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SPIRIT OF TI1E ritESS.
IDITORIAX OPIHI058 OV TBI LKtDINd JOCRKAJJJ VtOn CDEBBBT TOPICS COMPILED KVBBT DAT FOB THB BTEKINO TBLBOBAFH. Rmithtrn Distress. fVom i JV. IVihunc. That there should be Buffering from destitu- lion in the South throughout the yoar follow ing the close of our civil war, surprised no tne. The Rebellion collapsed after the proper season for planting and sowiug had passed) nd the farmers wore most meagrely supplied with implements and auinials; so that they grew less than half a crop. Drouth, acting on imperfect shallow tillage, fearfully Bbortenel the crops of 186 f. and especially the yield of Indian corn, which is the chief basis of South ern food, whether of bread or meat. But the product of 1867, though impaired by floods, worms, and yellew fever, was thought to be generally good; so that the North now hears with surprise that the South is onoe more on the brink of farafue. The statement is too broad, since Tennessee, Texas, and extensive districts of other btates, have food enough; still, there i3 truthenough in the cry to justify Apprehension and provoke inquiry. What are the real causes of existing southern want ? IVe answer I. War. The South devoted all her energies Hud means, throughout four weary years, to the prosecution of her most unequal struggle. Her able-bodied white males were driven or dragged, almost en masse, into the Rebel armies. Heads of families were pounced upon and car ried off to the front, with hardly opportunity to bid adieu to their wives. Boys of fifteen and men of fifty-five were swept in. The whites made war their business; the blacks grew food and served in households. Hardly anything was added to the abiding wealth of the oountry throughout those lour years, While stocks oi lood, clothing, etc, etc., were gradually exhausted. War required all de voured all. II. Devastation was rife, especially in the later years. The Kebels burned cotton, rioe, eugar, and almost everything else that was combustible, to save them from the Yankees; Who burned in turn to preclude its recapture by the Rebels. Fences and other rude wooden atruotures were extensively consumed for fuel. Buildings were often burned sometimes neces sarily; at others, wantonly. Domestio animals of all kinds were generally "impressed" or swept off by one eide or the other. If the South had been full-handed, her industry must have been sadly inefficient since the war. But III. Able-bodied men were likewise swept, ft ot less than three hundred thousand South rons lie in their graves, who, but for the war, would now be in vigorous, effective life. They generally left widows and children, who are unable to work the lands left them or which they tenant, save very inefficiently. These are consequently suffering from want, while the aggregate product of their section is lessened. We presume that the North has lost as many men in battle as the South did perhaps more. But ours were abstracted from a popu lation of at least twenty millions, while theirs were drawn from hardly more than six mil lions (of whites); so that bereavement is far more general in the South than in the North. And though our lesses in actual battle may have been the greater, our hospital accommo dations and medical service were far superior, end, thanks, in good part, to our Sanitary and Christian Commissions, with the intelligent, real, and wise liberality which persistently sustained them, we saved many lives where the Rebel sick and wounded proved in parallel cases incurable. IV. Not only during the war, but since the War, our improved implements and machinery have greatly increased the effectiveness of our industry. Ohio and Illinois grow thrice the corn to the hand that the South does, or can, till her planters shall be able and willing to employ the very best labor-saving implements. V. Industry was never sq prevalent among the whites of the South as among those of the Is'orth; while slaves, as a rule, do the least amount of work they can do and escape the Whip. And the habits formed under the influ ence of slavery the aversion to labor instilled fcy it is but slowly overcome. VI. Social anarchy now comes in, to aggra vate evils already appalling. The whites and Llacks of the South have net yet learned reci procal confidence. The whites still dream of negro insurrection and outrage, and any moon shine story of a negro conspiracy to plunder and massacre secures their implicit credence. !The blacks feel sure that the whites would re enslave them if they could. Hence, they desert the rural districts and throng the cities, where they derive conAdenoe from their num bers and from the presence of Federal authority and force. The fact that the planters fail often from sheer inability to pay what the Llacks say they have fairly earned, strengthens the blacks in iheir apprehension that they will have to tight against recnslavement whenever "the Bureau" shall have vanished, leaving them without external protection. Most certainly, we do not deny, nor seek to ignore, the alleged indolence and improvi dence of the blacks. We suspect that few of them prefer work to