SPIRIT OF THE MESS.
Editorial oninoiis or thi lkadiko joubkals
VrOR CUBHEJTT TOPICS COMPILED XVKBY
PAT FOB THI BVNINJ TELEGRAPH.
Poverty anil Hdiry at the South,
From the St. Louis Jir2ublican.
Numerous aocouuta from the Southern State!
Concur in representing the destitution among
JKe people as already, thna early in the season,
paving reached a degree of suffering and want
that is something terrible. A well-informed
orreppondent of this paper, who traveled
through large portions of Tennessee, Alabama,
and Mississippi, describes the condition there
aa, in many places, very deplorable. The
planters, it may be said of all of them, are
iankrupt. Not one of them has made hig ex
penses the last year. In Northern Mississippi
juany of them, being unable to meet their ob
ligations, have been sold out by the Sheriff,
and are utterly impoverished. In Alabama
the case is much the same. In some sections
the crops have been unremunerative( and the
planters have been unable to pay their hands;
nothing was done in the cotton fields, many
freedmen were unemployed many of them
from necessity, saying nothing of the many
Xrho preferred idleness to industry. From
.Arkansas and Louisiana there comes up great
cry of want and suffering.
Affairs in that stricken country are compli
cated and made more critical by reason of its
egro population. The negroes suffer as well
as the whites, and it is something which, now
they are free, they cannot oomprehend.
Always, heretofore, provide I profusely with
the necessaries of life, and expecting that
emancipation would feed and clothe them
even more abundantly, they wonder and
Shake their heads that everything should be
reversed and that, instead of being better,
they are vastly worse off than they were
laetore. What it means they cannot under
stand; and many of them can easily be made
to believe the worst. Driven by want, partly
the effect of their own idleness, but chiefly,
perhaps, owing to circumstances which
neither white nor black can control, they
resort to theft and robbing to supply their
Wants. It is, therefore, not surprising that
ve have reports of their "robbing and plun
dering throughout the country," killing sheep
to feed upon, and entering houses to rob them
of food and clothing. Iu Arkansas, a grand
Jury of one of the largest counties has made a
presentation of these outrages, and called on
the military authorities for protection. Fears
are entertained of a negro insurrection. Proba
Hy a general rising of the negroes, intent
upon universal robbery, burning and mas
sacre, aimed at the property and lives of the
Whites, is the only calamity which would be
really much worse than the distressing state
of things which exists at the South already.
And now what will be done with a view to
relieve this dijtress and prevent the calamities
which are so imminent ? If we could make
this appeal to the President, we should have
BO doubt of his answer. Immediately mea
sures would be taken to show the misled
negroes, and especially the white desperadoes
Who are misleading them, that they cannot
proceed in the line apparently marked out for
them with impunity. The military would be
used, not to countenance the lawlessness and
"violence which are so rampant at the South,
liut to repress outrage and wrong-doing. At
the same time measures would be taken to
provide, in a judicious way, for the wants of
Loth black and white, liut we should in
Tain appeal to Congress. That body is
frightfully insensible and reokless as to the
condition of things at the South. Some of its
members may well be accused of a desire to
revive the horrors of San Domingo at the
South. Such men nourish only deadly pas
sions of hatred and revenge; and would be
glad to see the South a desert. Stevens, But
ler, Ashley, Logan, and others of their stamp,
are urging policies against the South which
lay them open to this charge. Unless the
people of the North speak in such thunder
tones of rebuke as shall frighten this Congress
from its present designs against the South,
that section of the country is in danger of be
coming a veritable "howling wilderness," or
relapsing into the original jungle and den of
Wild beasts from which it sprung.
Colored Suffrage In New Yorlc.
"From the N. Y. Tribune. J
A correspondent asks us "in what year
Suffrage was conferred on negroes in the
State of New York; what was the com
plexion of the Legislature, and who was Gov
Under the first and second Constitutions, or
from 1788 to 1823, there was no distinction of
color in qualifications for voters; there wa3
a property qualification affecting equally both
Whites and blacks; all a negro had to possess
Wore than a white man was papers or other
Satisfactory evidence that he was a free person
and not a slave slaves, of course, did not
Vote. The men of the Revolution never
doubted the free negro's right to the ballot.
