LECTURE ON TUB
s-? "Olory aud tbe uhnme ot Polninon,"
will be delivered by tbe Kev. KIUHAKD NEWl'UN ,
I). !., Keclor of the Church or the Kplpimny. on
U'lHDAY EVEN I NO. December X, l:7. at 1
o'clock, In! ATHLimO UaLL, THIRTEENTH
tttreet, above J e (Terse n.
Tickets of adniikslon, 50 rents. For sale at
Truuiilei's , Cbesnut slreBl: Kplncopal Bookstore,
t'bwniii street: and at the Hall. II 211 3t
B3T GRAND UNION FAIR
OF THH
Bai)U&t (hurdies or Phlhtdclplila,
IN AID OP THE
91E9IOBIA1. 11A1T1T t UAl'EI,,
Now being erected under tbe auspices oft tie CHURCH
f XI ENMON COMMISSION, will open MONDAY
EVENING, December 9, next, at CONCERT HALL,
and will continue for oue week.
Aneicelirnt selection ot FANCY AND USEFUL
ARTICLES will be on sa'e at reasonable prices, at the
tahleof the dlllerent Churches. ALL, CHANCE-;
VOTING. SCHkMICS. ETC.. WILL, BE BTRICIL
PltOHIUJTED DURING 'I UK FAIR, aud;thee ob
jectionable features being disalord, the patronage
aud bupport of Ibe deuomiuatlou Is earnestly solicited
and expected.
Tickets can be procured at the Raptlt Publication
Roou. b, No. Mil Arch street and Iroiu the rtuperiHiPii
deiiisnud Teacher of the various Baptbt 8'iudny
Be hi ols. - II iH
tj3Tm DELAWARE AND KARITAN CANAL
CSJ COMPANY. AND CAM LK.N ANUAAIHIM
RAIT ROAD AND TRANoi'URi'AllON VOil-
1 Aik X Trincktow, N. J., Dr .
The Directors of the abuve Coiupau.es hve ordereci
Ihbt the'i'ranmer Hooks of Capital block be oloxe.l mi
JANUAKV 16 ami JULY 10 lu each yer. uu'".,1''
hi' I ON it DA V of Ibe following muiiih; ami any ai vi
deid declared will be payable ; 2 m
suiHiInK as Midi on the bm.ks of the mo. i n
the FIFTEENTH DAY ol the muulb iu whioh the
OlvlenJlsdeclHred. TOV, Treasurer.
Sr. FAKMEUSV-A-Sft .M B CHAN ICS-
fc NATURAL Vn..PH.a. Nov. al'lS.'
Ft.r tharnnvenli nee of Us Hiorkliolil.TH this ll .uk
wh iv lo the Receiver of Taxes the Htnte Tax ol
n ri- Kiiu. low due upon their r. . eoilve share..
1 rt l W. RUbiiTUN, J Cu.Uler.
WHISKIES.-
BEST STOCK OF
OKIES
SPECIAL NOTICES.
1ST" UMON LEAGUE IIOUSE
BIIOAD ST It LET.
P8ILADBLPIIIA, NOV, M, IM7.
THE ANNUAL MRETINU OF THK
VKION LKAKIIK or PIlIUDELrilU
Will be held at the League House,
ON MONDAY 1VENING, December t,
AT 7 O'CLOCK.
At th's meeting tr ere wll' bean election for Officers
and Dlrectois to serve lor tbe ensuing year. , .
OEOROB II. BO) HER,
KKCRKTART.
11 M7t
KgT" PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD COM-
PAAV, 'IKUMKUK'H UKrAHTMBNT,
rOTICETO TOCKuLKkTrtTariM.
rectors have ill if day declared a semi-annual dividend
oI.IHRMl fKHtKNT. on the capital stock of the
Comi any. Clear ol National and Hiale taxes, payable
on and alter November Ml 17. Blank powers of at
torney forciilleclliig dividends can be bad at tbeoffloe)
ol the Company, No. 2MB. '1 HILD Street.
Persons h..ldlHH hcrlp CeitlH. ales can have them
cashed ou presentation at tbls OIHch.
, now THOMAS T. r I KTH, Treasurer.
OFFICE OF THE LEHIGH COAL AND
zxy Navigation coaipany.
NoVKMBKR! IB7. .
At a special meeting or the Board or Mauagersof
the Leh'ah Coal and Navigation Cuuipanyti-ol.thla
day, Mssre. E-'watd W. CUrk, John Welsh. Clarence
li, Clark, bk George F. Tyler wereeltcied to till the
vacancies canted by tbe resignation of Messrs. Jacob
P. Jores Frederick Graff, Maniuel E. rtiokei, and
I barles Wheeler fxoiu their positions as Managers of
Sal. i Company. F, MITCHELL,
Il26t Beoretary.
IKvST- OFFICE OF in E LEHIGH COAL AND
y NAVIGATION COMPANY.
Puil.aoki.puia, Nov. 2. 18A7,
At a special meeting of the Ruard of Managers of
the Lehigh Coal and NavlKailon Company held this
day, EDWARD W. CLARK. Esq., wai elected Presi
dent ol said Company, to UU tbe vacancy occasioned .
by the resignation of James H. Cox, Eq., from said .