play at the same price. They would be a singular race if there were not inveterate drones, idlers, vagrants, and sots among them. We presume they have im bibed from whites the false notion that it is more respectable to get a living by scheming than by work. Yet we have asked quite a number who have conducted extensive busi ness ODerations in the South, "Have you any trouble as to bauds ?" and the reply has uni formly been, "None, while we have money to var each man his wages every . Saturday pijht." And the all but uniform testimony affirms that the blacks work diligently and vigorously. Inability to pay for labor puts the employer in a false position. He u no longer master. He cannot say, "Do this," and see it done; he must negotiate, and pala ver, and often entreat, when he should be able to command. A pauper employer is a self- contradiction. This article is so long that we must post pone our suggestion of remedies to another. Tobacco Consumption, From the N. Y. World. According to the statistics of taxation, there Are annually consumed in the United States about one million clears, twenty-five million pounds of chewing tobacco, and fourteen mil. lion pounds of smoking tobacco. During the last five years seven and a half millions of dol lars in taxes were paid on seventy million pounds of smoking tobacco of domestio manu facture. Of the various forms of chewing to bacco, fifteen and a quarter million pounds wam returned In the fiscal year 18C3; over thirty-nine million pounds in 18C4; twenty two and a half million pounds in IS61J; and a THE DAILY TEXEMftC TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1807. little more than twenty-five million pounds in 1867. Upon this entire quantity the govern ment reaped a tax of some forty millions of dollars not so much by five and a quirter millions as France estimated for, on the sale I of tobacco, in the budget for one year, IS 35. It is apparent that a generous addition must be made to these estimates of the quantity of tobacco manufactured aud consumed in this country. The number of cigars reported for taxation is in the ratio of Fay fifteen cigars per capita per annum, for all consumers. This alone is Indicative of immense fraud. Im ported cigars are, of course, to be taken into consideratioHj for these are not borne on the returns paying duty in another branch of the revenue; but these cannot swell the total much, since the present virtually prohibitive tariff has largely driven foreign cigars from the market. Some brands of foreign cigars are entirely out the market, as was repre sented to Congress last year by the Special Commissioner of the Revenue, when he stated that the Invoice cost of the variety commonly known as "Swiss Cigars" is Bix dollars and a half per thousand, and the total impost twenty seven and a quarter dollars, which is equiva lent to an ad valorem tax of four hundred and nineteen per cent., making the market price here over forty-seven dollars in cur rency. Experts have estimated that fully as much fraud is committed in tobacco as iu whisky, of w hich perhaps only twenty per cent, pays the tax. But in the absence of such direct evidence pertaining to tobacco as that which we possess in regard to whisky, this calcula tion may be erroneous. We believe it not un reasonable, however, to say that not more than half the taxable tobacco in the United States has ever raid the tax, and of cigars alone not more than one-fourth. From which it appears that the Government is annually swindled out of at least double its receipts, and that tobacco consumers are shamefully cheated. While the latter are charged high prices on the plea of the heavy tax, the Gov ernment reaps no benefit therefrom, and the dealer complacently places the sum of the tax in his pocket, added to the regular profit on the cost of the article. That this is done all over the land and nowhere more than in this city is notorious to all who are oon versant. even superficially, with revenue matters. Titaxo Rnprtiutrv In Hay tl Salnave a SpeciuieB BrlcU. From the iV. T. Herald. We published yesterday a short letter from a correspondent at Port-au-Prince, the capital of the negro Republio of Hayti, which fur nished us a more graphio picture of the de lightful state of things in that happy land of negro supremacy than we have had for a very long time from any other historian. Salnave, President, an unadulterated negro of the Congo breed, a hideous savage in a photo graph, and a horrible barbarian in his actions, is engaged in a ferocious struggle against a horde of conspirators who are resolved to pull him down. The man whom he by a revolu tionary movement displaced Geffrard, a mu latto was an intelligent, educated, amiable, and polished man far too much for the un washed Africans constituting the bulk of the African people, talsave, more ferocious than Soulouuue, seems determined at least that if he is to fall it shall not be from the amiabie weaknesses and. indulgences of Geffrard. Sal nave, in faot, is a model imitator of the model African King of Dahomey. It appears that the Caoos (whatever they may be) have gradually gained strength on the frontiers of