But in 1621 a convention was called to revise
the Constitution, and then came the clamor
of rich versne poor, and a grand movement
in favor of abolishing all manner of property
qualifications was inaugurated and successfully-
carried through so far as white men were
concerned; but a colored man was required to
possess a freehold estate of $250, to be three
J 'ears an inhabitant of the State, and for the
ast year of the election district in which he
Voted. This Constitution was adopted by a
Vote of 74,732 against 41,402. The Constitu
tion was again revised in 1840, but the rather
feeble effort made to place colored voters on
the same hasis with whites met with .very
little favor the only modification being'on the
minor point of residence. That Constitution
(under whloh we now are) was adopted by
221,528 against 92,430.
It oannot be fairly charged that any party,
as parties now are, is entirely responsible for
this invidious discrimination. Attempts have
fceenmade to remedy the injustice through
the only legal path amending the Constitu
tion but thus far without success. The vote
In 1846 was 85,400 for, and 224,33(5 against; in
1800 there were 197,503 in favor, and 337J84
The question Is naturally up again in the
E resent Convention, and may in due time oome
efore the people; but past experience gives
little hope for the friends of impartial suffrage.
In the votes noted above, the Democratic
party conspicuously opposed the repeal of the
property qualification; a few, doubtless, voted
the right way, but where one Democrat voted
"yes," probably ten Republicans voted "no."
Our Senators and Assemblymen have had no
direct voice in the matter; the most they could
do was to favor the submitting of the question
to the people. Whenever that has been pro
posed the Rpubllcaus (and before them the
W hips) 'have pretty generally favored suoh
BubiniHcion, while the Democrats have almost
jjjinjBiPujJj gone tbe otr way.
THE DAILY m Els' lis
National Bank Notee.
From the A'. Y. World.
We clip the following from the Tt tonne:
"As a greenback I a Ualted States note, and
not Mm note (if a bank, 11 men one 01 tuo elo-
liientsenBenllHl to the nattily of any bnukioit
ftTKlem In which the notes are to be panged Into
circulation, in Miscount Inn the note of prlva'e
pnrlli a. viz : Unit the notes shall be Issued at
ihe rink of the bank, not of the Ooverumeut."
l!y "the safety of any hanking system," the
Tribune evidently means the seourity for the
redemption of paper money loaned to the com
munity by the banks. But how is the security
of a national bank note better thau the
security for a greenback We suppose the
Tribune would say it is better beoause only
the Government is responsible for the green
backs, while the property of the bank Issuing
it is liable for the note. The idea is, that both
the property of the bank and the resources of
the Government are pledged to the holder of
the notes, who has thus a double security.
This is fanciful. The seourity of the holder is
neither greater nor less, but precisely the
same, whether he possesses greenbacks or
bank notes. His sole recourse is to the Gov
ernment in both cases. The property of the
bank is no security to him; it is only a security
to the Uovernment, which pays the circulating
notes of a bank failing to redeem them.
When a bank fails the Government redeems
its notes at once without waiting to dispose of
any of the bank property. It is presumed
that the deposited bonds will in moat cases be
ample to reimburse the Government; but if
they should prove insufficient, the Govern
ment has a prior and paramount lien on the
other assets of the bank. This being the law,
the Tribune's argument breaks down.
