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THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, JUNE 8, 1871.
BriRlT OF THE ritESS. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS UPON CURRENT TOPI09 COMPILED EVEBI DAY FOB THB ETENINO TELKOBAPH. . COMMUNISTS IN NEW YORK. Prom the A. 1'. Times. It ban been said tbat tbe barbarians who threaten modern civilization are within its boundaries, not outside. It is no longer the savages from some distant and half-mythieal Boythia, or tbo warlike barbarians of Scan dinavia, who threaten the Empires and States of modern times. The dangerous enemies of every modern State are in her large cities. Few who are not conversant with the 'dan gerons classes'1' can have a conception what a thin cruHt, in all countries, separates the ele gant and comfortnble world from the barba ric and savage forces working among dense masses of ignorant human beings. Public writers and preachers are inclined to look at this social explosion in Paris as something abnormal and horrible, and pecu liar to France alone. It ba3 indeed its pecu liarly French horrors, but the dangerous and seething materials which give it its power are to be found in every large capital. In London, to-day, there is an immense multi tude of human beings, ignorant, degraded, (struggling eternally only to keep themselves above the black waves of misery about them, burrowing in all kinds of wretched dens and holes, full of envy toward the rioh, easy to be inflamed by socialist agitators against the classes who for ages have had all the blessings of life, while to them were left its curses a dark, boiling, explosive mass of population, whioh would only need an opportunity, such as the siege gave the Paris proletaires, to burst out with terriflo vio lence against property, Government, and the Church itself. A similar, though less nume rous, class exists in every capital of Europe. . Are we in the New World free from it? Let any of our readers make a tour through the cellars and slums of a single ward in this city, Bay the Fourth, or let him pass among the crowded tenement houses of the Tvrelfth or Seventeenth wards, and note the thousands of wretched creatures who hide in attics and cellars, poor, slovenly, and hard-pressed; the thousands who are more or less in volved in criminal occupations; the tens of thousands who labor year after year, and never grasp one of the rich rewards of toil which hang in gilded display all around them. Let thorn talk with these people, and find how many believe that the poor and the laborers have never had a fair chance in the world, while capital has reaped all the bless ings of existence; and then recall what a vast multitude of persons there are in this city who either have no home at all, or who "camp" here and there for a few nights, or who depend on each day's earnings for the day's bread, and he will be convinced that New York, like Paris, has beneath its brilliant and busy surfaco a volcano of deep passions and explosive social forces. Only once in the history of tha city did this terrible prolttaire class show its revolu tionary head. For a few days in 18G3 New York seemed like Paris under the lteds in 1870. Onr mob, in place of sacking churob.es, burned orphan asylums and plunderbd the houses of the benefactors of the white poor and the colored race. The cruelties inflicted by our "Reds" on the unhappy negroes quite equaled in atrocity anything that the French lleds perpetrated on their priests. Our "Communists had already begun to move towards the houses of the rioh, and the cry of war to property was already heard, when the spirited assistance of the United States soldiery enabled the better classes to put down the disturbance. But had the rioters been able to hold their own a week looser, had thev plundered the banks, and begun to enjoy the luxuries of the rioh, and been permitted te arm ana organize tnem selves, we should have seen a communistia explosion in New York which would probably have left this city in ashes and blood. Every great city has within it the communistic ele ments of a revolution. Our cities are in less danger than European cities, because there is no pressure on this prolttaire class beyond the neoessary inequali ties of life. The Amerioan "ouvricr" always Lopes to be a capitalist. Then our eduoational and reformatory movements are always reach ing down, and gradually improving 'the dan gerous classes." The publio school is the best preventive of revolution. The industrial school and the children's charities are trans forming the youthful Communists into indus trious, law-abiding, property-earning citizens. All the influences of American life are con tinually tending to give the proletairet a per manent interest in the social order. These have only to be cherished and extended to