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The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, December 27, 1867, FIFTH EDITION, Image 2

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Rmithtrn Distress.
fVom i JV. IVihunc.
That there should be Buffering from destitu-
lion in the South throughout the yoar follow
ing the close of our civil war, surprised no
tne. The Rebellion collapsed after the proper
season for planting and sowiug had passed)
nd the farmers wore most meagrely supplied
with implements and auinials; so that they
grew less than half a crop. Drouth, acting on
imperfect shallow tillage, fearfully Bbortenel
the crops of 186 f. and especially the yield of
Indian corn, which is the chief basis of South
ern food, whether of bread or meat. But the
product of 1867, though impaired by floods,
worms, and yellew fever, was thought to be
generally good; so that the North now hears
with surprise that the South is onoe more on
the brink of farafue. The statement is too
broad, since Tennessee, Texas, and extensive
districts of other btates, have food enough;
still, there i3 truthenough in the cry to justify
Apprehension and provoke inquiry. What are
the real causes of existing southern want ?
IVe answer
I. War. The South devoted all her energies
Hud means, throughout four weary years, to
the prosecution of her most unequal struggle.
Her able-bodied white males were driven or
dragged, almost en masse, into the Rebel armies.
Heads of families were pounced upon and car
ried off to the front, with hardly opportunity
to bid adieu to their wives. Boys of fifteen
and men of fifty-five were swept in. The
whites made war their business; the blacks
grew food and served in households. Hardly
anything was added to the abiding wealth of
the oountry throughout those lour years,
While stocks oi lood, clothing, etc, etc., were
gradually exhausted. War required all de
voured all.
II. Devastation was rife, especially in the
later years. The Kebels burned cotton, rioe,
eugar, and almost everything else that was
combustible, to save them from the Yankees;
Who burned in turn to preclude its recapture
by the Rebels. Fences and other rude wooden
atruotures were extensively consumed for fuel.
Buildings were often burned sometimes neces
sarily; at others, wantonly. Domestio animals
of all kinds were generally "impressed" or
swept off by one eide or the other. If the
South had been full-handed, her industry
must have been sadly inefficient since the
war. But
III. Able-bodied men were likewise swept,
ft ot less than three hundred thousand South
rons lie in their graves, who, but for the war,
would now be in vigorous, effective life.
They generally left widows and children, who
are unable to work the lands left them or which
they tenant, save very inefficiently. These
are consequently suffering from want, while
the aggregate product of their section is
We presume that the North has lost as
many men in battle as the South did perhaps
more. But ours were abstracted from a popu
lation of at least twenty millions, while theirs
were drawn from hardly more than six mil
lions (of whites); so that bereavement is far
more general in the South than in the North.
And though our lesses in actual battle may
have been the greater, our hospital accommo
dations and medical service were far superior,
end, thanks, in good part, to our Sanitary and
Christian Commissions, with the intelligent,
real, and wise liberality which persistently
sustained them, we saved many lives where
the Rebel sick and wounded proved in parallel
cases incurable.
IV. Not only during the war, but since the
War, our improved implements and machinery
have greatly increased the effectiveness of our
industry. Ohio and Illinois grow thrice the
corn to the hand that the South does, or can,
till her planters shall be able and willing to
employ the very best labor-saving implements.
V. Industry was never sq prevalent among
the whites of the South as among those of the
Is'orth; while slaves, as a rule, do the least
amount of work they can do and escape the
Whip. And the habits formed under the influ
ence of slavery the aversion to labor instilled
fcy it is but slowly overcome.
VI. Social anarchy now comes in, to aggra
vate evils already appalling. The whites and
Llacks of the South have net yet learned reci
procal confidence. The whites still dream of
negro insurrection and outrage, and any moon
shine story of a negro conspiracy to plunder
and massacre secures their implicit credence.
!The blacks feel sure that the whites would re
enslave them if they could. Hence, they
desert the rural districts and throng the cities,
where they derive conAdenoe from their num
bers and from the presence of Federal authority
and force. The fact that the planters fail
often from sheer inability to pay what the
Llacks say they have fairly earned, strengthens
the blacks in iheir apprehension that they will
have to tight against recnslavement whenever
"the Bureau" shall have vanished, leaving
them without external protection.
Most certainly, we do not deny, nor seek
to ignore, the alleged indolence and improvi
dence of the blacks. We suspect that few of
them prefer work to play at the same price.