It seems to us a more honest proceeding
for a bank to loan actual money, which has
cost it something, than to receive interest
from the community on its own notes, which
cost it nothing. Why should a wealthy far
mer, who is so solvent and solid that his
equally wealthy neighbor indorses his note
for nothing, make a mutual exchange of pro
mises to pay with a hank, and pay the bank
seven per cent f The farmer is just as good for
all his liabilities as the bank is for its. Why then
would there not be as much equity ia the
bank paying him seven per cent, for the pos
session of his note, as in his paying seven per
cent, for the notes of the bank ! It is as far
from my house to yours as it is from yours to
mine. Why are not JJie farmer's promises to
pay entitled to be treated as money just aa
much as the bank's f
The answer will be, that the bank promises
to pay on demand, but the borrower not till a
stipulated day, and the seven per cent, is a
compensation for this constant liability. This
is in fact the only real difference; the solvency
of the parties being equal, and the things ex
changed being as like as a bushel of wheat
raised on one farm ia to a bushel of wheat
raised on another. So long as specie payments
remain suspended, and what is called the
loaning of money is the mere exchange of
paper promises against other paper promises,
why should the knots of men who compose the
banking associations have this great advantage
over their fellow-citizens ? If, under such cir
cumstances, there must be au income from the
circulation of promissory notes, the profit
ought to be fairly distributed among the whole
community. The only practicable method of
distribution is to confine this advantage to the
notes of the Government, thus saving to the
people what is now taken from them by the
banks in the mutual exchanges of equally
valuable promissory notes of equally solvent
Mora Reconstruction Legislation.
From the Louisville Courier.
Old Thad. Stevens has introduced a bill iu
Congress to so amend the Reconstruction laws
that the constitutions may be declared carried
by a majority of those actually voting. We
are not surprised at this. We expected it.
There is no deviltry that the miserable old
miscegenation leader is not capable of, and no
extreme too great for the radical Congressmen
where the interests of their party, and conse
quently theirown, are involved.
In fixing up the first Reconstruction act the
purpose of the radical leaders was to radicalize
the Southern States by subjecting them to
negro domination, but their skill proved not at
all commensurate with their malevolence. If
they had known how to make their work per
fect they would have done it; but as they were
not possessed of sufficient sagacity for that,
they had to wait until the defect was made
apparent, and then they applied themselves
again to the task, and after au infinite amount
of consultation and discussion, for which the
people were roundly taxed, brought forth an
amendatory Reconstruction bill.
They flattered themselves the job was now
complete that not a nail was left undriven,
not a chink unclosed. The job was superin
tended by Thad. Stevens, and as his journey
men, Boutwell, Logan, and the rest, put in the
last licks, he hugged himself with devilish
glee. But it turns out, after all, that the thing
was badly done. The wickedness of Satan en
tered into the business, but not his wisdom.
Thad. Stevens and his followers are compelled
again to mend their job.
After all that has been done in the way of
"reconstruction" by the Jacobin Congressmen,
they now see that they cannot get ,the ten
States into the Union with their negro con
structed constitutions under the acts as they
stand. Under these acts no constitutions can
be considered as adopted unless voted for by a
majority of the registered voters, and the elec
tions for the conventions prove, beyond the
possibility of a doubt, that in some of the
States at all events such a majority cannot be
obtained. Those of the real citizens who were
permitted to do so very generally registered,
but when the time came for voting at the ille
gal elections, they, a3 a rule, scorned to hare
anything to do with them; still, under the ar
rangement made by Congress, they must be
taken into the computation in deciding whether
the constitutions are adopted. In the enforce
ment of their infamous policy, it becomes ne
cessary now to enact another reconstruction
bill, providing that the constitutions shall be
carried by a majority of those actually par
ticipating in the elections. Were ever stu
pidity and malevolence so intimately blended
before f 1
If there were any sense of decency left
among the Congressional Jacobins, they would
now give the whole affair up as a bad job; but
they will not do it. What is said of old Thad.
Stevens will be verified either by him or one
of his under-strikers. We have very little
doubt that this bill will pasi both Houses of
Congress. The bringing in of the Southern
States as proposed is a necessity for the radi
cal party, and the leaders are fully aware of
it. The Presidential election is coming on.
By the aid of the electoral votes of the ten
Southern States the radioala hope to suoceed,
and thus perpetuate their asoendancy in the
nation. Without these votes they know the
Democracy are sure to get iu their candidate.
Therefore it is that they adhere with such
dogged tenacity to the reconstruction scheme,
despite the unmistakable indioation of popular
disapproval constantly brought to their notice.