gradually carry away the explosive forces be neath the surface of sooiety, and make New Tfork like our villages in one respsot that every citizen may have a pride and interest in its prosperity and its property. PENSION PAUPERS. From th X. Y. Tribune. After all, there are always compensations If our rogues and ruffians, by dint of adher ence to the trade of politics, are sure in the end of municipal or Government offloes, they are at least forced to stay in them as loug as they draw their salaries. There is scarcely such a trick possible as creeping out of the publio eye to a snug corner of a retired list, there to munch at a fat pension for the rest of their lives. If we would believe the Irish press, however, half of the peers and c jiu- doners in Great Britain have beoome greedy Jack Homers, ana nave made oil wita a piece of Government pie, eaah to had a plum for himself. lha estimates for '71 bring to light some of the peculiar beauties of tnis system, and the tender care with which the Government provides for its nnrblings. Any office-holder, choosing to retire after having served six months, receives two-thirds of his salary for the rest of his life. Even if his ofnee is abolished as unnecessary, his consolation is the same. The list of these publio beneficiaries includes every grade, from earls ani visoounts to ins eengersin a jan. cinray John Bull in any , rank appears equally ready to become a pauper proviaeu uovernmeni is in aluis-uiver, Americans who are inclined to grumble at the Salaries paid to the President or Cabinet , should take a few facts from these estimates as an antidote. A dour in the Chancery Court 1 being closed eighteen year ao, its keeper hn t received since then $3-2, 1100 f r not keeping . it. A clerk who was dismissed as supernume rary thirty years ago from the Mine ojart has since been paid $US8,0iM); tUe pouttioa to bo i continued seven years tutor hi doouss to kin .heirs. But he doesn't die hy s'jjal I ha? Good Americans, when tl.y di, w'l! no l'vir-r Ve sent to Paris but to England on a raiirn.1 ; list. The present Lord liro'ihaui, retiring Oil a jtiitiou as Hatter in Oiiiaary, by liiu simple expedient of entering hir name twice on the list, reoeives not two-thirds, but the whole of his salary. Thus, even the re fined gold of a pension may be regilded by a little judicious shrewdness. It is not neces sary, either, tbat the pensioner should ever have held the office for whose loss he is paid. Certain influential porsonnges are aconstomed to make provision for their children at birth by entering them, male and female, on the the list of civil servants. One of these, whose babies appeared so frequently as to exhaust the patience of his co.leBgnes, was forced to provide for the last in a small way, and en tered the infant, scarce a week old, as "super annuated postman." The postman is but lately dead, having drawn his subsidy for eichty years. 'ibeso are jokes to us, but death, or the sure signs of it, in any system of government to which they belong. Not English oak nor English loyalty will protect her ship of state against barnacles such as these. Yet one of our Washington functionaries, entering upon tho discharge of his duties, has just discovered that his Bureau contains many clerks who are "guilty of worthlessness, to the prejudice of good order and civil service discipline." The fthtonishod Commissioner, possibly heedless alike of "influential connec tions" and a promised reform in the civil service, has begun to eliminate the objection able persons. It is just possible that the Pen sion Bureau is not the only one in such un happy plight. THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. From, the Pall Mall Gazette. The full and authentio text of the Treaty of Washington does not correspond in all particulars with tho accounts of it previously received through the telegraph and other channels. While, now that the instrument is completely known, we do not concur in the somewhat uncritical applause with whioh it has been received in certain quarters and more especially while we fail to understand how a treaty of which the two principal nego tiators belonged to opposite political parties can justly be styled by the Daily 'Telegraph a triumph of Mr. Gladstone's Government we see no reason to withdraw the opinion which we gave on less perfect information, that this country may be well satisfied with the labors of the High Commission. Doubt less the most prominent clause which the treaty contains tho clause in which the Queen, on behalf of hor subjects, expresses regret, "in a friendly spirit," for tho "escape under whatever circumstances of the Ala bama and othor vessels from British ports, and for the depredations committed by those vessels" is one which some former English Ministers would have had the greatest