They would be a singular race if there were
not inveterate drones, idlers, vagrants, and
sots among them. We presume they have im
bibed from whites the false notion that it is
more respectable to get a living by scheming
than by work. Yet we have asked quite a
number who have conducted extensive busi
ness ODerations in the South, "Have you any
trouble as to bauds ?" and the reply has uni
formly been, "None, while we have money to
var each man his wages every . Saturday
pijht." And the all but uniform testimony
affirms that the blacks work diligently and
vigorously. Inability to pay for labor puts
the employer in a false position. He u no
longer master. He cannot say, "Do this,"
and see it done; he must negotiate, and pala
ver, and often entreat, when he should be able
to command. A pauper employer is a self-
This article is so long that we must post
pone our suggestion of remedies to another.
Tobacco Consumption,
From the N. Y. World.
According to the statistics of taxation, there
Are annually consumed in the United States
about one million clears, twenty-five million
pounds of chewing tobacco, and fourteen mil.
lion pounds of smoking tobacco. During the
last five years seven and a half millions of dol
lars in taxes were paid on seventy million
pounds of smoking tobacco of domestio manu
facture. Of the various forms of chewing to
bacco, fifteen and a quarter million pounds
wam returned In the fiscal year 18C3; over
thirty-nine million pounds in 18C4; twenty
two and a half million pounds in IS61J; and a
little more than twenty-five million pounds in
1867. Upon this entire quantity the govern
ment reaped a tax of some forty millions of
dollars not so much by five and a quirter
millions as France estimated for, on the sale I
of tobacco, in the budget for one year, IS 35.
It is apparent that a generous addition must
be made to these estimates of the quantity of
tobacco manufactured aud consumed in this
country. The number of cigars reported for
taxation is in the ratio of Fay fifteen cigars per
capita per annum, for all consumers. This
alone is Indicative of immense fraud. Im
ported cigars are, of course, to be taken into
consideratioHj for these are not borne on the
returns paying duty in another branch of
the revenue; but these cannot swell the total
much, since the present virtually prohibitive
tariff has largely driven foreign cigars from
the market. Some brands of foreign cigars
are entirely out the market, as was repre
sented to Congress last year by the Special
Commissioner of the Revenue, when he stated
that the Invoice cost of the variety commonly
known as "Swiss Cigars" is Bix dollars and a
half per thousand, and the total impost twenty
seven and a quarter dollars, which is equiva
lent to an ad valorem tax of four hundred
and nineteen per cent., making the market
price here over forty-seven dollars in cur
rency. Experts have estimated that fully as much
fraud is committed in tobacco as iu whisky,
of w hich perhaps only twenty per cent, pays
the tax. But in the absence of such direct
evidence pertaining to tobacco as that which
we possess in regard to whisky, this calcula
tion may be erroneous. We believe it not un
reasonable, however, to say that not more
than half the taxable tobacco in the United
States has ever raid the tax, and of cigars
alone not more than one-fourth. From which
it appears that the Government is annually
swindled out of at least double its receipts,
and that tobacco consumers are shamefully
cheated. While the latter are charged high
prices on the plea of the heavy tax, the Gov
ernment reaps no benefit therefrom, and the
dealer complacently places the sum of the tax
in his pocket, added to the regular profit on
the cost of the article. That this is done
all over the land and nowhere more than in
this city is notorious to all who are oon
versant. even superficially, with revenue
Titaxo Rnprtiutrv In Hay tl Salnave a
SpeciuieB BrlcU.
From the iV. T. Herald.
We published yesterday a short letter from
a correspondent at Port-au-Prince, the capital
of the negro Republio of Hayti, which fur
nished us a more graphio picture of the de
lightful state of things in that happy land of
negro supremacy than we have had for a very
long time from any other historian. Salnave,
President, an unadulterated negro of the
Congo breed, a hideous savage in a photo
graph, and a horrible barbarian in his actions,
is engaged in a ferocious struggle against a
horde of conspirators who are resolved to pull
him down. The man whom he by a revolu
tionary movement displaced Geffrard, a mu
latto was an intelligent, educated, amiable,
and polished man far too much for the un
washed Africans constituting the bulk of the
African people, talsave, more ferocious than
Soulouuue, seems determined at least that if
he is to fall it shall not be from the amiabie
weaknesses and. indulgences of Geffrard. Sal
nave, in faot, is a model imitator of the
model African King of Dahomey.