Therefore it is that they wtu U XvusuJ willing
C TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1807.
to incur additional censure by proceeding still 1
further in their usurpation and wrong. On
otlier points the Jacobins show themselves not
iiiHpn-ible to the opinions of the people; but
they are driven to the desperate strait of
pile hing forward the maure which has morn
than all others turned the people against
The radical party is doomed. No reconstruc
tion legislation, past or prospective, can save '
it. The party which deliberately resorts to
usurpation, despotism, aud negro supremacy
to perpetuate its power, oannot survive anion,;
a people who have any love of freedom or
pride of race. The attempt to defeat the will
of the United States by usurping the power to
negroiae ten States, will go far towards uniting
all the white voters against those guilty of it.
No Northern man who is true to himself can
take pait with those who propose to control
the nation by-means of negro votes.
Wages and Hours of Labor,
From the Xf. Y. lYibune.
Congress is righteously bent on retrenching
the national expenditures, aud everybody says
that is just what ought to be. Bat when we
oome to details, all who have established rela
tions of suction with the Federal Treasury
naturally cry out "Not here I not here 1
flourish your broom somewhere else I" The
Department clerks want their "twenty per
cent, extra" for another year, though many
elements of living are far lower than they
have been; new railroads press for grants and
guarantees; Seoretary Welles wants forty
seven millions wherewith to run the navy in a
time of profound peace, when the whole Gov
ernment used to be run for a fourth of that
sum, within the recollection of most of us. Of
course, he won't get it. But we are startled
when we read that Congress, aftor resolving
to retrench earnestly in this quarter, has re
coiled, and concluded to let the workmen in
the Navy Yard be kept on two months longer,
because work is scarce, and times hard out
side. In other words, the Government is to
pay money it has not, for work that it don't
want, in order to keep certain persons em
ployed in the Navy Yards who apprehend that
they could find no work or none to their
lik ng elsewhere.
Against this and all kindred schemes for
pauperizing labor, we firmly protest. No true
man will wish to be kept at work under such
circumstances. If he is to be a pauper, let
him be a pauper outright not a pauper in dis
guise. And keeping a man at work, not be
cause you need his work, but because he needs
the pay for it, is pauperizing him making
him a dependant, a parasite, a hanger-on,
instead of au independent, self-subsisting
It seems to us that the time has fairly come
for giving the eight-hour system a fair trial
by common consent. That U to say: There
being too little work in the cities and most of
the manufacturing districts to employ all who
are willing to work ten hours per day, let the
dav's work he reduced to eight hours with cor
responding pay. If this were done, tens of
thousands of families would be saved from
destitution otherwise inevitable.
We never believed nor taught that ten
hours' pay could be given or exacted lor eight
hours' work. We have never been confident
that the time had yet arrived when eight
hours' work per dav from those who work at
all would suffice. Yet, since the progress of
invention, of machinery, of economizing forces,
is so rapid and constant, the time mut surely
come wherein eight hours' work per day will
produce more than twelve hours' work per
day onoe did, or than ten hours' work per day
now do. May we not now begin to consider
when tliia result Is to be attaiued r
Human wants multiply and expand with
the means of gratifying them. The mechanic
of 1807 wears clothes that a king would have
esteemed too fine, too oostly, a few oenturies
ago. If he spends nothing for alcoholic drinks
and other baneful indulgencies, he may soon
surround himself with furniture, books, prints.
etc. etc., that a nobleman would once have
envied. But may he not wisely prefer to live
more frugally, less lavishly, than he does,
and enjoy more leisure ? When labor shall
produce twice its present average product, may
not the laboring classes wisely prefer to fare
le33 sumptuously and,, tax their powers less
severely, and enjoy more of the society of
their families and friends more leisure for
moral and intellectual improvement ?
It does seem to us that it would be wise aud
proper, by way of experiment, to retrench the
hours of labor for the next two or three
months, and thus afford a chance of employ
ment to thousands who must otherwise stand
idle and co hungry. When spring opens,
bringing a large increase of employment on
every side, it will be time to consider whether
to persist in working snort-time for correspond
ing wages, or go back to ten hours and the old
wages, if these can be had. But the prospect
now is that labor in cities must be cheaper
henceforth, or there must be a vast migration
from the cities and manufacturing communi
ties to the interior and the West a great diver
sion of human effort from the workshops and
the factories to the improvement and cultiva
tion or the sou.