diffi culty in swallowing, and it is perhaps unfor tunate that the appetite of the present Gov ernment in such matters should be suspected of being a little too robust. But the clause should be interpreted in fairness by the cir cumstances under whioh it was framed. The treaty is not a lengthy dooument, nor is it much encumbered by detail, yet the time consumed in its preparation has been very considerable. It is probable, therefore, that its language in its most important articles has been very carefully considered, and the clause in question may be tne irmt ot a not nningenions compromise. By the Americans it will no doubt be understood, and was doubtless intended to be understood, as that apology on which they have all along let it be seen that they set more store than on any amount of compensation; that is, as an admission or confession on the part of the Lnglish Government that its predecessors, either by omission or by commission, wronged the United States in allowing the Confederate vessels to leave British ports. But, on the other hand, the words are probably meant to be read by JDgusnmen in their literal sense We all regret that the Alabama escaped and committed her depredations. The ambiguity is skilfully concealed by the words "under whatever circumstances. If the equipment and departure of the Alabama had never been known to a soul in England beyond her builders, we should still be ready to say that it was a great pity. Tbe clause denning tne measure of tbe re sponsibinty wnion is in tuture to attaou to a neutral for permitting belligerent cruisers to be equipped in bis territory, or to leave it, and which is to be applied retrospectively to the Alabama claims, diners materially from the descriptions of it which have been given heretofore. It neither places an absolute obligation on the neutral to prevent the act now made illegal, nor does it specifically make him liable for very slignt negligence A neutral Government is "to use due dili gence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or equipping witnin its jurisdiction ol any ves Ktl whicn it Has reasonable ground to believe is intended to cruiso or to carry cn war against a power with which it is at peace, and also to use the like diligenoe to prevent the departure from its jurisdiction of any vessel intended to cruise or carry on "war as above. Here the expressions "dae diligence" and "reasonable ground" belong to the class of phrases whioh are employed by lawyers with the express object of avoiding the necessity of hxing a measure of responsi bility. They practically involve an appeal to the common sense of some tribunal, like a jury, which adjudicates on the given case without rule. This peculiarity of tne new provision is of little consequence so far as regards tbe decision on the Alabama claims, for tbe treaty establishes a board of arbitra tors which, so far as those claim's are con cerned, will discharge the functions of a jury and make np its mind what, nnder the cir cumstance, was "due diligence and a j sonable ground" of belief. Bat, considered as a permanent provision of international law, the new rule is faulty through its in deflniteness. It seems to us that, iu th tir future difficulties, nations may dispute as keenly, and indeed more keenly, what is "dae diligence" and when does belief become "reasonable," as they have hitherto disputed the very nature of the rule to be applied. So far as regards the immediate question, the first of the two oanons which are ts determine British liability does not appear to us open to objection as too unqualined a concession Assuming that the arbitrators thoroughly con aider the facts in a spirit of equity, nobody who is familiar with the story of the Alabama and ber consorts is likely to believe that tha Americans are likely to recover under a rale like this any exorbitant compensation. Bat we hesitate to give a similar opinion on tha second of the two new canons. What is meant by an obligation "not to permit orsafler either belligerent to maka use of jts port or waters as the base of naval operations against the other, or for the purpose of the renewal or augmentation of military supplies, or arms, or recruitment of men?" The doubt attaches to this provision less as a new rale of inter national law than an a measure of .liability iu lb Alabama case. The High Commission eaa baldly have adopted it unless soma aovt of c'hiai Lad been bubtulttod to which itapplia Here tbr preacible of tue treaty put tho AluLsma claims prominently tor want as ta matter reoniring adjustment, it maybe that cue of the American imevauoe is the ad mission of the Alabama into British ports tinder circumstances alleged to have turned those ports into a base of naval operations. But till the clause is explained, it may bear a more serious meaning. Is it