It appears that the Caoos (whatever they
may be) have gradually gained strength on
the frontiers of St. Domingo, and have re
taken Fort Biasson, driving Salnave's troops
before them amid great rejoicings; that,
alarmed by these reverses, Salnave had em
barked on board a steamer, with a large body
of Uaytien savages from the interior known as
the Piquets, who were used by Soulouque in
his reign for the most murderous purposes;
that they were not allowed to land at the capi
tal on account of their nakedness; that all the
weapons they carried were cutlasses, and all
the food they required was sugar-cane. This
brines these Uaytien negro savages about as
near the status of the gorilla as anything of
the genus homo discovered by Du Chaillu in
Equatorial Africa. We see, in the employment
of these creatures by this model negro sal
nave something of those peculiar ameliora
tions of negro society resulting from negro
In the absence of Ealnave from bis capital
the Government had been left in charge of
General Ulysse probably so named after the
world-renowned Ulysses S. Grant, but a black
horse of a totally different color. This negro
Ulysse, it appears, is the butcher who did bou-
louque's bloody work whenever his services
were wanted, lie must be a leariul barbarian
In his way, when the opponents of his policy
in the Legislature, to escape his clutches, had
sought the protection of the British Consulate.
He seems, likewise, to be a full believer of the
doctrine of negro superiority, from an order
which he had issued requiring every white
woman to rise and salute his ebony highness
while passing by their verandas. The peaoe
ably inclined inhabitants of Port-au-Prince
were in fear at any moment of having those
brutal naked savages from the interior let
loose upon them like dogs, should Salnave
take offense or become disappointed.
And this is negro supremacy as now illus
trated in Hayti, where the generous soil pro
duces enough for the negro's subsistence with
out labor, and where the never-failing tropical
climate relieves him of all the expenses re
quired on the mainland for clothing. Con
sidering the naturally indolent nature of the
negro, Hayti ought to be a sort of African
paradise; but the whole history of that Afri
can settlement since the first rising of its
blacks for the abolition of slavery is only a
record of the inevitably downward tendencies
of the negro back again to African barbarism,
if left to himself. What, then, is his manifest
destiny in our Southern States under the new
dispensation, if established, of negro supre
macy, it is not difficult to guess. His natural
indolenoe will carry him to the point of starva
tion, the pangs of starvation will drive him to
rapine and bloodshed, and then will follow his
bloody extermination. This is the moral con
veyed to us from the ripening fruits of negro
supremacy in Hayti.
Th Dent Urant Letter.
from the N. Y. Timet. 1
The Dent letter, purporting to give Genera
Grant's views and wishes about a nomination
for the Presidency, was first published in the
New York correspondence of the Charleston
(S. C.) Courier, It was promptly repudiated
by General Dent as a forgery, and we have
once or twice called on the Courier't oorres"
pondent for an explanation of its authorship.
In response we get from him the following,
which we copy from the Courier of the 231:
"New York, Deo. 17.-H appears that the let
ter published exc-iuttlvely iu lUu Courier, Blvlnir
Oeu. Grunt's views ou ihe Presidential ques
tion, has not only boeu read every w lima wuu
grtat Intercut, but ban beeu tbe aubjeol of some
IlMfcuipered remark lu several ltepublloan
Jtirn!. Ittnav posRlbiy not have milted the
lbi g of some olltl:ian In cnrlalu quarter
ll nt Ibe Idler h lion Id ul nil leak out, bill Ui l
certainly In do reasou why uiey ati-miil flu I
lf.nU with those who only desire lo furiilsii
matiorsof record m valtidblo Information to
bii InterestP'l public. The New Yorn 11 ni
d- rile that. Gen (Jranl wrote, an id latter, witch
dmlal isent rely aupoi fluous your corrfwptin
(lt til t ever haviux aimed mat Hi it n)uiie ii4ii
wrote the now tumms leu or. (liners Hit-tin
t lie i hat Oct). Or-tnl's brot her In-law dl not.
wi lie it, bikI iiv coiilusitiii, apparently with, a
pnrptfe, everything iu re kLio-i lo thH m iller,
ei.driivor t ) nuke the pu'Jllo believe, then one
tin iid, men it. e ot her.
J am not aeon ilnted with inn uratu ramtiv.
but I know I hiu U up al Ileal Is not llio bru
tiier-lti-luw. but the luther In-law of the Gene
ral. Wliothe i rrmn is who Kilned the Initial
1). to the toller which accidentally came utidr
my notloe, mid which haw since creaied mioh
Huleniiieinl (peculations, I do not know, but.
U-nt rHl Urani one-; mid l.he latter hm tio le.
nieel, and CMUiiut deny the views expressed In
hii Hi letter."
