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THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA MONDAY, JULY 11, 1870.
cnniT or txxxi rnnsa. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. CANADA AND THE STATES. From the rU Mall Gazette. We have noticed the leading features of - the recent debate on our colonial relations in the House of Lords. That debate, Russell, Canada. under the guidance of Earl shaped itself into a debate on And if we must discuss questions sow sleeping, which nothing but a restless desire to touch on difficult ground brings for ward at this moment, it is much to be wished that the difference between the Canadian and the colonial problem were kept constantly in view. Canada is not a colony in any but par liamentary language. Axioms and arguments about our position towards our colonies have no bearing on our policy with regard to Canada; an empire of vast extent and con siderable population, connected with us only by the tie of xommon allegiance. The sole question as to our common policy which now admits of discussion sole, but very en grossing is that of military protection. It is a serious, not to say a formidable question, and those in Parliament and out of it do the greatest possible amount of bad ser vice to both communities who endeavor to blink that question: those who endeavor to diBguise its reality under pompous platitudes and tall talk about British spirit and British glories and maintaining the policy of our ancestors. This is mere pandering to the taste of the vulgar, low or high. The states man who would express a sound judgment on the matter must bid "a long farewell to worldly fame," and speak the truth, regard less of the certain consequence to himself of being pointed at as an un-English and faint hearted. Let ns look at the situation such as it is, and not as we represent it to ourselves in our dreams. Canada, with four millions and a half of inhabitants, is conterminous with the United States, possessing forty millions. But it is not merely conterminout with those States: it hangs on to them, as it were, for two or three thousand miles, like the fringe of a garment, or more nearly like the rim of a shield. The result is that any attack di rected from the compact body in the centre, and delivered at any point in the feeble cir cumference, must meet with the least possi ble amount of effectual resistance. Arguing on mere military logic, we know that before the scattered defenders could coalesce, the con centrated assailants would have done their work. For Canada to defend herself effect ively against the States, situated as they rela tively are, she ought to have three or four times their population; and she has one-tenth of it. This is the plain truth of the case, and it would be really disloyal, were it not trans parently absurd, to elude it by vaporings about British valor and Canadian loyalty. As to the political tendencies of the com munities on each side of this precarious boundary there is no doubt at all. The Americans have a strong desire to annex Canada, not merely from feelings of national pride and dislike of England, though these seed not be underrated, but also because Canada would be to them a really valuable possession. She has nearly the only element? of commercial greatness in which they are deficient. Party politics in the States the distaste, that is, of each of the great parties in the Ilepublio to see any substantial achievement accomplished by the other might very likely retard the consummation; but assuredly not for long were external obstacles removed. What are those obstacles ? Of the disposi tion of the Canadians we are pretty well in formed. The American party there is not large, and it is unpopular; but it comprises a good many of the more active and prescient spirits of the nation. The party which dis likes the Americans and dreads annexation, but is at the same time without sentimental attachment to our country, is considerable; it comprises of course a large infusion of mere waiters on Providence. The English-hearted as well as English-speaking Canadians are snmerous, brave, resolute. They are in a certain sense our garrison in Canada. Can we really maintain them in that position, and how? Lord Russell, as far as we can conjecture from language in which he seems to have carefully shunned committing himself to anything dangerously explicit, seems to think it may be done by pasting five thousand British regulars at Quebec, and leaving the rest to the chapter of accidents. It is really hard on the honored ghost of our great cap tain, Wellington, that he should be summoned from the shades to give evidence in favor of so superficial a notion, and that some loose talk of bis about Malta and Gibraltar mili tary posts of quite a different class should be construed into approval of it. Lord Russell is fond of history; but it must be history adapted to pattern. Were this otherwise, he might have recollected how the military and political authorities of Tudor times pledged themselves to the theory long after we had abandoned our French possessions that it was essential to the greatness of England to maintain a garrison in Calais. It was our paramount duty to hold the key of France, though we had utterly renounced all idea cf monopolizing the contents of the casket. When that fortress fell, all England sympathized with the last words of poor Queen Mary, who, with all her faults, was a Tudor in spirit for good as well as for evil, that the name of Calais would be found written on her heart. But sot only was the loss nnfelt, but in a very few years utterly forgotten, or remembered only as a saving of foolish and ostentatious expense and the removal of a constant provoca tion to our neignbor. ine same fancy for holding "keys to nothing revived to a trifling extent in later days, in .