really in tended that the British Government Bhall be held answerable in damages, because blockade-runners carrying contraband of war waited their opportunity at Bermuda, or in some of the West Indian ports? A new rule of this sort would overthrow the whole theory of international law, and indeed it would be difficult to pply it unless the employment of London and Liverpool as ports from which vast supplies of arms and ammunition were despatched to the Northern States were taken into account as a set-off Against the use to which the West Indies were put by the runners of the Southern blockade. This second canon is one whioh demands tbe fullest explanation from the Government ou behalf of the negotiators whenever the treaty is dlsoussed by Parlia ment. The general reasons for regarding the treaty, not exactly as a triumph of diplo matic management, but as an arrangement reasonably fair, on the whole, of a very awk ward difficulty, remain pretty much what they were when its provisions were less per fectly ascertained. We may suspend our opinion on the second of the new international rules, and may regret that tbe first of them is rendered less useful than it might be by the defect in precision ef which we have com plained; but still this last rule will probably have some enectin tuture warn, and whatever effect it has must in the long run be advan tageous to the power which, in the only case to which the treaty can apply, is very much more likely to be belligerent than neutral. The settlement of the dispute which has been rising or falling for Bix or seven years is also desired by all Englishmen, if it can be ef fected on honorable terms. No assertion might be made with more confidence of all of us than that we have not a particle of settled hostility to the Americans, and that even our transient fits of ill-humor with them are produced only by extreme provocation. We must be allowed to take the Queen's ex pression of regret for the Alabama misfor tune a little in our own sense if we are to preserve our self-respect while aoqniescing in it; but, that point conceded, we none of us object to pay handsomely for the removal of that danger of which the reality has been questioned, but of which the nature is pretty plainly indicated, as wus recently pointed out by an American correspondent of the Timrs, iu those strange and unnatural Europeau alli ances for which American diplomacy has of lnte years shown so strong a hankering. Meantime, though it is quite true that the Americans have gained considerable advan tages in the final adjustment of the dispute as is always the case with the party least anxious to compromise a quarrel they have, nevertheless, relinquished a gojd deal of the ground on which, to use their own phrase, they once "put down their foot." The absurd claim to be compensated for a premature recognition of belligerency, or for general unfriendliness, has been quietly surrendered; and as yet we do not know that even Mr. Sumner has noticed its abandonment. EARL RUSSELL ON THE AMERICAN TREATY. From the London Spectator. On Monday next, we are pleased to see, Earl Russell is to move a humble address to Her Majesty praying that she will refuse her assent to any agreement with the United States containing any rules "by which the arbitrator or arbitrators will be bound, other than the law of nations and the municipal law of the United Kingdom existing and in force at the period of tbe late civil war in the United States, when the alleged proceedings took place." We say we are pleased to see, because Earl Russell is the right man to bring forward the motion, he being mainly respon sible for the escape of the Alabama, because the motion expresses courageously a feeling of discontent with the provisions of the treaty which is felt in many quarters, and which, however wea-fonnded, ought to be removed, and because we detest that con spiracy of silence in regard to foreign affairs in which Parliament appears to usof late to have been engaged. What with its grow ing dread of expense, its new-bora timidity of thought, and its accidental deficiency in knowledge of the subject, the llense ot Commons appears inclined to strike the department of Foreign Affairs altogether out of its programme, to leave the Ministry to do as they like, and to express its displea sure at their action only by ill-tempered votes on minor but safer subjects of dispute. No one rises to censnre a tame despatch or an undignified abstention from interference, but everybody irritated by the blander rashes to pay ni' the Foreign Offioe by voting down some proposition made by the Woods and Forests. Members vote for the Epping beeches because France ought to have been protected, and will not hear of a matoh-tax because Russia can put her ships once more en the waters of the Black Sea. If the