This tiorrespondent thus denies having ever
ul ate (I that General Deut was the author of tho
ettor in question. Here is what he did say:
It now turn out that the Grant meeting on
Wedi eHdav evening .ast was irottna up brine
in rioiml frieiiUftol ibe Uenerul. who, lu a very
dexterous manner, succ eded In headlnsc oft ihe
cotsi rvatl ve Kepuhllruu Uomnnitee, who Da l
eriUHted Ihe hull for tho name purpose a weK
later. When this lieo ime known, the (ieiioral's
fi lends In this clly aud Waaiiluulon net ao.ntl
the work. The mot-fnti len ws held, not, only
v. 1th the full knowledge of Oeno-al Urunt, but
It also bad his congut. Iu continuation of tins
I Blve the followinii lolinrof Oneral Graut'a
brother In-law (General Dent, a lm-mb -r of the
General' stall") to a friend lu this city, wno
khi very aoilve In obtaining signatures lot the
This is quite enough on that point. It con
victs the correspondent of a distinct an un
equivocal misstatement. He did attribute
the letter to General Dent. He now says that
the letter "came accidentally undr his
notice" and that he does not know who
signed the initial 1). to it." We beg leave to
doubt this statement. He certainly knews
from whom he received the letter, and he
knows also whether the initial D. was signed
to it then or nt. Aud as he himself stated
that it was from "General Dent, brother-in-law
of General Grant," he oueht to know
also from whom he reoeived that bit of infor
mation. Somebody has evidently fabricated a letter
attributing certain political opinions to General
Grant, and pretending, in order to give them
importance in the publio mind, that it was
written by a near relative of the General and
a member of his staff. The Courier's corres
pondent stands in this predicament: He is
either the person who did all this himself, or
else he has been made the tool or accomplice
of the per Jon who really did it. We know of
nobody else who is half as mnoh interested in
being relieved from this dilemma as ' he is
himself, and no amount of equivocation or of
political slurs upon other persons can aid mm
in the Blieutest decree.
The deviue of resorting to inventions and
forgeries of this sort, and trying to pass them
off as proofs of superior newspaper enterprise
has been pretty thoroughly exhausted. News
papers and their correspondents are held to a
somewhat more rigid responsibility than they
used to be. A journal which pretends to any
standing, and expects to be believed, damages
itself very decidedly by resorting to bo stale
and so unscrupulous a trick for catching public
attention and exoiting publio curiosity. The'
papers which have gained a reputation for this
sort or enterprise nave ceased to be relied
upon in the slightest degree for intelligence,
and are read only out of the curious craving
for something startling, whether true or false,
which always pervades every active, wide
awake community.
We would suggest to the Courier' correspon
dent thas he does not consult his real Interest
as a journalist by attempting 10 inysiuy bo
plain a matter as this.
Klghteen Ilundrtd and SlySevn
From the If. Y. Nation.
If we were asked to give the year which is
just ending a name - which should indicate its
leading characteristic with some approach to
accuracy, we should call it a year of disen
chantment. Of course it has been remarka
ble for many other, and perhaps better things;
but the thing for which it has been most re
markable has been the number and magni
tude of illusions that have perished in it. It
has witnessed a process in politics somewhat
analogous to that which the year 1803 wit
nessed in the war. Up to that year there lin
gered in the popular mind a faith which, how
ever mischievous, it was hard altogether to
avoid admiring, that the nation's salvation
would be effected by some heaven-born gen
eral, some man sprung from the people, and
able to manage armies and win battles with
out the aid either of social training or practi
cal experience, or any of the other slow and
nnromantio processes by which men in the
Old World win their way to greatness.
It could not be, people felt, that in such a
country which raised twenty-five bushels of
wheat to the acre, and doubled its population
every twenty-five years, generals could not be
produced when they were wanted without the
cumbrous aid ot military academies, or that,
when battalions were needed for the field, citi
zens as intelligent and well educated as ours
would have to measure bo many inches round
the chest, aud have . to learn to march aud
wheel and obey painfully and laboriously like
Kuropean peasants. Horace Greeley retained
nearly to the close of th war the belief which
most people cherished during the first two
years, that what was needed to .bring the un
happy business to an end was simply a mighty
rifcing of indignant farmers each armed with a
musket and intent on getting to Richmond.