St. Domingo, and have re taken Fort Biasson, driving Salnave's troops before them amid great rejoicings; that, alarmed by these reverses, Salnave had em barked on board a steamer, with a large body of Uaytien savages from the interior known as the Piquets, who were used by Soulouque in his reign for the most murderous purposes; that they were not allowed to land at the capi tal on account of their nakedness; that all the weapons they carried were cutlasses, and all the food they required was sugar-cane. This brines these Uaytien negro savages about as near the status of the gorilla as anything of the genus homo discovered by Du Chaillu in Equatorial Africa. We see, in the employment of these creatures by this model negro sal nave something of those peculiar ameliora tions of negro society resulting from negro supremacy. In the absence of Ealnave from bis capital the Government had been left in charge of General Ulysse probably so named after the world-renowned Ulysses S. Grant, but a black horse of a totally different color. This negro Ulysse, it appears, is the butcher who did bou- louque's bloody work whenever his services were wanted, lie must be a leariul barbarian In his way, when the opponents of his policy in the Legislature, to escape his clutches, had sought the protection of the British Consulate. He seems, likewise, to be a full believer of the doctrine of negro superiority, from an order which he had issued requiring every white woman to rise and salute his ebony highness while passing by their verandas. The peaoe ably inclined inhabitants of Port-au-Prince were in fear at any moment of having those brutal naked savages from the interior let loose upon them like dogs, should Salnave take offense or become disappointed. And this is negro supremacy as now illus trated in Hayti, where the generous soil pro duces enough for the negro's subsistence with out labor, and where the never-failing tropical climate relieves him of all the expenses re quired on the mainland for clothing. Con sidering the naturally indolent nature of the negro, Hayti ought to be a sort of African paradise; but the whole history of that Afri can settlement since the first rising of its blacks for the abolition of slavery is only a record of the inevitably downward tendencies of the negro back again to African barbarism, if left to himself. What, then, is his manifest destiny in our Southern States under the new dispensation, if established, of negro supre macy, it is not difficult to guess. His natural indolenoe will carry him to the point of starva tion, the pangs of starvation will drive him to rapine and bloodshed, and then will follow his bloody extermination. This is the moral con veyed to us from the ripening fruits of negro supremacy in Hayti. Th Dent Urant Letter. from the N. Y. Timet. 1 The Dent letter, purporting to give Genera Grant's views and wishes about a nomination for the Presidency, was first published in the New York correspondence of the Charleston (S. C.) Courier, It was promptly repudiated by General Dent as a forgery, and we have once or twice called on the Courier't oorres" pondent for an explanation of its authorship. In response we get from him the following, which we copy from the Courier of the 231: "New York, Deo. 17.-H appears that the let ter published exc-iuttlvely iu lUu Courier, Blvlnir Oeu. Grunt's views ou ihe Presidential ques tion, has not only boeu read every w lima wuu grtat Intercut, but ban beeu tbe aubjeol of some IlMfcuipered remark lu several ltepublloan Jtirn!. Ittnav posRlbiy not have milted the lbi g of some olltl:ian In cnrlalu quarter ll nt Ibe Idler h lion Id ul nil leak out, bill Ui l certainly In do reasou why uiey ati-miil flu I lf.nU with those who only desire lo furiilsii matiorsof record m valtidblo Information to bii InterestP'l public. The New Yorn 11 ni d- rile that. Gen (Jranl wrote, an id latter, witch dmlal isent rely aupoi fluous your corrfwptin (lt til t ever haviux aimed mat Hi it n)uiie ii4ii wrote the now tumms leu or. (liners Hit-tin t lie i hat Oct). Or-tnl's brot her In-law dl not. wi lie it, bikI iiv coiilusitiii, apparently with, a pnrptfe, everything iu re kLio-i lo thH m iller, ei.driivor t ) nuke the pu'Jllo believe, then one tin iid, men it. e ot her. J am not aeon ilnted with inn uratu ramtiv. but I know I hiu U up al Ileal Is not llio bru tiier-lti-luw. but the luther In-law of the Gene ral. Wliothe i rrmn is who Kilned the Initial 1). to the toller which accidentally came utidr my notloe, mid which haw since creaied mioh Huleniiieinl (peculations, I do not know, but. U-nt rHl Urani one-; mid l.he latter hm tio le. nieel, and CMUiiut deny the views expressed In hii Hi letter." This tiorrespondent thus denies having ever ul ate (I that General Deut was the author of tho ettor in question. Here is what he did say: It now turn out that the Grant meeting on Wedi eHdav evening .ast was irottna up brine in rioiml frieiiUftol ibe Uenerul. who, lu a very dexterous manner, succ eded In headlnsc oft ihe cotsi rvatl ve Kepuhllruu Uomnnitee, who Da l eriUHted Ihe hull for tho name purpose a weK later. When this lieo ime known, the (ieiioral's