House of Lords does not break the spell, the discus sion of the foreign relations of the country will be left altogether to irresponsible journalists without official information, the nation will upon one grand subject of po'iti cal thought be left without guides, and oar whole Parliamentary system will in one most important branch of politics be shown to have broken down. If the practice of publio dis cussion upon the foreign affairs of the em pire is dangerous or inexpedient, or super fluous, then the whole machinery of Parlia mentary government is pro tanto a failure, and we bad better organize this great depart ment anew on some exceptional basis. To keep np the appearance of responsibility to Parliament for all agreements or disagree ments with foreign States, and forego all Par liamentary discussion of those transactions, is to surrender all the advantages which a silent and persevering diplomacy might se cure, without receiving any one of the benefits which may be derived from the constant and interested support of the nation in every serious transaction. Let oar diplomacy either be freed from the necessity of consulting an ill-informed popular opinion, or let it be strengthened by tbe conviction of all foreign ers that this opinion, whether wise or foolish, is at all events behind the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Let us either have harmony or volume in the voice of our Foreign Offioe, and not, a at present, a feeble warble, broken by occasional roars. We repeat, we are pleased to hear that Earl Russell will propose, w ithout disguise or cir cumlocution, the rejection of the Washington Treaty, for that treaty must then be debated out and shown, as we are certain it can be shown, to be for the best and most perma nent interests of both the peoples conoertel. Nothing could be more dangerous to the cor diality of our relations with the United States than for the electors to fancy that their Go f mnieiit had betrayed the country into an undignified attitude, and they are sure, with out foil debate, to entertain that fancy. Earl Russell ill tell them so plainly he does tell tLtui bo, iu the very word of his motion and his taunts will fall on minds prepared for their reception by two very powerful ideas. One is that the present Ministry is always submissive in every foreign transaction, and the other is that a retrospective enactment can never be substantially jut. They require to be told, and told by repponsible statesmen, as well as by journal ist, that the Ministry, whatever its attitude in Europe, has in America always been firm; that it did not shrink in the dangerous ques tion of the claims of the American Irish to special immunities in Ireland; that it put down Kiel's rebellion at the risk of all man ner of complications; that it snubbed Mr. Fish's own argument, through Lord Claren don, with even too much of iutelleotual gusto; that it silently defied all Mr. Sumner's tbreats, and thbt at this moment and in this transac tion it is acting under no coercion whatever except the coercion of sound policy and of the national conscience. Nobody, not even air. bnmner, is threatening ns. We are only asked in regular form and with all re ject to see if tie lawyers on both sides cannot terminate an extremely disagreeable and long-Btanding quarrel by some reasonable arrangement. If in making that arrange ment tbe agents of the country have given up a little too much which we deuy it has been under no coercion and no menace, but feolely from a belief that as the quarrel arose on a matter of feeling, some concession to feeling is needful to reestablish permanent frieiidship. Tbe particular concession does not in tbat point of view matter a straw. A trinciple is laid down by agreement, and whether it is new or old, retrospective or prospective, taken from Story, or taken from Blackstone, or invented for the oooasion, it is, if we are content with it, onlv a part of the bargain frankly accepted .by both sides. It is an unsigned deed accepted by litigants to be valid for their mutual convenience. Tbe prejudice which Earl Russell would fain excite rests upon a false analogy. When a legislature passes a penal enactment making en act to have been crime which when it was committed was not criminal, it does a highly oppressive thing, because it uses irresistible power to break a contract without the assent of the feebler contracting party. Nothing but the right of self-preservation could justi fy an act like Strafford's attainder, perhaps in Birict morality not even that. But in this American aflair there is no oppression from above, no submission from be low, nothing but a contract, good or bad according to its policy, freely made between equals, and subject before ratifica tion to rejection by either of the couutries to which their commissioners