The truth dawned on people at last. Scienoe
in the end asserted its sway, as it always does
in the affairs of men, in the long run. The
warriors who went forth from every State in
comn and of great legions without other
knowledge of war than what they had
got from popular histories, were slowly
but 6urely brought to nought. Many a vo
lunteer by beginning low acquired an educa
tion in the field which at last fitted him for
high positions; but nearly everybody who
went out fancying that all he needed to make
him a general was the Governor's commission
and the blessing of his fellow-citizens, found
that he was mistaken. The plotting and
planning, the combining and organizing, had
alter all to be done by the much-abused,
much-despised West Pointers. No Cromwell
came ont of the counting house or the farm,
and if he had he would not have found a
Rupert to ride over. He would have broken
both heart and head against Lee's and John
Bon's bayonets
We have had an experience somewhat simi
lar in the political field Binue the war closed
Nothing could persuade many of the radioal
leaders during the year 186b" that there was
an j thing governmental which a majority in
Congress could not accomplish. The task
they set before themselves was nothing less
than the remodelling of bouthern sooiety on
their own theory of right; and not simply this,
but of doing it through the iuBtrumeutatity of
a majority in Congress merely, and without
reference to the opinions or feelings of people
out of doors. Now, the problem which meU
every statesman is not the realization of his
ideal, because this is impossible, but the per
suasion of his fellows Into aooepting his ideal
ai Botmthlng desirable. Tlin Atnerioin nun.
ble, in short, have to be legislated for not as
ii they were all they ought to be, but exactly
as they are. Ou the question of negro mif-
frage, on the negro question generally, in fm-.t,
mere is a vast auiouui oi stupid, unreasoning
prtjudioe and ignorance. Hut the reason why
nion are difficult to govern ii that thy aro
pi ej ml iced. If men wrre all highly instructed
and had no prejudices at all, it woul 1 be as
enr.y to rule thvm as to mke impressions on
W.ix. l'.ven despots cannot drive them alon
without reference to their habit-, tralitions,
mid weaknesses. To get thorn to believe even
with common justice or common hoiiody, to
bear with any res'raiut whttever on their
p:issUns ami appetites, there are but two
instruments, foioe and conviction. Iu a free
couutry thore is no placo for tho one; every
thing must be done by the other. It is not
enough to secure a majority In Congress, and
hurry bills through, lour bills must be sunh
as will Ptand tho test ot discussion, as will
commend themselves to the popular eye,
jaundiced though it-be, as statosmaulike ami
wise; and In your mode of recommending
them and getting them passed you must play
the advocate and not the master.
This is an old story as old as the world.
It may seem extraordinary that it should have
been forgotten; and yet when we came out. of
the war it seemed to be almost forgotten.
l'ascal has a pleasant saying, that Plato and
aud Aristotle were a pair of good, sensible
men, who felt when they were writing on
politics that they were in reality drawing up
regulations for the government of a mad
house, the lunatics, of course, having no voice
in the matter, and not. being entitled to any.
Some of those politicians who profess the pro-
foundest respect for the will of the people
have, in the reconstruction process, acted very
much as if they were of Pascal's way of think
ing with regard to the nature of the part
played in public affairs by themselves. The
past year has effectually waked them up from
their delusion. They have now to confess
what a year ago it was impossible to get
them to believe, that finding but what
is right is only a small part of a
politician's duties, that the larger part
connHts in persuading people to agree
with him. Ihey have learned, moreover, that
departures from the regular course of law and
justice almost invaribly prove a two-edged
sword. A good many of the prominent Re
publicans who have since clamored most loudly
against Mr. Johnson's usurpations were vio
lently opposed to calling Congress together at
the close of the war. They then wanted the
President himself to reconstruct with a high
hand; it was only when they found he would
not reconstruct in the right way that they fell
back on Congress, which was then, and has
never ceased to be, the rightful source of all
legislation. We hope the lesson of the late
crisis will never again be forgotten.
Moreover, we nave learnt within the last
year that nothing in a Government like this
is ever gained by stilling disoussion. It is
what men think, and not what they say that
makes mischief; and when legislative measures
of such importance and complexity as those
which have been before the oountry during
the past two years are under consideration,
there can hardly be too much disoussion
They can hardly be too carefully drawn or
have too many holes picked in them before
.they are passed, and the opposition, instead
of being gagged, ought to be encouraged to
speak out its mind. With regard to legisla
tion more than to any other work of life is
Burke's observation true, that "our antago
nist is our helper." Mr. Stevens and the
majority lawt winter could not be persuaded of
this, rrovlded the object of a measure were
good, provided it were intended to protect
loyal men and pnnish Rebels, they seem to
have firmly held that the less discussion there
was about its provisions after it left the com
mittee, the better. Debate was stopped, there
fore, by every device known to parliamentary
tactics. The "previous question" was used
with a lavishness and unscrupulousness never
before witnessed, although the smallness of
the Democratic representation as compared to
the size of the Democratic party in the country
gave the minority peculiar claims to a patient
hearing. It got no bearing at all. The result
has been that the Reconstruction bill was bo
badly drawn, and so full of holes, that it has
had to be twice amended. Moreover, the
moderate Rebublicans have been disgusted
and alienated, and the Democrats intensely
exasperated, and the elections all over the
country are not only lost, but Messrs. Stevens
and Boutwell have been seen within a few days
crushed and silenced by that very "previous
question" which a year ago they thought such
an invaluable weapon. It is not often that one
witnesses in the political arena so marked a
case of poetio justice.