Olnce. f. MITCHELL,
H6t ; Secretary.
OFFICE TREMONT COAL COMPANY",
No. 10 FH1LADKLPH1 A KninAMHX
The Intei eat Coupons due on the Heven Per Cent.
Mortgage R i.ds of this Company will be paid at their
ollire on aud alter Deo 2, IHh7.
11 tl at GEO ROE H. COLKET. Treasurer.
flF- UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COM.
f13 FANY. EAU1ERM DIViblON, No. 42
WALNUT btreet,
,. PniLADLPIHA. NOV. 12. 1867.
The INTEREST IN GOLD on the Flint Moi txairS
Bond (i the UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY OOAt
PAN Y, FAsTLKN DIVISION, due DECEMBER 1, '
lbt7, will be pld on presentation of tbe Coupons at
in ntrmuKUonra or pabnbi. MUKUAJM b CO.
No. B.I EXCHANGE Place. New York, on and after.
iuhi naif.
1122imw9t
... . ... " . u i . . u .. mi., .w I
WILLIAM J. PALMER.
Treasurer.
Kgr" PLYHOUT i RAILROAD COMPANY.
Notice is hereby giveu tbat a lueetlug of the
Stockholders ol said Company will be held at D. R.
Brower's Montgomery Uousu, In tbe borough of Noi
riMowu. on WoMia i , Decen ber . 1M17, at 10 o'clock
A. M to elect six Mauagers of said Company to serve
the eusumg year. D.U. MULVANY,
XI 14 Hot Becretary. ,
rjT" COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK OP
zxy rtisNaiLV AN1A.
. . . . Philadelphia. Nov, 29, liw,
Tbe stockholders are hereby notified that the Slate
tax of THREE MILLtj, now due on lbe slock, will
be paid for Item, to the Treasurer of the State. .,
2 "t B C. PALMER, Cashier. '
jggP" WIEGAND'S PATENT STEAM GENE
RATOR Is cheap, compact, economical In ose,
and ABbOLUTELY SAFE FROM ANY POfcSSI.
BILITY OF EXPLOSION
Apply at the Office of SAMUEL WORK, N. K. cor.
Per of THIRD and DOCK Btreela. 914p
BATCH ELOR'8 HAIR DYE. THIS
v- splendid Hair Dye la the best in the world.
The only fru and perfect &y Harmless, Reliable, In
stantaneous. No dlMappolnlmeuL No ridiculous tints.
Natural Black or Brown. Remedies the 111 ell ecu of
Had liyrt. Invigorates the hair, leaving It sort aod
beautiful. The genuine Is signed WILLIAM A,
BATCHELOR, All others are mere Imitations, and
should be avoided, bold by all Druggists and Per
York.
maters, xaciory, no. oA iSAKULiAX birettt, ISew
i&fmw
FURNITURE, ETC.
pURWITUREI FURNITURE!
MODERN ANI AHTIQTJXil
PARLOR, HALL AND CHAMBER SUITS
AT REDUCED PRICES
Our facilities are sach that we are enabled to offer
at very - moderate prices, a large and well-assorted
stock of every description ot HOUSEHOLD FURNI
TURE AND BEDDING.
Goods packed to carry safely to all parts of the '
country, ,
' RICnMOND A FOBEPATdH,
21 tf NO. 40 n. BKtOHD STREET.
A. & H. LE JAMDRC
HAVE EEMOVED THEIB
FURNITURE AMD UPHOLSTERING WAREROOXS
TO NO. 14S5 CIIKSNUT STRRKT,
7 8m Next to the corner of Fifteenth.
f O HOUSEKEEPERS.
I have a large stock of every variety of
FUUNITUltl'V
Which I will sell at reduced prices, consisting Ot
PLAIN AND MARBLE tOP COTTAGE bUiTH.
walnut chamber buhu
PARLOR bUI'lb IN VELVET PLUSH.
PARLOR b L ITS IN HAIRCLOTH.
PAhLOR rLlTb IN REPS.
Mdeboards, Extension 'fables, Wardrobes, Book-
ases, Mameskea, Louuges. eto. eto.
P. P. eUNTINE.
816m N. K. corner HFOON I) and KAUX tSlrewU.
g B T A J5 L I B U E D noi.
A S. RODINSON,
French Plate Looking-Qlassos,
KNGRAVINOS, F A IN TIN OS, DRAWINGS, XVV
Manufacturer of all kind of
LOOHIMI.UI.AM, PORTRAIT, AND PIt
1 DtiE rilAMUs TO ORDER.
No. OlO OHEHNUT BTItldHT
THIRD LOOR ABOVE THE CONTINENTAL,
fHILAPKI.PHIA. 816
T STEWART BROWN, ,
8. B. Oornar ot
fOUEIH and OUISTHDT BT8' '
MANUrAC'TUKkK OF
XttUMKB. VALI8ES. ,0B uu"'e ,or "pe,
IForrwtrlyil 708CHESTNUT 8T.)

xml | txt