have suggested it as a basis of conciliation. There is no more reason why a new principle, approved by Parliament, should be objected to as a basis of peace, than why an old oue should; no more humiliation in accepting a law male for tt)6 nonce as a basis of agreement, than in accepting an unsent letter as if it had been Bi nt. If, indeed, Earl Russell objects to the new principle itself, then indeed be has a stroug case; but that is not the point of his motion, nor on that can he hope for any in fluential euppoit. Ibe country is quite agreed that it ought in its own interest to dis courage piivate declarations of war, and all the commissioners propose is to declare that Great Britain ought to have made that her rule when the Alabama went forth. "I wish, Jonathan, I had thought of that before. Sap pose we make up the account as if I had thought of it?" What is there humiliating in such a contract as that? There is another and much inoro serious objection to the tieaty which will be raised in the debate, but not, as we suspect, by the mover of tbe address. It is stated on some authority that the Dominion has a'ri-ht to a voice in tbe matter. It is her property whioh, under tbe Fisheries clause, is apparently to be sold. We trust the statement now in circula tion may prove unfounded, and tbat the Do minion, which was fully represented on the commission, will ahstaiu from any remon strance against the t ea'y; but if unhappily tbe Canadian Parliament should decide other wise, the British Government, as we conceive, has but one course to pursue, it must go on with the treaty, the incident will reveal in a strong light the necessity which exists for a revision of the relation between the great colonies and ourselves, for some novel arrangement whioh shall permit the colonies to interfere more directly in diplomacy affecting themselves, but for the post there can be no direct help. The British Government being bound to protect the Dominion from attack, claim in return, as their first prerogative, an ultimate control over their foreign policy, an ultimate right of negotiating in the interests of the Empire, even when tbey interfere, or seem to interfere, vuth the interests of the province. Those interests may be much more directly represented at home, as, for example, the in terests of India are; but the voice of the Lm pire, when uttered, must always be single and undisputed. Any pressure to be exer cisf d must be exercised here and pending ne gotiations, and not there and after negotia tions have achieved their beneumal conse quence. Any other course would involve either disruption or tbe submission of the policy of the whole Empire to the policy of province, and we scarcely Know which ca lumny would entail the more disastrous re sults. tOOKI NO Q!.A8SEH. S.TQ. HEW ROGERS CNOUP, "lap vn win em." NEW CliROMO.S. All Chromes sold at 23 per cent, below regular rates. All of Prang's, L'oover's, and all others. Bend for catalogue. Looking; lasses, ALL NEW STYLE., At the loweat prices. All of our own manufacture. JAMES 8. EARL: & SOHS. No. 816 CHE8NUT 8TKKRT. WATOMEW. JEVVELKY. ETO. GOLD MEDAL REGULATORS. 2. W. KLSSBLL, No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STKEET, Begs to call the attention of the trade and customer! to the annexed letter: TKlKSliVION. "I take pleasure toaonuuuee that I have given tc Mr. O. W. KUKafiLL, of lhi:al Iphta, the exclusive Bate of all poods tf iny luHuufaolure. tie will be able to Bell tnem at the ver lowest prioea. 'HILX'V Hm-KEK, "Flrbt M.anulii'turerif Realaton, vKrelbur, tiermauy. ESTABLISHED 1844. WM. M. CHItlSTY, blank Book Manufacturer, 8U turner and Printer, No. 12T S. TUUU) Street, I n eod5 Opposite Uirard Bank. INSURANCE. Fir, Inland, and Marine Inmranct. - i INSURANCE COJIPAM or NORTH AMERICA, Incorporated 1791. CAPITAL $500,PC0 ASSETS January 1 1871 $3,050,538 Receipts Of '50 8,096,154 Intereits from Investment, 1870., 131,050 Lowes paid In 1S70. .. 11,138, JA1 STATEMENT OF THE ASSSTS. PlTBt Mortgages on Philadelphia City Fro- Pertj $S34,9N) United States Government Loans 3'.;.d;m feiinftylvunla; State Loans 143,310 rauadeipniauitv Loan . Siao.Oiio pew (Mime ana oiner Mate Loam ana VllJ IJondS ; B25.B10 rniittoeipiiiu aua ifpamnjr Heurona uo., other Kailroad Mortgaue Honda and Loans 3s.34fl Philadelphia Bank ando&cr Stocks CJ.4SB l ash In Ban 931,043 Loans ou Collateral Security 81,434 Notes receivable and Marino Premiums unsettled 433.420 Accrued Interest and Premium la conrse of transmission fj,90l Kcai estate, Office of the Company so.ikk) 3,0C0,53C Cortlflcatea of Insurance Issued, payable in Iiordon at the dooming House of Messrs. JAN, SUit LEY & CO. PB1MIDENT. CilAItl.BJN PLATT, . VICB-PRBSIDENT. fflATTHIAW .HA HI. Secretary. C. II. KKETEM, AulNtant Hecretary. IUKECTWKW. ARTHUR . COFFIN. samuel w. jones, john a. brown, charles Taylor, it j .my. a. -l Kui rjvii, a.Lvy. a. ULiAUbK, T. CHARLTON HENRY, AMBKOSJf W lilTJS, WILLI AM wtusii, LOUIS C. MADEIRA, i SOROS J UAKJKISON, CLEMENT A. GRISCO WJLJJAM BROCKIE. 