fi lends In this clly aud Waaiiluulon net ao.ntl the work. The mot-fnti len ws held, not, only v. 1th the full knowledge of Oeno-al Urunt, but It also bad his congut. Iu continuation of tins I Blve the followinii lolinrof Oneral Graut'a brother In-law (General Dent, a lm-mb -r of the General' stall") to a friend lu this city, wno khi very aoilve In obtaining signatures lot the can:" This is quite enough on that point. It con victs the correspondent of a distinct an un equivocal misstatement. He did attribute the letter to General Dent. He now says that the letter "came accidentally undr his notice" and that he does not know who signed the initial 1). to it." We beg leave to doubt this statement. He certainly knews from whom he received the letter, and he knows also whether the initial D. was signed to it then or nt. Aud as he himself stated that it was from "General Dent, brother-in-law of General Grant," he oueht to know also from whom he reoeived that bit of infor mation. Somebody has evidently fabricated a letter attributing certain political opinions to General Grant, and pretending, in order to give them importance in the publio mind, that it was written by a near relative of the General and a member of his staff. The Courier's corres pondent stands in this predicament: He is either the person who did all this himself, or else he has been made the tool or accomplice of the per Jon who really did it. We know of nobody else who is half as mnoh interested in being relieved from this dilemma as ' he is himself, and no amount of equivocation or of political slurs upon other persons can aid mm in the Blieutest decree. The deviue of resorting to inventions and forgeries of this sort, and trying to pass them off as proofs of superior newspaper enterprise has been pretty thoroughly exhausted. News papers and their correspondents are held to a somewhat more rigid responsibility than they used to be. A journal which pretends to any standing, and expects to be believed, damages itself very decidedly by resorting to bo stale and so unscrupulous a trick for catching public attention and exoiting publio curiosity. The' papers which have gained a reputation for this sort or enterprise nave ceased to be relied upon in the slightest degree for intelligence, and are read only out of the curious craving for something startling, whether true or false, which always pervades every active, wide awake community. We would suggest to the Courier' correspon dent thas he does not consult his real Interest as a journalist by attempting 10 inysiuy bo plain a matter as this. Klghteen Ilundrtd and SlySevn From the If. Y. Nation. If we were asked to give the year which is just ending a name - which should indicate its leading characteristic with some approach to accuracy, we should call it a year of disen chantment. Of course it has been remarka ble for many other, and perhaps better things; but the thing for which it has been most re markable has been the number and magni tude of illusions that have perished in it. It has witnessed a process in politics somewhat analogous to that which the year 1803 wit nessed in the war. Up to that year there lin gered in the popular mind a faith which, how ever mischievous, it was hard altogether to avoid admiring, that the nation's salvation would be effected by some heaven-born gen eral, some man sprung from the people, and able to manage armies and win battles with out the aid either of social training or practi cal experience, or any of the other slow and nnromantio processes by which men in the Old World win their way to greatness. It could not be, people felt, that in such a country which raised twenty-five bushels of wheat to the acre, and doubled its population every twenty-five years, generals could not be produced when they were wanted without the cumbrous aid ot military academies, or that, when battalions were needed for the field, citi zens as intelligent and well educated as ours would have to measure bo many inches round the chest, aud have . to learn to march aud wheel and obey painfully and laboriously like Kuropean peasants. Horace Greeley retained nearly to the close of th war the belief which most people cherished during the first two years, that what was needed to .bring the un happy business to an end was simply a mighty rifcing of indignant farmers each armed with a musket and intent on getting to Richmond. The truth dawned on people at last. Scienoe in the end asserted its sway, as it always does in the affairs of men, in the long run. The warriors who went forth from every State in comn and of great legions without other knowledge of war than what they had got from popular histories, were slowly but 6urely brought to nought. Many a vo lunteer by beginning low acquired an educa tion in the field which at last fitted him for high positions; but nearly everybody who went out fancying that all he needed to make him a general was the Governor's commission and the blessing of his fellow-citizens, found that he was mistaken. The plotting and planning, the combining and organizing, had alter all to be done by the much-abused, much-despised West Pointers. No