(he cases of Dunkirk and Tangier. But common eenae soon extinguished it, and we should have thought, but for Lord Russell's historical Tiews, finally. One thing of importance, even to his own theory, Lord Russell forgets. Supposing Quebec, with its British garrison, tenable against America. Quebec, from its peculiar position, is of. no kind of value in a war against America, It is quite remote from any probable scene of action. An enemy superior in land strength, and in possession of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, might invade and occupy the whole of Canada except Quebeo itself without the slightest interruption from the guns of that fortress. Its occupation would be about as valuable to ns as our occu pation of Gibraltar in the event of our having to defend Spain against France, and no more. But we might actually send an army of seventy tnousand men to Canada in the event cf a war so say our military guides and supplement the garrison of Quebeo with this slight addition on slight notice. Mr. Lowe, as we have said, deserves the exceptional credit of having spoken common sense on Mis subject. It the Americans, who are ftble to collect their armed multitudes at once all along the frontier, choose to wait until our men and equipment arrive, they are not ex actly the people we take them for. But if they were tnus chivalrously to stand still until we threw up our hat and stepped into the ring, we must not forget that their power to arm half a million of men at a pinch against our supposed seventy thousand rm just been proved in oivil war. There remains, of course, the possibility, on which we suspect a good many of oar enthusiasts fondly count, of a Canadian levy en masse against the hated invader, of bush fighters and guerillas, and partisan war, s-ach as our journals threatened "the North" with when it invaded "the South." We do not be lieve in such a contingency, and therefore would rather avoid disensssing it, with it dis agreeable accompaniments. Now we are quite aware to repeat what has been already said that this honest re view of our situation will be to very many minds exceedingly distasteful. And from feeling it distasteful there is only onn step to condemning it as disloyal and "un-English," and as indicating degeneracy from true Bri tish sentiment. We cannot help it. The difficulties of our position are not loss real, nor less known by the world to be real, bo cause we determine to shut our own eyes to them. But we are no panic-mongers. We certainly do not perceive the ne cessity for maintaining a large army in Canada as a precaution against American invasion. We believe that to maintain a small one would be suicidal. And we rather wish than expect that we might be able to send across the Atlantic military power, in the event of such hostili ties, in time and in force to save Canada with the aid of her own inhabitants. But we believe our real security on the side of America to be of quite a different kind. America well knows that she could not con quer Canada except at the expense of a mari time war of such formidable dimensions as the world has not yet seen. She knows that to provoke us would be to provoke the extirpa tion of her flag and her commerce from every sea. She must feel at heart also that wan ton indulgence in mere love of conquest would be felt as a sin, not against England only, but provoking in the long run the joint hos tility of the European commonwealth. These are considerations which weigh tacitly, per haps, but powerfully with the general American mind. And we have on our side, in addition, American feelings of justice and truth and national honor. These are power ful and durable though undemonstrative auxiliaries. Those members of any com munity who treat their supposed existence in other communities with skeptical sarcasm are as wrong as foolish. Far wiser those who recognize and appreciate them, and do their best to cultivate them by mutual forbearance. A RENEGADE REPUBLICAN. From the Chenttr (ra.) Republican. Our Republican friends in Chester county will no doubt be greatly surprised when they learn that Colonel William B. Thomas, who was appointed Collector of the Port of Phila delphia by President Lincoln, has con sented to be an independent candidate for Congress) in the Fourth district, Philadelphia, now so ably represented by H on. William D. Kelley. The meeting which had the honor of bringing Mr. Thomas' name before the public was held in the city of Philadelphia on the 24th of June, and was made up of