A Contest Mot to be Given lip,
From the Pittsburg Commercial.
Something like one hundred millions of dol
lars is lost to the Treasury every year by the
whisky frauds. We hear little of similar
frauds by shoe, iron, and other manufacturers,
and we presume that on them the law is en
forced. Can there be a reasonable exouse
given for not collecting the whisky tax to the
last dollar, and thereby correspondingly re
lieve the neoessaries from taxation f The
relief from taxation asked for by manufac
turers who recently met in Convention is equal
to about flSU 000,000. At least one-hall of this
might be made up from whisky. We peroeive
that the chairman of the whisky men has
been called on for his views as to the best way
to collect the tax. This looks odd, to say the
least, and is likely to result in nothing bene
ficial to the revenue, the hrst and second
years of the tax the revenue was collected
with a tolerable degree of honesty, as the
figures show. It would appear that
better brains are employed in de
vising ways to defraud the reve
nue than there are in administering the
law. Clearly this being so, the need is better
brains on the side of the Government. Jt
would be a sad thing to admit that fraud can
beat the Government in securing talent, and
that it thus wins the day. If it indeed be true
that the revenue from whisky has fallen off in
consequence of fraud, Congress cannot give np
the contest, but is bound to continue it with
increased determination. There are good
reasons for suspecting that the trouble begins
at Washington. Ihe testimony or oommis
sioner Rollins is instructive on th's point
Millions of revenue, he says, have been lost
by putting good men out and bad men iu
office. If there are to be any more investiga
ting committees, this testimony is highly
suggestive. The penalties are in no mauner
equal to the offeuse. Let them be Increased
ii kU lvlit Utt 1U iai. U4MaUvU
peiilous that even bad men will hesitate to
l" i vue result should be that
revenue an4 whiskv both am l .!,. r.t
- I 1. H VUV V.
existence, the t-overnmout and humanity
nuuiu ie lLuiieiiaei me, gainer.
From the Washington Impress.
Impeachment is dead, but the impeacher
etill live. The "Head Centre" of the rinir. J.
M. Ashley, of Ohio, declares in a complimen
tary letter to his constituents that in what he
did he meant well to his party and his country,
that Lis honor ia untarnished, and that it is
not worth while, for Republicans at least, to
quarrel with him or with those who agree
with him. He sajs:
"For akllDg Ihe assassination Investigation In
my own way and ut my own exnenRe, 1 am ns
snilecl iu a most t!lB-tdltablo mauner by He
I ubllrau Journals, nuil charged wil h a n attem pt
to use the testimony of cinvloied felons to Im
peach Mr. Johnson. I hav no apology or ex
cuse to offer for anything I have eull or Mono
olllclnlly. All I fil Is to be Juilneil by the public
reoord I have nindo. J. JM. Asjulky."
This last is the very kernel iu the nut. Mr.
Ashley is judged by his public reoord, and by
it is condemned, lie did labor to involve the
President of the United States in the assassi
nation plot. He did connive with a peniten
tiary witness to convict the Presid -nt of the
horrible crime of murdering Mr. Lincoln. He
did visit and proffer conditional aid and com
fort to this villain aud now that aid hae
failed, and two-thirds of his party call him a
madman or a fool including, as he says,
many of the original impeachers he appeals
to his constituents to relieve him from an
odium which will last long as he lives, even if
it does not follow his memory beyond the
From the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser,
Mr. Thurlow Weed is too old and prominent
a politician, and ha3 trod upon too many peo
ple's corns, to be let alone by them. It has
been said that to have devoted friends and
bitter enemies is the test of intellectual force
and merit. Judged by this standard, Mr.
Weed is a most remarkable man, and not the
least remarkable act of his whole life was his
return to the editorial harness iu the evening
of a long life, and the wonderfully vigorous
manner in which he defends himself against
all manner of assailants. He has shown that
he is an ugly customer to deal with, even yet;
aud his political reminiscences, of which he
has so rich a store, and which make so inte
resting a feature of the New York Commercial
Advertiser, contain many valuable disclosures
with regard to the recent political history of
our country, and not unfrequently are the au
thor's be6t vindication.