Cromwell came ont of the counting house or the farm, and if he had he would not have found a Rupert to ride over. He would have broken both heart and head against Lee's and John Bon's bayonets We have had an experience somewhat simi lar in the political field Binue the war closed Nothing could persuade many of the radioal leaders during the year 186b" that there was an j thing governmental which a majority in Congress could not accomplish. The task they set before themselves was nothing less than the remodelling of bouthern sooiety on their own theory of right; and not simply this, but of doing it through the iuBtrumeutatity of a majority in Congress merely, and without reference to the opinions or feelings of people out of doors. Now, the problem which meU every statesman is not the realization of his ideal, because this is impossible, but the per suasion of his fellows Into aooepting his ideal ai Botmthlng desirable. Tlin Atnerioin nun. ble, in short, have to be legislated for not as ii they were all they ought to be, but exactly as they are. Ou the question of negro mif- frage, on the negro question generally, in fm-.t, mere is a vast auiouui oi stupid, unreasoning prtjudioe and ignorance. Hut the reason why nion are difficult to govern ii that thy aro pi ej ml iced. If men wrre all highly instructed and had no prejudices at all, it woul 1 be as enr.y to rule thvm as to mke impressions on W.ix. l'.ven despots cannot drive them alon without reference to their habit-, tralitions, mid weaknesses. To get thorn to believe even with common justice or common hoiiody, to bear with any res'raiut whttever on their p:issUns ami appetites, there are but two instruments, foioe and conviction. Iu a free couutry thore is no placo for tho one; every thing must be done by the other. It is not enough to secure a majority In Congress, and hurry bills through, lour bills must be sunh as will Ptand tho test ot discussion, as will commend themselves to the popular eye, jaundiced though it-be, as statosmaulike ami wise; and In your mode of recommending them and getting them passed you must play the advocate and not the master. This is an old story as old as the world. It may seem extraordinary that it should have been forgotten; and yet when we came out. of the war it seemed to be almost forgotten. l'ascal has a pleasant saying, that Plato and aud Aristotle were a pair of good, sensible men, who felt when they were writing on politics that they were in reality drawing up regulations for the government of a mad house, the lunatics, of course, having no voice in the matter, and not. being entitled to any. Some of those politicians who profess the pro- foundest respect for the will of the people have, in the reconstruction process, acted very much as if they were of Pascal's way of think ing with regard to the nature of the part played in public affairs by themselves. The past year has effectually waked them up from their delusion. They have now to confess what a year ago it was impossible to get them to believe, that finding but what is right is only a small part of a politician's duties, that the larger part connHts in persuading people to agree with him. Ihey have learned, moreover, that departures from the regular course of law and justice almost invaribly prove a two-edged sword. A good many of the prominent Re publicans who have since clamored most loudly against Mr. Johnson's usurpations were vio lently opposed to calling Congress together at the close of the war. They then wanted the President himself to reconstruct with a high hand; it was only when they found he would not reconstruct in the right way that they fell back on Congress, which was then, and has never ceased to be, the rightful source of all legislation. We hope the lesson of the late crisis will never again be forgotten. Moreover, we nave learnt within the last year that nothing in a Government like this is ever gained by stilling disoussion. It is what men think, and not what they say that makes mischief; and when legislative measures of such importance and complexity as those which have been before the oountry during the past two years are under consideration, there can hardly be too much disoussion They can hardly be too carefully drawn or have too many holes picked in them before .they are passed, and the opposition, instead of being gagged, ought to be encouraged to speak out its mind. With regard to legisla tion more than to any other work of life is Burke's observation true, that "our antago nist is our helper." Mr. Stevens and the majority lawt winter could not be persuaded of this, rrovlded the object of a measure were good, provided it were intended to protect loyal men and pnnish Rebels, they seem to have firmly held that the less discussion there was about its provisions after it left the com mittee, the better. Debate was stopped, there fore, by every device known to parliamentary tactics. The "previous question" was used with a lavishness and unscrupulousness never before witnessed, although the smallness of the Democratic representation as compared to the size of the Democratic party in the country gave the minority