There has, moreover, during the past year
been a great awakening from flnanoial delu
sions. We could name a good many promi
nent men who, during the war, were amongst
the loudest in making light of the national
debt, and are now amongst the loudest in
dwelling on its burdensomeness. The country
Bees, aud, we believe, profits by seeing, some
of those who delichted in tellincr Deonle who
had money to lend how many ways we had of
paying our debts in gold and silver without
trouble or inconvenience, now chuckling with
delight over the new plan of paying them off
in paper, it sees, too, thousands who, two
years ago, laughed at the idea that we should
ever have te groan under our debt like the
effite nations of Europe, now deliberately pro
posing to get rid of it by means of which
the poorest and most degraded European
nations would be ashamed. The past year has
made it very clear that the laws of human
nature and the laws of political 'economy,
w hich are based upon them, are much the
same in America as elsewhere, and that the
burdens of life have to be supported by much
the same helps and appliances.
It may seem from the foregoing as if we had
done nothing duriBg the year but become
sensible of past errors, and that there is in
this little or no progress. If politics be, how
ever, as its wisest masters hold it to be, an
empirical art, becoming sensible of past errors
is simply a synonym for the acquisition of
new light, by which we can walk more steadily
and securely in the future.' Looking at the
matter in this way, the mistakes of the last
four years have been lessons of the highest
value. They have supplied what more than
all else was needed' to make the national life
aud national progress what they ought to be.
The unbroken prosperity which the oountry
had enjoyed down to 18(i0, with little or no
trouble to statesmen, had done muoh to depre
ciate knowledge; the trials through whloh we
have been passing ever since have exalted it
as nothing else could have done. In fact and
we admit that the redaction seems somewhat
depressing the history of moral aud political
progress, if examined closely, will be found
thus far to consist mainly in the detection anil
exposure of delusions and fallacies; it
is only in the natural sciences that
we can lie said' to have opened up
new fields of truth. In the present condition
of the world, the political reformer is simply a
sort of scavenger whose duty it is to remove
mud and rubbish. To the man of scienoe falls
the seemingly finer tabk of digging after oon-
In tho Land is now Possessed by
Nos. 218 ard 220 Seuth FROTJT Street,
Their Stock of Rye Whhkles, in lioud, comprises all the favorite brands extant, an! rata
tb rough the various months of 18G5, '(JC, and of this year, np to picsent date.
Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Ericsson Ll
barf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as paities may elect.
cealed treasures. But the aim of the poll-
tician is, after all, as noble a one as the laborer i
can detire. He who sees social aud political
abuses perish under his hands kuows that he
battens the reign of "nobler manners aud of
purer laws," and he who does this is engg d
in the highest work the world has to ollr.
There were never so many men engaged in it
as at this moment. Thre are more this yar
thau last; there were more last year than thn
year before. We never hear of a wrong or
delusion that we do not see ten men assailing
it, for the one who ever assailed it before.
There is no field of human activity, too, in
which men ai$ so aotive, and there has never
been a time in which to labor in it zealously
brought with it so much honor.
What Radicalism IIa Done.
From the Richmond Dispatch.
The telegraph Informs us that General Ord
has not only sent Colonel Gillem to Washing
ton to represent to the President and Secre
tary of War the starving condition of a large
number of negroes in Mississippi, and the
absolute necessity of provision being made for
them; but has also issued an order which im
plies that the negroes owe their suffering con
dition to their refusal to work last summer.
The General has given formal orders that all
freedmen who are able will be required to earn
their support during -the coming year, and to
go to wark upon the best terms that can be
procured, even should it furnish a support
only, and thus prevent them becoming a
burden to the Government; and that freedmen
who can but will not earn a livelihood when
employment can be procured will lay them
selves liable to arrest and punishment as
Before they were emancipated, negro pau
pers were unknown. Every slave had a home
and a master to feed him and his children.