Mr. Weed i3 now the oldest of the promi
nent participants in the political affairs of the
country, and being withal unimpaired iu his
mental vigor, it would be very desirable that
he should devote the ripeness of his old age
to the preparation of a careful and deliberate
autobiography. Such a work would be the
most valuable legacy he could leave to his
country, and the most enduring monument of
himself. We hope it may be done, if for no
other purpose than to silence the misconcep
tions and slanders which have become ourrent
concerning various points of political history
during the war.
Commenting on which, the New York Com
mercial Advertiser (T. W.'s organ) has the
The friend who sends this too flattering
article inquires whether the suggestion of an
" Autobiography" is likely to be acted upon?
Similar suggestions and inquiries have reach
ed us from numerous friendly souroes, several
of which seem so earnest, that if we were as
sure of the soundness of their judgment a3 of
the warmth of their friendship, we should be
tempted, distrustful as we are of our fitness
for the work, to undertake it. We hesitate,
because we think that when men publish
their personal histories, they ought to have a
history. And ours seems too commonnlace
and uneventful to render an attempt to invest
it with publio interest either sensible or safe.
And yet some highly intelligent friends insist
that a large amount of material for history, in
our possession, ought to be worked up. In
deed we were "almost persuaded"" to com
mence it two years ago, when the following
letter was received :
"New York, April 21, 1S0S. Dear Sir: I read
a little faster than I recovered vision, your
vry lntereKtlng 'Letters from Kurope,' which
well deserve a place In every American's
library. This Is my oandld Judgment, Inde
pendent of the frequent mention In the book,
with honor, of my name. Two paragraphs,
near the close of the book, describing your first
entrance into New York, remind one of Frank
lin's entrance Into Philadelphia, and excite the
hope that you may favor ibe world with a full
biography. I can't exoect to live long enough
to read the work; but you can give It the power
of exciting thousands of smart boys to conquer
difficulties In the career of distinguished use
fulness. With great esteem, yours truly,
Thurlow Weed, Esq."
That we possess a mine of political and lite
rary wealth is quite certain. We are fortu
nate in a daughter whose least merit oonsists
in the care taken of manuscripts, all of which,
of the slightest value or interest, for more than
forty years, have been thoughtfully preserved.
To thirty-five bound volumes of Letters, more
than two thousand Letters, arranged alpha
betically and filed, are added. Among them
are the Letters of De Witt Clinton, Ambrose
Spencer, James and William Kent, Charles G.
Haines, Generals Peter B. Porter (Senior and
Junior), Daniel WebBter, Henry Clay, Wil
liam II. Seward, Albert II. Tracy, William II.
Maynard, Francis Granger, Gulian C. Ver
planok, the brothers John A., Charles, and
Kdward King, the Rev. Dr. Nott, Father
Mathew, John L. Stevens (the traveller),
Hamilton Fish, Washington Irving, . Cor
nelius Vanderbilt, Washington Hunt,
Zachariah Taylor, Abraham Lincoln, Fred
erick Whittlesey, Edward Ellice (the
"greatest English Commoner"), Governor
Andrew, American Ministers C. F. Adams,
Kdward L. Dayton, John Bigelow, H. S. San
ford, A. Burlingame, R. II. Pruyn, Rufus
King, Rev. Edward Mitchell, of New York
(fifty years ago), Archbishops Hughes and
Purcell, Father de Bmet, "Honest" John
Davis, of Massachusetts, William L. Marcy,
Abbot Lawrence, Millard Fillmore, George
Law, Edwin Croswell, Governors Vance, Cor
win, Dennison, and Elisha Whittlesey of Ohio,
William Duane, John Binns,. Josiah Randall,
John Sargeant, and William C. Carey of Phila
delphia, William Wirt, George Peabody, John
McLean (when P. M. G.), William L. Stone,
Joseph Gales, John C. Spenoer, Erastus Root,
Solomon Southwiuk, Philo C. Fuller, Horace
Greeley, U. T. Raymond, Edward Curtis,
M. U. Orinnell, R. M. Blatchford, James
Bowen, Philip Hone, M. M. Noah, J.