peculiar claims to a patient hearing. It got no bearing at all. The result has been that the Reconstruction bill was bo badly drawn, and so full of holes, that it has had to be twice amended. Moreover, the moderate Rebublicans have been disgusted and alienated, and the Democrats intensely exasperated, and the elections all over the country are not only lost, but Messrs. Stevens and Boutwell have been seen within a few days crushed and silenced by that very "previous question" which a year ago they thought such an invaluable weapon. It is not often that one witnesses in the political arena so marked a case of poetio justice. There has, moreover, during the past year been a great awakening from flnanoial delu sions. We could name a good many promi nent men who, during the war, were amongst the loudest in making light of the national debt, and are now amongst the loudest in dwelling on its burdensomeness. The country Bees, aud, we believe, profits by seeing, some of those who delichted in tellincr Deonle who had money to lend how many ways we had of paying our debts in gold and silver without trouble or inconvenience, now chuckling with delight over the new plan of paying them off in paper, it sees, too, thousands who, two years ago, laughed at the idea that we should ever have te groan under our debt like the effite nations of Europe, now deliberately pro posing to get rid of it by means of which the poorest and most degraded European nations would be ashamed. The past year has made it very clear that the laws of human nature and the laws of political 'economy, w hich are based upon them, are much the same in America as elsewhere, and that the burdens of life have to be supported by much the same helps and appliances. It may seem from the foregoing as if we had done nothing duriBg the year but become sensible of past errors, and that there is in this little or no progress. If politics be, how ever, as its wisest masters hold it to be, an empirical art, becoming sensible of past errors is simply a synonym for the acquisition of new light, by which we can walk more steadily and securely in the future.' Looking at the matter in this way, the mistakes of the last four years have been lessons of the highest value. They have supplied what more than all else was needed' to make the national life aud national progress what they ought to be. The unbroken prosperity which the oountry had enjoyed down to 18(i0, with little or no trouble to statesmen, had done muoh to depre ciate knowledge; the trials through whloh we have been passing ever since have exalted it as nothing else could have done. In fact and we admit that the redaction seems somewhat depressing the history of moral aud political progress, if examined closely, will be found thus far to consist mainly in the detection anil exposure of delusions and fallacies; it is only in the natural sciences that we can lie said' to have opened up new fields of truth. In the present condition of the world, the political reformer is simply a sort of scavenger whose duty it is to remove mud and rubbish. To the man of scienoe falls the seemingly finer tabk of digging after oon- OLD RYE THE LARGFST AND UK ST STOCK OF E OLD RYE W U I Q K I In tho Land is now Possessed by F I U HEN It Y S. IIANNIS & CO. Nos. 218 ard 220 Seuth FROTJT Street, WHO OIDR 1HH NAM F. 10 TIIK 1 1t AJK, IN WT, OS Vt;HY i l V AST U TOV TKKMW. Their Stock of Rye Whhkles, in lioud, comprises all the favorite brands extant, an! rata tb rough the various months of 18G5, '(JC, and of this year, np to picsent date. Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Ericsson Ll barf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as paities may elect. cealed treasures. But the aim of the poll- tician is, after all, as noble a one as the laborer i can detire. He who sees social aud political abuses perish under his hands kuows that he battens the reign of "nobler manners aud of purer laws," and he who does this is engg d in the highest work the world has to ollr. There were never so many men engaged in it as at this moment. Thre are more this yar thau last; there were more last year than thn year before. We never hear of a wrong or delusion that we do not see ten men assailing it, for the one who ever assailed it before. There is no field of human activity, too, in which men ai$ so aotive, and there has never been a time in which to labor in it zealously brought with it so much honor. What Radicalism IIa Done. From the Richmond Dispatch. The telegraph Informs us that General Ord has not only sent Colonel Gillem to Washing ton to represent to the President and Secre tary of War the starving condition of a large number of negroes in Mississippi, and the absolute necessity of provision being made for them; but has also issued an order which im plies that the negroes owe their suffering con dition to their refusal to work last summer. The General has given formal orders that all freedmen who are able will be required to earn their support during -the coming year, and to go to wark upon the best terms that can be procured, even should it furnish a support only, and thus prevent them becoming