leading Democrats and a few dissatisfied Re publicans. After the adoption of a series of resolutions strongly endorsing their nomi nee, Mr. John Welsh, a prominent Democrat, and the same individual who represented the Democracy in the canvass against the Judge two years ago, moved that a committee be appointed to inform Mr. Thomas of his nomi nation. This being done, the committee re tired. In a few moments thoy re turned, accompanied by Mr. Thomas, who at once took the stand and pro ceeded to deliver a speech of some length, and which had evidently been pre pared with much care. The whole affair gave proofs of having been previously arranged, and the entire programme agreed upon. The speech, as a whole, was in bad taste, but we have neither the time nor the space to con sider but one or two statements. We are in formed that Mr. Thomas was a resident of Chester county in 1840, and refers to a meet ing held near his residenoe, to prove that Judge Kelley was then a violent advocate of slavery and its extension. lie said: 'My first Introduction to Judge Keller was at a country village, near by where 1 then resided, about the year 1S40. we were then both members of the Democratic party, though 1 had avowed myself In favor 01 free soil, free speech, and free men, the principles, as I understood thein, of that great statesman ana cnampion or liDerty, Thomas Jeffer son, whom I have always worshipped as my political idol. The Judge at that meeting delivered a speech which abounded in the most extravagant laudations of the Institution of slavery and denunciation of those who had the temerity to oppose its extension 10 new territory. " This statement is discreditable to the vera city or memory of Mr. Thomas. Our early training was also in the Democratic party, and while we were but a mere lad at the time referred to, it is due to the Democracy of Chester and other eastern counties of Penn sylvania that we should say that at that period, while they maintained the compro mises of the Constitution, they did not, as a party, favor the extension of slavery; nor would they have tolerated a speaker whose utterances "abounded in extravagant lauda tions of slavery." William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, and John Tyler, of Virginia, were the candidates of the Whig party in 1840, while Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson were the standard-bearers of the Democracy. Tyler and Johnson, the two candidates for Vice President, were representative men of South ern States and the institution of slavery. And while it is true that the admission of Texas was, to a certain extent, involved in the canvass, it is equally true that the "ex tension of slavery," as a moral question, was not entertained. Many Democrats in Ches ter county regarded her admission as a measure that would secure the predominance of slavery, and were therefore opposed to it. We are not quite sure that the then editor of this paper, Nimrod Strickland, was not one of this number. Certain it is that Judge Kelley was, and bis avowed hostility to the measure secured him hosts of friends 'and made him an acceptable speaker in every parti of the district, lhese facts are well known to every old resident of Chester county, and Mr. Thomas should not have for gotten them, if he wants to seoure the confl. dence of an enlightened constituency. But admitting, for the sake of argument. that Judge Kelley did make just such a speech as is attributed to mm bv (Jolonel Thomas. what does it amount to ? The Judge,' accord ing to the testimony of his accuser, left the Democratio party in 184'J over 20 years ago and during that wnoie period nas proven a most zealous and effective worker in the ranks of the progressive party of the country. Can Colonel Thomas show as good a record or as effective work r lie secured his ap pointment as Collector of the Port of Philadelphia through Secretary Chase, and if be had named that gentleman ns his political idol, instead of Thomas Jefferson, it would have been nearer correct. When Chase prostrated himself before the Democratic party and asked its members to make him their nominee for the Presidency, Colonel Thomas followed in the wake of his political degradation. Both are disappointed, and both are eager to destroy the great politi cal organization that once nurtured them and conferred upon them positions of honor and distinction. In view of these facts, Colonel Thomas should forever refrain from alluding to the records of his political antagonists. Judge Kelley has worked himself up from a poor boy a' hard-working mechanio to the proud and honorable position he now oc cupies. He has ever been a favorite speaker in Chester county because he has always been regarded as a representative of the labor ing class, and a steadfast friend of the rights of the poor and oppressed. THE KENTUCKY DEMOCRACY THE NEGRO QUESTION. From the X. Y. World. In an era of transition a great political party bears some resemblance to a marching army. When an army breaks up its encamp ment and moves forward Jto an advanced po sition, the whole body is not set in simulta neous motion. The alert regiments which are to lead the van are first