The sick, the aged, and the young were all
well cared for. Now, left to themselves, thou
sands of these same negroes are in danger of
starving. The mere recital of these faot a
should open the eyes of the negroes who are
told, and of the Yankee schoolmarms who
tell them, that they had to work for nothing
while they were slaves, and that their late
masters owe them wages even now. The
facts show that the negroes do not earn
enough to keep themselves out of the poor
house, and therefore prove that slave labor
is, as most Yankees contend, dearer than free
We suppose that never before in the history
of the world was there a oountry,' so nearly
ruined aa this fair Southern laud has been by
the meddling fanaticism of New Koglaad.
iioth the whites aud the blacks have beeu in
calculably injured. The blacks have been de
prived of good masters, comfortable quarters,
food, raiment, and medical attendance, aud
converted into paupers. The whites have
been deprived of good servants, and been sur
rounded in their stead by wandering mobs of
rogues, thieves, vagabonds, and paupers,
among whom no man can live and prosper.
New England herself is beginning to feel the
effects of her ruinous policy, and will before
many years find that she has indeed destroyed
her own best market. .Boston has already
been deprived of the benefits of the Canard
steamers, which hereafter will not stop at that
port. Many of the New England factories are
idle, and many more of them will soon be; and
year by year that detested region will sink
lower and lower in the soale of adversity.
The enrses she has heaped upon us will return
home to roost. She will learn When it is too
late that she was a fool as well as a hypocrite
and knave. She is doomed, as "Yank,, wrote
to us from Boston, to poverty and want. The
South must necessarily be prosperous before
many years shall have passed
over, unless, indeed, the negro
is to acquire supremacy among us a
fate which, at any rate, is not impending over
Virginia or North Carolina. Her natural ad
vantages are such that if the whites are
allowed to maintain their supremacy she must
become rich and happy. But New Kugland U
a land of sterility. The whole six States did
not raise as much wheat iu 1850 as did the
county of Loudoun, in Virginia. She main
tains her population by manufactures. These
manufactures she fold before the war to the
people of the South, and during the war to the
general Government. Now she has few cus
tomers in the Seuth, and the Government
needs no shoes, blankets, uniforms, gun,
knapsacks, or any of the other thousands of
articles which were needed while war was
flagrant. Her fishing bounties cannot here
after be relied upon. Protective tariffs will
hereafter be denied her. Her bonds will ba
taxed.. Her sons will be driven out of at least
half the offices which they now hold. She
will find no sympathy from the reconstructed
South, and none from the plundered West.
Uur day of tribulation is now her'a will oome
soon enough. How much sympathy she will
deserve may be easily calculated when it is
remembered that but for her the twelve mil
lions of people who inhabit the Southern States
would to-day be the richest and the happiest
upon the face of the glolie.
Tl Tald Tale.
From the TV. Y. Independent.
The year passes away like a tale that Is told.
Nay, a tale that is told may be told again; but
a year that has been lived cannot be lived
again. Gone once, it is gone forever. So,
another year is going, ' and almost gone.
Wboso has any business with its remaining
days, let him make haste; the nnopenable
books are Boon to be shut; the unalterable
record is Boon to be sealed.
What has been the year's history ? It oan
never be written. A nation's annals of a
thousand years are compassed withiu a thou
sand pages. How little is told by historians;
how much temains untold I Here and there a
great battle; here aud there a new-born State;
here and there an angry revolution; here aud
there a dynasty quenched like a star. This
is the substance of that dignified literature
which most men call history, but which
Macau lay, the greatest of historians, called "a
nuree'B tale."
What -hanges a yer makes iu human
society! What ci utiles ! What wedding feasts!
Vhat graves! Cunning are the works of
tl ope two artificer?, Life and Time! More
cunning still are the uiiranlfs of those two
greater mabters, Death jnd Eternity !
Who can count the situ, the follies, tho vani
ties of one man's life for one year f Ho many
6li8 of tongue anil pen ! How many crooked
paths, instead of the one straight and narrow
way ! llow much daily human selfishness,
instead of the Lord's perpetual slf-abnegation!
Giim, solemn, and terriblo is the testimony
apninst man which the flying years go bearing
with rapid wing towards tho Judgment Day.