a burden to the Government; and that freedmen who can but will not earn a livelihood when employment can be procured will lay them selves liable to arrest and punishment as vagrants. Before they were emancipated, negro pau pers were unknown. Every slave had a home and a master to feed him and his children. The sick, the aged, and the young were all well cared for. Now, left to themselves, thou sands of these same negroes are in danger of starving. The mere recital of these faot a should open the eyes of the negroes who are told, and of the Yankee schoolmarms who tell them, that they had to work for nothing while they were slaves, and that their late masters owe them wages even now. The facts show that the negroes do not earn enough to keep themselves out of the poor house, and therefore prove that slave labor is, as most Yankees contend, dearer than free labor. We suppose that never before in the history of the world was there a oountry,' so nearly ruined aa this fair Southern laud has been by the meddling fanaticism of New Koglaad. iioth the whites aud the blacks have beeu in calculably injured. The blacks have been de prived of good masters, comfortable quarters, food, raiment, and medical attendance, aud converted into paupers. The whites have been deprived of good servants, and been sur rounded in their stead by wandering mobs of rogues, thieves, vagabonds, and paupers, among whom no man can live and prosper. New England herself is beginning to feel the effects of her ruinous policy, and will before many years find that she has indeed destroyed her own best market. .Boston has already been deprived of the benefits of the Canard steamers, which hereafter will not stop at that port. Many of the New England factories are idle, and many more of them will soon be; and year by year that detested region will sink lower and lower in the soale of adversity. The enrses she has heaped upon us will return home to roost. She will learn When it is too late that she was a fool as well as a hypocrite and knave. She is doomed, as "Yank,, wrote to us from Boston, to poverty and want. The South must necessarily be prosperous before many years shall have passed over, unless, indeed, the negro is to acquire supremacy among us a fate which, at any rate, is not impending over Virginia or North Carolina. Her natural ad vantages are such that if the whites are allowed to maintain their supremacy she must become rich and happy. But New Kugland U a land of sterility. The whole six States did not raise as much wheat iu 1850 as did the county of Loudoun, in Virginia. She main tains her population by manufactures. These manufactures she fold before the war to the people of the South, and during the war to the general Government. Now she has few cus tomers in the Seuth, and the Government needs no shoes, blankets, uniforms, gun, knapsacks, or any of the other thousands of articles which were needed while war was flagrant. Her fishing bounties cannot here after be relied upon. Protective tariffs will hereafter be denied her. Her bonds will ba taxed.. Her sons will be driven out of at least half the offices which they now hold. She will find no sympathy from the reconstructed South, and none from the plundered West. Uur day of tribulation is now her'a will oome soon enough. How much sympathy she will deserve may be easily calculated when it is remembered that but for her the twelve mil lions of people who inhabit the Southern States would to-day be the richest and the happiest upon the face of the glolie. Tl Tald Tale. From the TV. Y. Independent. The year passes away like a tale that Is told. Nay, a tale that is told may be told again; but a year that has been lived cannot be lived again. Gone once, it is gone forever. So, another year is going, ' and almost gone. Wboso has any business with its remaining days, let him make haste; the nnopenable books are Boon to be shut; the unalterable record is Boon to be sealed. What has been the year's history ? It oan never be written. A nation's annals of a thousand years are compassed withiu a thou sand pages. How little is told by historians; how much temains untold I Here and there a great battle; here aud there a new-born State; here and there an angry revolution; here aud there a dynasty quenched like a star. This is the substance of that dignified literature which most men call history, but which Macau lay, the greatest of historians, called "a nuree'B tale." WHISKIES. S What -hanges a yer makes iu human society! What ci utiles ! What wedding feasts! Vhat graves! Cunning are the works of tl ope two artificer?, Life and Time! More cunning still are the uiiranlfs of those two greater mabters, Death jnd Eternity ! Who can count the situ, the follies, tho vani ties of one man's life for one year f Ho many 6li8 of tongue anil pen ! How many crooked paths, instead of the one straight and narrow way ! llow much daily human selfishness, instead of the Lord's perpetual slf-abnegation! Giim, solemn, and terriblo is the testimony apninst man which the flying years go bearing with rapid wing towards tho Judgment Day. God pity us all 1 But who would bring back the departing y