on their feet, and, with beating drums and flying colors, they may be far on their march before their faith ful comrades appointed to bring up the rear have gathered up their camp equipage. Every part of a great army cannot be in the front. Military discipline has no severities for the hindmost m-ly because they are be hind; and even some loitering would be par doned by an indulgent commander, if the loiterers were in other respects good soldiers, and did not seem disposed to hang back and separate themselves from the army in its for ward movement. When an army breaks up its camp to advance against the enemy in a new position, it frequently has to abandon some part of the heavy baggage and camp equipage which would encumber and impede its march. If, when the great body had moved forward in light marching order, one or two regiments lagging in the rear should attempt to gather up all the abandoned whiskey-casks and camp-kettles, refusing to proceed without a mass of luggage which they were unable to carry, their comrades would not consider them as very enlightened soldiers. In the forward movement of the great Democratic army, it seems to ns that the Democracy of New York are in the van, and that the patriotic Democracy of Kentucky linger in the extreme rear and refuse to march without a great burden of camp kettles strung upon their shouldered muskets or inverted upon the points of their Hag stalls. When the fifteenth amendment was declared adopted, the Democracy of New York at once concluded that the negro ques tion was, for any effective political purpose, at an end. Our Democratic .Legislature, then in session, immediately passed an act repeal ing all tne btate laws tnat discriminated against persons of color; and we carried the State election which soon followed by an unprecedented maiority. we felt some doubt whether the Democracy of other States would immediately approve our course; but there was no dissent among ourselves, and we were willing to trust to results for our vindication elsewhere. We have since watched Democratio movements in other States with much interest and some solicitude, to see how far they were likely to follow our lead. Except in Kentucky we have found nothing but encouragement. Tne Democratio party of Ohio has since held a.otate convention, and adopted a platform in which further opposition to negro voting was silently with drawn. What is more important and signifi. cant, the Democratic Senators and Repre sentatives in Congress have recently held a consultation and issued an address in which not a word is said on the negro question, and the party is counselled to waste no effort on dead issues. The great body of the party is marching up to the position taken by the Democracy of New York, who lead the advance, with the single exception of Ken tucky. Even in Kentucky the Democracy are by no means unanimous as to the expediency of rebaptizing themselves as a "white man's party and protracting a bootless fight against the negro. By far the ablest Demo cratic paper in that state and one of the ablest in the country, the Courier-Journal of .Louisville, has steadily protested against hide-bound, short-sighted policy, which, if the whole party adopted it, could result in nothing but continued defeat and disaster. A journal so enlightened and vigorous as our respected Louisville contemporary cannot fail to exert a great influence, especially when its forcible reasoning is backed up and rein forced by the prevailing Democratio senti ment of the whole country. The Courier' Journal understands its epoch. Clearly dis cerning what opinions the Kentucky Demo cracy must have three or five years hence, it takes time by the forelock and gives advice on which we do not bestow excessive praise when we call it statesmanlike. Its oourse is already endorsed in other States, and will yet be universally approved in Kentucky itself. The people of the Border States give them selves unnecessary trouble in their demon strations of hostility to the newly-made negro citizens. Negro voting is an evil which must be borne for the present, whether they like it or not; and they may safely leave the future to take care of itself. It will probably turn out that the white inhabitants of the Border States have no greater permanent interest in this question, so far as it affects their loca prosperity, than the white people dwelling north of the Ohio and of Mason and Dixon's line. It is almost certain thai the great bulk of the negro population will, in the oourse of the ensuing ten or twenty years, make great exodus from the Border to the Gulf States. The negro is a child of the sun which has supplied the pigment which black ens his skin. His native country is scorched with tropical heat, and hot climates are con genial to his constitution. A great part of the negroes living in the Northern States and Canada are fugitives, or the descendants of fugitives, from Southern slavery; and with out such recruits, for which there is no longer any raotive, the negro population of the North will rapidly dwindle and die out. The mild climate of the Border States is better suited to the negro constitution; but the negroes will not long