1821) CHABTEK PERPETUAL. FraBtljfl.Fire Insurance Cespi OF PHILADELPHIA. Office, Sot. 435 and 427 CLTE5BUT St Assets Jan I , '11L$3087I452,35 CAPITAL 1400,000 -00 ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PRKMIUXaS.a,637,45a 30 INCOMK FOR 1ST1, 11,800,000. LOS3E3 PAID IN 1ST0, H72.89W0. loe Paid Since Nearly 36,000,000. The Assets of the "FRAN KLIN" are all lnventnii In polld securities (over 13,750,000 In First Bonds and Mortgages), which are all Interest bearing and dividend paying. The Company holds uo Bills Re ceivable tak n for Insurances eirected. Perpetual and Temporary Poinies on Liberal Terma. The Company also Issues policies upon the Pent of all kinds of Buildings, Ground Routs and Mortgages. DIRECTORS. Airred a. Baser, Sanicel Grunt, Ueorge W. Richards, Isaac Lea, Alfred Fltlor, Thomas Sparks, William b. Grant. Thomas 8. PUla, Gustavus S. Benson. George Fa'.os, ALFRED G. BAKER. President. GSORGK FALKS, Vioe-Pr-esldenU JAMBS W. MCALLISTER, Secretary. TliEODORS M. KBGER, Assistant Secretary. IN C O R P O r"a T E D March 21. 190. F I It E ASSOCIATION. No. 84 NOK'Jll FIFTH SIREST, l-UlLAUBLIUIA. CAPITAL 9500,000. A.SSKTS, JANUARY 1, 1871, SI, 705,10-07, STATEMENT OF TUE ASSETS. Bonds and Mortgnges f 1,010,907-92 Ground Rents U2,S0 3 Real Kstate 65,920 70 U. S. Gov. 6-20 Bonds. 45,000-00 Cush on hand 84, 449 -62 11,705,319-07 DIRECTORS. William H. Hamilton, John farrow, Georpe I. Vonnir, Joseph R. Lyndall, 1 evl P. Goats, J esse Llehtfoot. Roberi shoemaker, Peter Arrabruster, M. 1L Dickinson, Peter Williamson, Josenh E. Schell. Samuel Sparhawk carnuei rioya. WM, H. HAM1L1 ON President. BAM t' EL SPAKHAWK. Vice-President. WILLIAM FBDTLER, Secretary. THE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE COM PAN V. Incorporated I8s Charter Perpetual. No. 610 WALNUT Stret, opposite Independence Square. This Company, favorably known to the commu nity for over forty Tears, continues to insure against loss or daniuge by Gre on Public or Private Baild trigs, either permanently or for a limited time. Also ou Furniture, stocks of Goods, aud Merchandise generally, on liberal terms. Their Capital, together with a large Surplus Fund, Is invested in the moct careful maimer, which ena bles tin m to otter to tne insured an undoubted secu rity In the case of loss. UIKSCIOKB. Daniel Smith, Jr., Isaac Ilazlehurst, Thomas Smith, nenry lewis, J. Oilllugtiaa Fell, Daniel Haddock. 'j nomas nooins, John Devereux, rrauKim a. i omiy. DANLKL SMITU, Jr., President. Wm. O. Ckoweix, secretary. 1U1E ENTERPRISE INSURANCE COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA. OFFICE S. W. CORNER FOURTH AND WALNUT STREETS. PERPETUAL AND TERM POLICIES ISSUED. CASH CAPITAL (paid up In full) $200,utio-00 CASH ASSETS, December 1, 1870 6o0,3b3-O0 VI If MJ TO 1 3. F. Ratchford Starr, J. Livingston Errlnger, naiuro r razier, John M. Atwood, BeujauilnT. Tredick, George 11. Stuart, James u uiagaorn, WUliam (, Boulton, diaries Wheeler, Thomas U.Montgomery, James M. Aertsea, jonu m. crown, F. HATCH ORD STATtR. President. THOMAS H. MONTGOMERY. Vice-President ALEXANDER W.'WISTER, Secretary. JACOB E. FjtTERSON Assistant-Secretary. F A M B INSURANCE COMPANY, No. 809 CUESNUT Street D.C0KP0B4TKD 16M. CHARTKH FBRPETCAL. CAPITAL $200,000. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. Insurance agalnBt Loss or Damage by Fire either by Ptrpetual or Temporary Policies. dirsctoks. Charles Richardson, Kobert Pearce, Ijohn Kessler, Jr., Edward B. Orue, i Charles Stokes, I John W. Kverman, Mordecal Busby. William H.Rhawn, William M. Sejfert, John F, Smith, Nathan llliles. George A. West, riiAHLES RICHARHSON. President. WILLIAM U. RHAWN, Vice-President. Wii.i.uns 1. Blanchakd, Secretary TMPEiilA-I FIBJt INSURANCE 0OM LOKDOH. CtYABIJxllt-.I ISO, f lid-op CplUl ad AoounalkUd Pond. 8w,ooo,ooo IN a O JU o. PKEYOdT A HERK1.G, Ageuu, Bo, 101 a Til LED 8VMt,rtllJslpbia. pn rriurvotT qua, t. uuuut IN9URANOE. 3KLAWAKR MUTUAL SAFETY IN8URANCB COMPANY. Incorporated by the Legislature of PenniylTanla, 1830. Office S. B. corner of TIlIED and WALNUT Street, Philadelphia. MARINE INSUKACK3 on Vessel, Cargo, and Freight to all parts ot t&S world. FNLAND INSURANCES n Ooods by river, canal. Like, and land carriage to all pans of trie Unln. FIKK INSURANCES n Merchandise generally; on etores, Dwellings, Hon soft, etc. 4 M ASSETS OP THE COMPANY, November 1, l'-'O. ,000 Unltrd State Hlx Per Cect Loan (lawful iuone) ,,1333,376 00 10,000 8tito of Pennsylvania mx Per Cent. Loan SH.OOO'OC tiXi.OCO City of PhlladeTphia Six Per Cent. Loan (eAimpt from Tax) 804,182-M I64,uoo Slate of New Jeretj Six Per Cent. Loan HBO-flO S0.0O0 Pennsylvania Kallrot d Fin t MortgaKe oix Pur Cu P.o:ds. B0.700-0C S5.000 PennylVHriia RailroRd t-vcniwl Montage Six Tcr Ct. i,onda. 23,850-00 V.OOO Western Pennsylvania Kail road Motttffc Six Per Oiit. Bonds (Pennsylvania Rati- . road guarantee) lO.OOO-OO B0,(HK) State of Tenneaseo Five Per CU Loan 18,0o000 t.ooo State of Tcnncusee ,Wx Per Ct. Loan 4.S00HM 12,1500 Pennsylvania Railroad com pany (i'6d Shares Stock) 15,000-00 fl,000 North PennsylvHida Kailroad Company (lim Shares Stock).. 