God pity us all 1
But who would bring back the departing
y ar t All men would gladly add auother
year to their lives; yet no man would care to
live over again any former year. "The past
Vine of our life sulliceth us." With most men
the happiest, the safest, the best part of their
lives is that which they have already lived,
and (hall not live again. But human life, by
God's grace, ought to grow better and better,
not worse and worse. What daily prayer ami
what nightly watching should fill the' Chris
tian's allotted time ou earth.
The old year paxses into remembrance; the
new, into duty. Cast backward the casual
glance, but bend forward the steady gaze.
The greatest of human achievements is the
making of Christian character. But this is
more than a humau achievement. It requires
the co-working both of man and God. He who
builds without God builds in vain. At tbis
meditative season, let men self-question their
plans, their motives, thi ir ambitions; to learn
for themselves whethor their hearts are in
profitable partnership with God's peace.
May the new year bring ns more zeal for :
work; more singleness of consecration; more
devoutness ot spiritual lite; more numbienesa
before the Cross; more aspiration towards the
Crown I
The "Han and Brother" la Hftytl.
From the St. Louis Republican.
How blacks can conduct a Government and
bold dominion appears in the way tney carry
on in Hayti, where our sable brethren are
Betting an example which may even te&oh a
new lesson in tyranny to the majority in our"
Congress. In that island, which enjoys the
bliss of a black government, Salnave, who
lately rose in rebellion against and drove out
Geffrard, has his quarrel with the Haytien .
Congress. One of the bones of contention waa
General Montez, who was a rebel, or some
thing of that sort. Montez, having been se
cured, was imprisoned, and, as our readers
may have noticed, was put to death in a
manner worthy of the traditions of Congo and
the coast of Guinea. Montez was murdered by
his jailer, by authority of Salnave. At first, a la
Africaine, poison was mixed with his food, but,
being too slow in its operation to satisfy the
eagerness of his slayers, the jailor was ordered
to smother Montez, which attempt failing, he
was finally stabbed, aud his skull pierced wi h
a chisel. These operations, as might be ex
pected, finally ended him. His body was de-"
livered to his friends "bootless and shirtless,
on boards," while it is charged on Salnave
that he, in order to instigate the people
against Congress, who had, for some reason,
shown some sympathy with Montez, plied the
"colored sovereigns" freely with rum. To
give another African touch to the horror jC
brother of Montez is, by one account, saidto
v l. a ii. . vj . ii- l ,
nave ueeu uuaiuuu w mo iieu oi jus orower
while the murder was going forward; and,
according to all accounts, was chained in the '
same dungeon, where he was compelled to ,
witness the bloody deed, without any power
to prevent it.
TV I T 1 r t Ton mifdnrt Tina vt tv.a ? f
Congress that none but -blacks be sent to
represent this country in the black States with
which we have diplomatic relations. Proba
bly, if we are to continue to maintain such,
relations, the discrimination proposed by the
member in respect to the color of such people
as we send to them is a very proper one. But
why not end the relation f
Somewhat Alarmed,
Front the St. Louis lie)ublican.
The healthy iulluence of the aotion of the
people in the late elections is being manifested
in Congress in a variety of ways. In common
with the conservative press we have con
stantly protested against the scandalous and
prolligate use of the publio money by the
radical Congress; but those protestations have
produced little effect upon Congress itself.
Since the people have spoken, however, we
see that Congress is not invulnerable. That
body is evidently alarmed at the recent mani
festations of popular indignation. The radi
cal politicians had been led to believe that
they could do a3 they pleased, squander
money without limit, play the tyrant and
expel States fiom the Union, and the people
would sustain them in all their proceed
ings. But the late elections have disturbed
this dream of security. In nothing is this
more manliest than In some observations
contained in the report recently made by
Senator Sherman, from the Fi.nauoe Commit
tee. In that report he uses the following lan
guage: "The vague and indefinite appropriations of
moDy by Congress, jfiowiuii out of I tie vast ex
penditure daiinw Hie wur, cannot longer be
conilDiiecl without the utter destruol Ion of the
nutlonul cretin or such an Increase of our taxes
as will bring buck lo lliene ball lie w tunr uud
new name. It la It'le to disguise the fuel Hint,
tho lnoieHse of our extraordinary expenses and
weight of taxes have nlarmed Hie people."
This is tLe first evidence of "serious thought
at retrenchment that we have Been from the
radicals in Congress; aud we seriously doubt
Whether we should have seen this, if the peo
ple had not spoken as they have receutly done.
The idea of "new faces and new names." in
"these balls" eeems to have quickened the
perceptions of the radicals, and we sincerely
congratulate the people that it has done bo.

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