Watson Webb, Robert B. Minturn,
Simeon Draper, S. S. Gouveneur, John
Armstrong, Jr., Addison Gardiner, Judge
Hhipman, Truman Smith, John M. Clayton,
William M. Meredith, Reverdy Johnson, Am
brose L. Jordan, Ogden Hoffman, Robert
Emmet, James Tallinadge, General Scott,
General Worth, Charlos L. Livingston, Charles
r. Coram A. Worth, Admirals, Frra:
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through the various monvhs of 18C5, '66, and of this year, np to present date.
Liberal contracts made for lota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Ericsson Li
Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect.
KEW COODS OF OVIt O'WIf HHFOltTATION JVHT ABniVKD,
ALSO, A nOICK BKI.ECTION OP
AMERICAN CARPETINCS, OIL CLOTHS, ETC.
English DruggctlnKS, from half yard to four rdsildc Mnttlags,
Our entire stock, hjcluding new good' daily opening, will bo offered at LOW
TRICES FOR CASH, prior to Remova in Jai.uaiy text, to New Store, now
buildir.g, No. 1222 Clietiiut street.
REEVE L. KKIGECT & SON,
11 Htbstulm KO. 807 CUFSiM'T nTKI'ETi
gut and Gregory, Samuel Young, with hun
dreds of others prominent iu political, profes
sional, commercial, or. literary life. These,
with regular files of the journals with which
we have been associated for half a oentury,
offer a field which may be gleaned with ad
vantage. But just now, even if we could
overcome other obstacles, our time is mort
gaged. Perhaps after General Grant's elec
tion, if spared, and in health, we may "try"
to write a book.
FOR THE HOLIDAYS.
IX Oil, PAIMTIXOS,
MANTEL AND PIEB
IX GBEAT VARIETY".
NEW ART GALLERY,
f. ooland a CO.,
11 1 2ni2p No. 014 ARCH Street.
HE AMERICAN SUNDAY SCHOOL UNION
NO. liaa tllESNUT MTBEET, IMIILA ,
Has an unusually large variety oi beautifully printed
profusely Illustrated, and handsomely bouud
NEW AND SUPERIOR BOOKS,
Also, an extensive assortment
Bibles and Devotional Books.
Complete Catalogue of the Society's Publications
nrnibbed gratuitously, 12 is 2w
Family, Pulpit, and Photograph
Superior to any heretofore Issued from the Ameri
can Frees, and will compare laovrably with the Eng
lish and Oxford Editions, and at prices at least one
Nsw and Beautiful Styles, Kish Turkey
Blorocco, Antique Keller, and Gold,
WM, W. HARDING,
No; 3GO CHESNUT Street,
12 IS Zwrp Below Fourth, South Bide.
Jg EAUTIFUL jlOLIDAY BOOK,
II. J. EEEDOtt.
"A more beautlrul volume than this Is seldom
seen." N. Y. Citizen. .
"They are all written, though of different metres, in
that soft. Insinuating tone which Is so soothing to the
reader, aud, as an evidence ot great merit, always
leaves Its linpresH on the heart,"
i'or sale by
T. KLLWOOD ZEI.Tj A CO.,
NoSl 17 ud 18 B MXTH Street.
And by'Bookiellers generally, 12 21 lot
TTENTION! AGENTS AND CANVASSERS!
"THE NEW REPUBLIC,"
A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER,
Devoted to the Political, Literary, Agricultural,
Railroad, aud Commercial Interests of
Is published at CAMDEN, every SATURDAY. I
will be a wide-awake Journal, hewing true to the lino,
"let the chins lly a they may." limirlng and e-
all over the IrUaie, a liberal couimlhHloii will he k'veu (
to axents procuring subHcrlbers or advertlnnmeuU. j
buOcrli)lli'iij2 a yeariu advance. Address,
1IARHY U iiONttALL. kdllor.Cniudru, N. J.
WILD BASrr.F.RUll H.
TOMATOES IN JAltS AND CANS
FOR BALE BY
JAIV.EG R. WEBB,
811 WALNUT AND ElttHTII STS.
f E V FRUIT.