remain there in the new condition of things. Before slavery was abolished, negro labor was not profitable in the Border States, and slavery was upheld in them only by breeding negroes for sale farther South where their mere labor was more remunerative. Negro breeding is no longer a source of income, and the disparity between the profits of negro labor in the border States and the cotton States remain as great as ever. The monthly wages of ne groes in Louisiana this year are twice as high as in Virginia. Multitudes of negroes have already emigrated, and the certainty of better ing their condition will eventually concentrate the whole negro population in the Gulf States. Those States need and desire their labor, and have every motive to attract them by rendering their condition comfortable. As the negroes are drained away from the border States, their places will gradually be supplied dj wnite immigrants. ine nide-bound border btate politicians do not seem to Appreciate the great" changes in ine distribution of population which must result from the extinction of slavery and the ireeaom of tne negroes to go where their labor is in greatest demand and best paid. If tney nad any clear foresight of the near future, they would rather direct their atten tion and anxiety to the means of securing a new laboring population to take the places of the departing negroes, who will be induced to go all the more rapidly by hostility and ill usage. For aught we know, this blindness may be one of the agencies of Providence for hastening the inevitable exodus. ORGANIZED EMIGRATION. From the X. Y. Timet. Efforts to promote emigration are abun dant, but of organized emigration, with its manifold advantages, economic and social, there is little or none. Several of the West ern States have long employed active agents to make their resources and advantages known abroad; California has been added to the number; and since their reconstruction, two or three of the Southern States have tried to turn the example to their own account. Whether these endeavors have greatly aug mented the volume of emigration, we are unable to decide; but that they have con tributed to the rapid settlement of Wisconsin, Minnesota, ani other portions of the North west, there can be no reasonable doubt. Equally effective have been the plans of the older of the land-grant railroad companies, the multiplication of which promises yet greater activity in this direction. Ine time is propitious for measures in tended to promote and facilitate emigration. In England, especially, tho subject attracts unusual attention. Demands are made upon the Government for aid to enable multitudes of artisans to escape from the struggle which seems each succeeding year to consign the working classes of that conntry to deeper and more hopeless poverty. Ine interven tion of the House of Commons has been in voked, but to no purpose. The leave-alone principle is omnipotent in the policy of the British Government whenever the contest between capital and labor is concerned. Mr. Goschen undertakes to prove that the al leged sufferings of poverty are more imagi nary than real; that the working people of England are well off; and that the trouble arises from their inability to appreciate the fact. So the Gladstone Government folds its hands, and leaves emigration movements to take their course. Beyond sending a few hundreds in troop-ships to Canada, it does nothing. Philanthropic societies have been formed here and there to assist emigration to the colonies; but all that is accomplished in this way is as a mere drop in the vast human stream which ceaselessly flows from the old countries of Europe to the New World. The great mass of independent emigration finds its way hither. We speak of the self reliant classes, who, though sorely pressed, are able to seek new homes without the aid of Government or benevolent associations. The small farmer, tired of a tenancy which yields little beside a living the mechanic wnoseinriu nas enaDiea mm to lay aside a small provision for a rainy day, but who sees no future for his children amidst a com petition that is intense and merciless both turn their thoughts to the United States. Tney go to tne we&tern states, and alter a season of 'trial ordinarily attain independ ence and comparative prosperity. They are deterred awhile by the absence of systematic arrangements for their mutual benefit; the expense and discomfort of the voyage, and of the inland journey, are heightened by the same circumstance; and the same cause operates to their loss and discouragement after they reach the btate they have selected, The help which the States or the railroad companies render ends abruptly just where organization should begin. Voluntary, self-reliant organization has in many instances proved most beneficial. Scattered over Wisconsin and Iowa are well to-do settlements, wnose foundations were laid in some European association. There are settlements formed by societies, whose members mechanics in the old land, farmers in the new testify to the value of the co operative principle as applied to emigration, Kansas is now reaping profit from the same source. These movements have