4,300-03 10.000 FhlUideiptilaanl Soniliern Mall Steamship Company (Si) sii'a Stock) 4,000-01 l,8B0 Loans on Pond and jVTortKnjjo, first liens on City Properties.. 3C1.W0-00 11,360,16.1 Par. C'Bt, IL2C4.447-34. WktVl$l,893T7-00 Real Kstuie 66,000-60 Bills Receivable for Insur ances made ,. 830,971 -S7 Balances due et tgeu?.t,s Premiums on Mamie Policies Accrued Interest an ) .'her debts due the Comp.tn, 93,375 40 Stock and Kcrip, etc , oi sun dry corporations, I?rn, esti mated vaJoe 8,9121)0 Cash 142,911-73 11,620.787-97 DIRECTORS rtiom&a C.Hand, .Samuel S. Stokes, John C. Davis, Wlillatn G. Boulton. Sduiund A. Sender, Joseph H. Seal, Tames Traqnalr, Henry Sloan, Henry C. Dallett, Jr.,: James C. Hand, Win lam C. Ludwlg, Hugh Craig, John D. Taylor, Hcoige W. Bernadoo, Wm. C. Houston, Edward Divllngton, H. Jones Brooke, Edward Lifourcade, Jacob Rlegei, Jacob P. Jones, James B. McFarland, Joshua P. Eyre, Spencer Jlcllvaine, Thomas P. Stotesbury, John B. Sample, Plttsb'rg, A. B. B-iirer, Pittsburg, D. T. Morean. Plttsbarff. H. Fr&aS Robinson, inuMAS u. iiAKii, rresiaent. JOHN c. DAVIS, Vice-President. Hjwry Lyi.htjhn, Secretary. E.aNHY Ball, Assistant Secretary ASBURY LIFE INBTOANCE CO. maw -sroiisi. O. O. NORTH, President. A. V. STOUT, Vice-President. I EMOliY McCLINTOCK, Actuary. JAMES M. LONGACRE, MANAGER FOR PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE, Office, 302 WALNUT St., Philadelphia. A. E. M. PURDY, M. D., Medical Examiner. REV. 8. PQWEHS, Special Agent. IB OF PHILADELPHIA. INCORPORATED 1S01. " Fire, Kaiiue, and Inland Imarance. Office, If. E. Cor. THIRD and WALNUT LOSSES PAID SINCE FORMATION, S7OCO,OCO. ASSETS OF THE COMPANY, JANUARY 1, 1871, 8250,39789. RICHARD 8. SUIT II, President. JOB'S MOSS, Secretary. People's Fire Iterance Company, Ho. 51 WA JjIIIJT Street. CHARTERED 1S69. Fire Insurance at LOWK3T RATKS consistent with security. Losses promptly adjusted and paid. NO UNPAID LOSSES. Assets December 81, 1870 1128,861-73 CUAS. E. EONS, President. OEO. BUSCH. Jr., Secretary. NT H R ACITK 1NSURANCB COMPANY. INCORPORATED ISM. CHARTER PSRPrrUAL. Office, No. 811 WALNUT Street, between Third and Fourth streets, Philadelphia. This Company will insure against Loss or Damage by Fire, oa Buildings, Furniture, and Merchandise generally. Also, Marine Insurance on Vessels, Cargoes, and Freights. Inland Insurance to all parts of the Union. DIRECTORS. William Esher, Lewis Audenreld, John Ketcham, J. E. Bauni, John B. fleyl, Samuel II. RothermeL w m. m. naira, John R. Blaklston, W. F. Dean, Peter Sieger, WILLIAM ESUEK. President WM, F. DBAN, Vice-President. W. M. Smith, Secretary. WHISKY, WINE, ETCU ; w INKS, LIQUORS, ENGLISH AND SCOTCH ALES, ETC. The subscriber begs to call the attention of dealers, connoisseurs, and consumers generally to his splendid stock of foreign goods now on hand, of l:is own Importation, as well, also, to his extensive assortment of Domestic Wines, Ales, etc, among which may be enumerated: MiO esses of Clarets, high and low grades, care full? selected from btst foreign stocks. loo casks of blierry Wine, extra quality of finest grade. 100 cases of Sherry Wine, extra quality of finest grade. io caskB of Sherry Wine, best quality of medium grade. 6 barrels Scuppernong Wine of best quality. 60 casks Catawba Wine " " JO barrels " " medium grade. Together with a full supply of Brandies, Whiskies, F-cotch and English Ales, Brown 8tout, etc, etc., which lie is prepared to furnish to the trade audooa. sinners generally la quantities that may be re quired, and on the most liberal terms. P. J. JORDAN. 6 6 tf No. 820 PEAR Street, Below Third and Walnut and above Dock street. CA RTfATnslTtwcc allT Vo. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite 8ti( IMPORTERS OF Brand!!, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta, WHOLESALE DEALERS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES, IN BOND AND TAX PAID. S3 J. f. iSTOl. KHAHOIt. LfAN'lOJ L Mc9SA110!f( SUiMSQ A SO COM MI8SI0H MKRCBASIX to. I COKNTIK8 bLIP. New York, h'o. 18 BOUTU WHARVES. Philadelphia, Mo. 48 W. PRATT bTKEaiT, Baltimore. VTo are prepared to ship every dew riptlon I Freight to Philadelphia, New York, WUnrirgton, an iou-rii!diate point with promptness and donpatofc, Curoil Boats tnd (Steam-tuts f urulahed at tha auurttttt notice.