ar t All men would gladly add auother year to their lives; yet no man would care to live over again any former year. "The past Vine of our life sulliceth us." With most men the happiest, the safest, the best part of their lives is that which they have already lived, and (hall not live again. But human life, by God's grace, ought to grow better and better, not worse and worse. What daily prayer ami what nightly watching should fill the' Chris tian's allotted time ou earth. The old year paxses into remembrance; the new, into duty. Cast backward the casual glance, but bend forward the steady gaze. The greatest of human achievements is the making of Christian character. But this is more than a humau achievement. It requires the co-working both of man and God. He who builds without God builds in vain. At tbis meditative season, let men self-question their plans, their motives, thi ir ambitions; to learn for themselves whethor their hearts are in profitable partnership with God's peace. May the new year bring ns more zeal for : work; more singleness of consecration; more devoutness ot spiritual lite; more numbienesa before the Cross; more aspiration towards the Crown I The "Han and Brother" la Hftytl. From the St. Louis Republican. How blacks can conduct a Government and bold dominion appears in the way tney carry on in Hayti, where our sable brethren are Betting an example which may even te&oh a new lesson in tyranny to the majority in our" Congress. In that island, which enjoys the bliss of a black government, Salnave, who lately rose in rebellion against and drove out Geffrard, has his quarrel with the Haytien . Congress. One of the bones of contention waa General Montez, who was a rebel, or some thing of that sort. Montez, having been se cured, was imprisoned, and, as our readers may have noticed, was put to death in a manner worthy of the traditions of Congo and the coast of Guinea. Montez was murdered by his jailer, by authority of Salnave. At first, a la Africaine, poison was mixed with his food, but, being too slow in its operation to satisfy the eagerness of his slayers, the jailor was ordered to smother Montez, which attempt failing, he was finally stabbed, aud his skull pierced wi h a chisel. These operations, as might be ex pected, finally ended him. His body was de-" livered to his friends "bootless and shirtless, on boards," while it is charged on Salnave that he, in order to instigate the people against Congress, who had, for some reason, shown some sympathy with Montez, plied the "colored sovereigns" freely with rum. To give another African touch to the horror jC brother of Montez is, by one account, saidto v l. a ii. . vj . ii- l , nave ueeu uuaiuuu w mo iieu oi jus orower while the murder was going forward; and, according to all accounts, was chained in the ' same dungeon, where he was compelled to , witness the bloody deed, without any power to prevent it. TV I T 1 r t Ton mifdnrt Tina vt tv.a ? f Congress that none but -blacks be sent to represent this country in the black States with which we have diplomatic relations. Proba bly, if we are to continue to maintain such, relations, the discrimination proposed by the member in respect to the color of such people as we send to them is a very proper one. But why not end the relation f Somewhat Alarmed, Front the St. Louis lie)ublican. The healthy iulluence of the aotion of the people in the late elections is being manifested in Congress in a variety of ways. In common with the conservative press we have con stantly protested against the scandalous and prolligate use of the publio money by the radical Congress; but those protestations have produced little effect upon Congress itself. Since the people have spoken, however, we see that Congress is not invulnerable. That body is evidently alarmed at the recent mani festations of popular indignation. The radi cal politicians had been led to believe that they could do a3 they pleased, squander money without limit, play the tyrant and expel States fiom the Union, and the people would sustain them in all their proceed ings. But the late elections have disturbed this dream of security. In nothing is this more manliest than In some observations contained in the report recently made by Senator Sherman, from the Fi.nauoe Commit tee. In that report he uses the following lan guage: "The vague and indefinite appropriations of moDy by Congress, jfiowiuii out of I tie vast ex penditure daiinw Hie wur, cannot longer be conilDiiecl without the utter destruol Ion of the nutlonul cretin or such an Increase of our taxes as will bring buck lo lliene ball lie w tunr uud new name. It la It'le to disguise the fuel Hint, tho lnoieHse of our extraordinary expenses and weight of taxes have nlarmed Hie people." This is tLe first evidence of "serious thought at retrenchment that we have Been from the radicals in Congress; aud we seriously doubt Whether we should have seen this, if the peo ple had not spoken as they have receutly done. The idea of "new faces and new names." in "these balls" eeems to have quickened the perceptions of the radicals, and we sincerely congratulate the people that it has done bo.