for the most part been crude; imperfect, considering the scanty resources that are available, they must almost necessarily be. But they serve to in dicate the desire on the part of large bodies of intending emigrants to avail themselves of methods of mutual neip, and at tne same time to show how those on this side who would promote immigration may usefully en large and amend their plans. Organization is the one thing needful Hundreds of thousands will come, as hitherto, without it. States will grow and corporations will derive gain from their lands, whether there be organized emigration or not. But it remains yet to be recognized how much growth and settlement might be accelerated, and the introduction of most desirable classes secured, by the adoption of measures that would confer on emigrants all the benefits of associated effort up to their arrival at their destination, and thereafter secure to them comforts and facilities for which, under other circumstances, they must wait a long period, The transfer of a family from a far-off home to a new land in the West is not a triding enterprise even to those most favorably situated. To the mass of emigrants it is a task involving more trials and hardships than most of ns are able to comprehend. Many of these trials nothing can avert. But the greater number might be lessened, if not ex tinguished, by judicious organization. The wonder is, that a principle admitted to be so valuable in other matters nas been so gene rally negle cted in this. THE WORKINGMEN AND THE CHINESE, From the X. Y. Sun. As usual, a certain number of writers for the press are misunderstanding and misrepre senting the attitude of Amerioan working men towards the wholesale importation of Chinese laborers, of which Messrs. Sampson, of North Adams, and Koopmanschap & Co., of San Francisco, have recently given us ex amples. One class, who sit in their offices and libraries and deal with the problems of life as if their fellow-men were only elements of an algebraio equation, treat the question whether or not some millions of barbarous Asiatics shall be suddenly brought and placed alongside as many intelligent Americans as if it were purely a calculation of dollars and cents. If A, B, and C will do so much work for so much money, and E, F, and G will do the same amount of work for less money, then, of course, they say, let us employ E, F, and G, and turn A, B, and O adrift. The consideration that A, B, and O are educated men, fathers of families, and good and useful citizens and members of society, while E, F, and G are nothing but eating, drinking, and working machines, with scarcely the vestige of souls, is left out of sight altogether. Hence, when it is proposed to import from China laborers and mechanics who will do for half a dollar a day what Americans have been accustomed to get three or four dollars for, they are lost in amazement at the stu pidity which opposes the instant acceptance of the proposition. Another class of tne cnampions oi tne coolies are sentimentalists, who insist that if it were possible it would be a good thing to bring the whole world here to share in tne advantages of our superior civilization, and rescue it from barbarism. In the excess of their benevolence they would have Ameri cans starve and die in order that everybody else might live and grow fat. To them, too, one man is as good as another, and birth, education, morality, and intellectual power count for nothing at all. But these classes unite in assuming that American workingmen design to exclude by force all Chinamen from competition with tbem in mechanical industry; and they de nounce the workingmen accordingly as en deavoring to overturn the laws of trade and violate the dictates of humanity. The poli tical economists demand that competition shall be allowed to work out its legitimate re sults, and the philanthropists protest against preventing barbarians from coming under tho I-i ,1 Notwithstanding the immense interests which the workingmen have at stake, and the natural bias which those interests give them, they are, so, far quite reasonable in their positions. Men to whom the difference of a dollar a day in their wages means the din er ence between comfort and privation for them selves and their wives and children, might be excused if they took even an extreme view of measures which threaten to deprive thorn of that dollar. But, as we understand them, the workingmen ask for no more than simple justice. They do not desire that any dis crimination shall be made against Chinamen in general, but they do insist that there shall be no conspiracies entered into to bring Chinese laborers into competition with them by whole sale, and far in advance of the regular pro gress of events. While they are willing that individual Chinamen who come freely and without solicitation to our shores shall earn their living honestly, they very properly ob ject to an organized system of Chinese immi gration, having for its direct object the re duction of the price of labor. For instance, take the shoemakers in isortn Adams. If in .the regular course of emigra tion one, two, or a dozen Chinamen had come to the town and learned to make