Double and Single Crovn, Layer, 8 edless, and San
Cl'BKANW, C1THON OKA NOES,
FBUNKM, FlOS, ALMONDS, KTO.
ALLi ltT O. BOBEBTS,
Dealer In Fine Groceries,
117rp Comer JbLKVKNTH and VINE Bta.
GENT.'S FURNISHING GOODS.
EEINO UNDERWEAR IN GREAT VA.
riety, lor sale at
HOFMANN'H HOSIERY STORE.
Merino Undfrwar tor tients.
klerlno Underwear tor Youths.
Merluo Underwcur Ivr I man la.
Merino Unaerwear for Minaes.
Merino Underwear lor mdloa.
Merino Hone for Ladies.
Merino Hose for Mtnse.
Merino Hose lor Youths.
Merino Ho.se lor liilauU).
Merino Hoi-e for Gents.
All-wool Pnlrts, wnito. for Genu.
All-wool Shirts, scarlet, tor (Junta,
All-wool Shirts, grey mixed.
All-wool Shirts, blue mixed.
All the above, ot superior qualities, for sale at
IIOFMANN'M JJO&1EKY kTUKE,
8 8 tuths No. 0 North EIGHTH Street.
3 . W. 8COTT Jto CO.,
HI1IBT MANUft AUTUBEBS,
AND 11KALKKH III)
MEN'S FUHNISIIINtt fiOODI
HO. 814 CllEMNUT STKKET,
FOUR DOOBH BiXOW THE "CONTINENT All,
i 2". irp fjuiijldelphza.
PATENT SHOULDER -SEAM
NIIIRI MAM FACT BT,
ANDC1ENTI.EMP.8,K EI) KK 1MIIINCI 8TOB1
I FMIFKCT FITT1M4 KJ'lIRTg AND DRAWEBfl
' tn Hrla rMtm m Au oi -.. nt n al.n.t hhIL.a
All other arf-len ot G 1N TLUittEN ' S DRESS
GOODS In full variety
WINCH EWTRR A CO.
I U( a SuflCHEteNUT Wrest,
Central location No. 1121 GIRARD Street, west of
Eleventh, above Chesnutstreet. A handboine second
stoiy Jront room, unfurnished , mw vacant.
FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOFSAFES
. . JIAtegr
if tvrti rpnB aw
WIBE ANI BIlliUIiAB-PBOOI
IAtCKSHITH, KELJL I1ANGEB, AMI
I'KAJLEJU IS UlilLIIIAU HAUDW1BI,
6 51 SO, A BACK STBEET.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OP FIRB
and Bnrtrlar-uroof PA FEB on band, with Inside
doors, Dwelling-house Safes, free troni dampness,
Prices low. C. UANKENEOKUEit,
1 1 aft tsi vioJh Bureau
HARDWARE, CUTLERY, ETC.
gTAKDBRIDGE, BARR & CO.,
1HPOKTKRB OK AND DBALEE8 Uf
FOREIGN AND AMERICAN HARDYARE,
KO, IS81 91AKKET HT11EET,
Offer tor sale a large stock ol
Hardware nntl Cutlery,
lOOO 'KEGS NAILS
AT Kfr.UUCEJ) FBICEN. LI7 UisM
A fine assortment of POCKET and
TABLE CUTLERY, HAZOKrt,
KAV.OR RTROPd. LADIfcd' HtliM-
BHEARrl, ETC.i ' T TO
L. V. HOLMOIilVB
Cutlery Btere, No. li Sooth TENTH street.
Three doers above alniuV
COB1BIKED CAKPET-HTBETCIIEB AMD
With this machine a lady can alone 11164011 and
tack down at the same time her carpets as easily m
to weep them, saving back -aches, bruised no (en,
temper, time, and money. It will stretch all kinds. of
carpets without the least daniaf e, better, quicker,
and easier than any other Btretober made, and drive
from I toSO-oi. tacks with or without leather heads
la simple, easily worked, and will l ist a lifetime
Agents wanted. Liberal terms given. It Is a njoe
machine for ltdW to btH. Fur Macl.lues or Ate net es
call on or address
It I I.LI AM
S. THIRD Hlrwt,
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