shoes, we do not understand that any interference with them would have been asked for. They would naturally have joined the regular unions and increased the force of shoe makers without apparently affecting the rate of wages. But here comes a ship-load of ignorant heathens, bound both by their con tract and by their want of acquaintance with our social system to labor for a term of years at a mere pittance, and they take the places of an equal number of white men already on the spot. Let the experiment be repeated again and again, as it threatens to bo, and we shall soon see the whole army of white shoemakers supplanted, not. slowly and gra dually, but in a single night as it were, by their Asiatic competitors. This, then, is the demand of our working men, that the laws of trade and of humanity be obeyed, not violated, and that this sudden inundation of Asiatics be restrained within the limits of natural immigration. Those who condemn them for making the demand are neither good Americans, good economists, good philanthropists, nor sensible men. THE ALMIGHTY "I." From the X. Y. Ti ibune. Judging from a volume recently published concerning successful men in business, the American has mastered the science of adver tising better than any other man in the world. He has more persistence, more dodges, more noise at command wherewith to keep his wares before the public for a day than John Bull would dream of in a year. What Eng lishman would ever have devised the plan of a late pill-maker who ran in debt to a daily journal for advertising until it seized on his property for payment, and, finding said pro perty to consist solely of pills, was compelled to go on advertising to get rid of them '( The most successful type of American, however, is left unnoticed in this book. Everybody knows him. The man who advertises not his wares nor his business, but himself. "Self-made," like Jack in the play, "he wor ships his Creator;" and foists himself upon other men's worship with an adroitness and devoutness worthy the imitation of any mis sionary. There are half a dozen leaders now in poli tics, literature, and religion whose names have become household worlds through the conntry, yet who are known by those nearest tbem to be men of straw. The leverage used to raise such men was simply skilful adver tising. It is the reporter of the newspaper, however, not the business clerk, with whom he deals; he pays nothing for his "cards be yond an invitation to dinner or a delicate attention. Reporters have a pec iliar delight in crooking the bended hinges ol their knees before this Juggernaut car of the self-made man. The world yields to him. Mysterious whispers foretell the subject of his coming book or picture to the eager public as soon as it is conceived in his brain; the whispers in crease; before the advent of tho work of genius the general ear is deafened by a mighty chorus trumpeting its praise. Stupid men in inland towns know no way to bring themselves or their business before the public but by a handbill or card paid for across the counter. What do they know of the delicious tid-bit of gossip concerning their wife or daughter that steals into the editorial column; the generous donation of a burial lot to their employers, telegraphed from Maine to California; the anecdote, which leaks out, the present offered by a corpora tion and refused ? And above all the dinner ! There are certain dinners where members of the press singularly predominate, which inevi tably suggest to the shrewd observer a self made man and unlimited puffing beneath the terrapin and Veuve Clicquot. We are sure there is a rat in the arras. We remember a banquet given in celebration of a great work accomplished which was noticed in every city of the Union, at which the real worker sit unnoticed while his clerk carried off all the honor. When a man has once succeeded in bringing the great "I" prominently before the public, he may rest from his labors. Reporters will do the rest, and the world will receive him at their value. No other people will receive a man at his own appraisement so freely as Americans. But the columns of every day's journals show us that the self-advertisers never are coateut to rest. They fasten their names to every sibject that promises to engross the public attention, as boys tie bobs to a kite. When the world held its Lrtath the other day at the words that Charles Dickens was dead, tho telegraph made haste to inform us that Mr. John Smith of a neighboring city "was quite overcome at the sad tidings. Mr. Dickens was a personal friend of Mr. Bmith'i. Mr. Smith was almost as much overcome as at the news of the death of Mr. Peabody, who was also a personal friend." There is a grim pleasantry in the persist, ence with which these little men caper before their audience at which we cannot but laugh. Certain books, detailing personal quarrels, many of our poems and novels, are only long advertisements of some irresponsible "I" looking-glasses before which some man or woman is weeping or making grimaces in hopes of being watched. Certain papers hold their place before the public by the virulence with which the editor drags his own petty and gangrened quarrels before the eyes of decent men and women. The success of such books or journals has always been short-lived. . Ia the long run, the pubiio prefers good, healthy food to the cannibal meal of Monsieur the Editor, cooked in a different style every day. In the long run, too, these factitious reputa tions come to a sudden end. Death pricks a man's character and work with a sharp lance, and the world, on its side, jputs him to a trial which is always just. Tf it is any consolation to modest men, they may assure themselves that the egotist invariably goes snubbed to Hades. LUMBER. 1870 EPRTJCB JOIST. 8PRUCB JOIST. HEMLOCK. HEMLOCK. 1870 1870 SEASONED CLEAR PINS. SEASONED CLEAR PINK. CHOICE PATTERN PINE. 1870 SPANISH CEDAR, FOR PATTERNS, RED CEDAR. 1870 FLORIDA FLOORING. FLORIDA FLOORING. CAROLINA FLOORING. VIRGINIA FLOORING. DELAWARE FLOORING. ABU FLOORING. WALNUT FLOORING. FLORIDA STEP BOARDS. KAIL PLANK. 1870 1 Q"7n WALNUT BOARDS AND PLANK. 1 Q7A 10 i U WALNUT BOARDS AND PLANK. J.O 4 U WALNUT BOARDS. WALNUT PLANK. 1 C7A UNDERTAKERS' LrJMBER. QPTA 10 f U UNDERTAKERS' LUMBER. lO i U RED CEDAR. WALNUT AND PINK. 1870 SEASONED POPLAR. 1 QnC BEASONED CHERRY. 10 41 ASH. WHITE. OAK PLANK AND BOARDS, HICKORY. 1 Q7A CIGAR BOX MAKERS' - rwr ( 10 4 U CIGAR BOX MAKERS' 10 f V SPANISH CEDAR BOX BOARDS, FOR SALE LOW. 1870 CAROLINA SCANTLING. CAROLINA H. T. SILLS. NORWAY SCANTLING. 1870 1870 CEDAR SHINGLES. 1 Qnf CYPRESS SHINGLES. 104 V MAULE. BROTHER h CO., No. 9800 SOUTH Street in 1JANEL PLANK, ALL THICKNESSES. COMMON PLANK, ALL THICKNESSES. 1 COMMON BOARDS. 1 and 8 SIDE FENCE BOARDS. WHITE PINE FLOORING BOA RES. YELLOW AND SAP PINE FLOORINGS, IV and 4 SPRUCE JOIST, ALL SIZES. HEMLOCK JOIST, ALL SIZES. PLASTERING LATH A SPECIALTY, Together with a general assortment of Building Lumber for sale low for cash. T. W. SMALTZ, 6 31 6m No. 1718 RIDGE Avenue, north of Poplar St. United States Builders' Mill, FIFTEENTH Street below Market ESLER & BROTHER, PROPRIETORS. 4 39 8m Wood Mouldings, Brackets and General Turning Work, Hand-rail Balusters and Newel Posts. A LARGE ASSORTMENT ALWAYS ON HAND. BUILDING MATERIALS. E. R. THOMAS & CO., DIALERS IN Doors, Blinds, Sash, Shutters WINDOW FRAMES, ETC., M. W. CORKER OF EIGHTEENTH and MARKET Streeta mm PHILADELPHIA. PITY ORDINANCES. COMMON COUNCIL OF PHILADELPHIA, Clerk's Office, ) Philadelphia, July 8, 1870. J In accordance with a resolution adopted by the Common Council of the city of Philadelphia on Thursday, tho 7th day of July, 1870. the annexed bill, entitled "An Ordinance to Create a Lean for a House of Correction," is hereby published for public information. John Eckstein, Clerk of Common Council. AN ORDINANCE To Create a Loan for a House of Correction. Section 1. The Select and Common Councils of the City of Philadelphia do ordain, That the Mayor of Philadelphia be and he is hereby authorized to borrow, at not less than par, on i he credit of the city, from time to time, for a Jloueo of Correction, five hundred thousand dollars, for which interest, not to exceed the rate of six per cent, per annum, shall be paid half yearly on the first days of January and July, at the office of the City Treasurer. The principal of said loan shall be payable and paid at the expiration of thirty years from the date of the same, and not before, without the consent of the holders thereof; and the certificates therefor, in the usual form of the certificates of city loan, shall be issued in such amounts as the lenders may require, but not for any fractional fart of one hundred dollars, or, it required, u amounts of five hundred or one thousand dollars; and it shall be expressed in said certifi cates that the loan therein mentioned and the Interest thereof are payable free from all taxes. Section 2. Whenever any loan shall be made by virtue thereof, there shall be, by force of this ordinance, annually appropriated out of the.in come of the corporate estates and from the sum raised by taxation a sum sufficient to pay the interest on said certificates; and the further sum of three-tenths of one per centum on the par value of such certificates so issued, shall be appropriated quarterly out of said Income and taxes to a sinking fund, which fund and its ac cumulations are hereby especially pledged for the redemption aud payment of said certifi cates. RESOLUTION TO PUBLISH A LOAN BILL. Resolved, That the Clerk of Common Coun cil be authorized to publish in two daily news papers of this city dally for four weeks, the ordinance presented to the Common Council on Thursday, July 7, 1870, entitled "An ordi nance to create a loan for a House of Correc tion;" and the said Clerk, at the stated meeting of Councils after the expiration of four weeks from the first day of said publication, shall pre sent to this Council one of each of said news papers for every day in which the same shall Lave been made. 78 24t PAPER HANDINGS, E I O. IOOK! LOOK!! LOOK!!! WALL PAPERS J nd LIdh Window Bhmdaa M anuf aoturad, tb chMiiut B th cltf, at JOUNol'ON'tt Depot, No. load bPKINU GAKOKH btraet. balow KUvaath. iijUMih. Ng 8u7 1KDKKAL 8UMt. OaindMi.Aiaw Jr. H&fc UMBRELLA 8 CHEAPEST lHTtl& CITF. JDIXOM a. Ho. M B. ElUUm fiUMt. 10 U otU4