The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume], May 20, 1877, Page 2, Image 2

About The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880

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DArILY DEMOCRAT.
IUMI 07 1 P2IAPSE'
ior .;o:and at same rate hal
g sert ton.
to ublisýd ere atday o u
j per annum l and at same rate h.il
land quarterly._
lent ýdv ants ri 0 suae (ten
ooid UM I I pn s c Dents
nes s ntr 3 Cents a line, net.
one taken at le81 than go oee
rerisement for the period ot one month
, iei.Ifsln rdtonal type, so eents a
* o 57 14 140 .'
I40 " 10 110 17
0 . 1 no 13 1 o0
170 110 I 4600
y u, a . runoeach
Bales f* A4**ertlgl: Is the Woekly Now
Orleans Demeerat.
lentand general rates the same 1s for
period of one month
i. mo. I mo. I e mo. I 1 mo.
........ s 1o
. ...... 1* 1s I U 10
.r ...... 16 34 Be 67 0
"B....... as Y 0 10o
. Bs 54 o s a 0
*' 9 39 44 10 196 o 5
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am", 1or N! N 90 1
THE IEWING.MACHISE WAi.
The Impoertant Part uastalned in It by
the Chcago Institutlon.
,MOW the Wilton t ompany Ahlihted in
Smauhing the Ionopoly--.A
Publie Benefactor.
[From the hloicgo Times, May 2.]
The collapse of the unholy monopoly in sewing
maehine patents has been announced within the
past few days, and a song of thanksgiving thereat
has ariseh from press and peeple up and down
the land. The Companies vitally intereted in
preserving a few anioent devices common to all
.wing-machines, fought persistently in favor of
stuending the patents, and piled up huge same
of money to carry out their object. But the good
usee of those in authority at Washington, backed
by the unanswerable arguments of an honest
uassufaturer and the wholesale demand of the
ation, conquered, and the decision, from which
there is no appeal, has gone forth. Hereafter
ewlng.machines must take their place with
olber staple commodities, and by o. mpetitive
eocellense of manufacture and fairness of price
sern whatever public favor they obtain.
Of th well-oigh innumerable atrocitles perpe
trated by the monopolists under the old regime.
we have neither time nor space here to seak. It
was a mammoth sy.tem of plunder, in whloh two
or three companies robbed alike the helpless
public and suach inventors s aucceeded n tim
proving upon the fossil patents. They made
heor comneaies contribute to their already
,ged coffers, and levied assessments so pltf.
aesl that nearly everything in the shape of
competition was out of the question. They had
a tyrant law behind them, and like tyrants they
used it; the buyers cf m h9b nee, of course, being
the Anal invaritable sufferers.
One great organisation alone refused to he
iaxed or driven inside this citadel of monopoly.
One heavy company alone fought the gigantic
ewindle tooth and nail for years, refusing utterly
to be levied upon by the ring, and selling its ex.
ealient machiues at rates so decent that the ex
tartrtlonte raged and their minions imagined vain
' lhe Wilson Sewing Machine Company, of
4hicago, ,ecure in the knowledge that its pro
duats were unapproachable in all essentials of
eraellence, derided every attempt made to com
fe It to knuckle to the monopolists. Doing bus
gr on a vast capital, and having at its bhed a
man clear-headed, in the right, an just obstinate
eough to eljoy a good fiht in a good cause,
the Wlln Company was the worst sort or a
thor In the side of the sewlng.·nacine swindle
from the very outset. Mr. W. G G. Wilson ts
president, wonld't pay tribute; wouldn't keep
up the gouge price of machines, and wouldn't be
wheedled or bluffed Selecting the bush
laseee and geographical centre of the oountry's
trade for his oompany's headquarters-Chicgo-
he soon secured nine ten hs of the public patron
age and the whole of the public esteem. He de.
red the monopollsts to o sieot assessments from
him for the use of devices which he knew were
held by illegally.extended patents, and which he
orther knew ought to be common property as
amuh as the air and the sunshine.
They tried to discipline him in the conrts, and
we have recently referred to certain buncembe
saits at law brought by the Eastern cabalto
omel him to jotin their nefarious ring. But he
laughed at lawsuits and hit viiously back by
ehowiflg up the aniema of the assaults and by join
tag directly in the work of defeating the attempts
to again extend the worn-out patents. Indeed,
it isa matter of common knowledge at Washing
ton and elsewhere that the Wilson company did
more than any other one eause to ex.qoe the
ll and wickedness of the monopolists olaims,
and to upeet fprever the attempt to re-forge the
ehsae of extortion.
Now that the national government has refused
to longer shield these harpies the Wilson Com
pany le specialy favored. Owning certai features
do oldeeded superiority in its machines, which
cannot be imitated; using nothing but the finest
of material, advantageously located in respect to
shipping fcilittep, and blessed with generous
aarnotll resources, it is likely to make itself more
of a favorite than ever with the people and more
disagreeable than ever to its enemies.
As in the past, Mr. Wilson will continue to al
low his pesrless machines to be sold on credit as
as accommodation to responsible parties. The
poor work woman and others to whom a good
ewing machine is an imperative necessity as a
mens of earning a livelihood, will also continue
to be cared for; being allowed to purchase the
Wilson machines at rednouced rates by installment
payments. Every oare is exercised by Mr. Wil
son and his managers in his choice of canvassers,
*'dead-beat" agents never receiving a chance to
handle his machines, and only trustworthy men
bel ,g permitted to oanvasse.
This company being a natural leader in fight
ing for low rates, is certain to rule the trade even
more than in the past, now that low rates are to
be permanently in fashion. There always was
trouble in the eswing machine world whenever
Mr. Wileon donned has war paint-and he kept it
em molt of the time. Now that he proposes to
sell hiLJ Inhotly made machines at faire prices
than nqu and clumsy "inventions" turned
cut bhylheer msnt.aoturere can be sold at, it will
nit be long re ves mostof the latter out of
existenro, a ha y practically driven
them onteth..
Silver Sopitna.
J. It. Walker, D. RP S.. l ord etreet.
Get your hate ai the "dtoneul Jackson," cr
r of Rosyal and t. Louitesstrts.
Bmsarre Fravoanmo BWts.--Tste mperg.
M Losso extractno aselerb i their p.!ferl
o now in the uartet. They are not
toe their , I u re pr.pr from
he bese s at, re sol eon
h a aOall Quantity
AN ADDRESS,
In Behalf .t the Alumni, to the Gradua
tiag Class of the Law Depart
meat of the University
of Loutelans.
DY CHAS. R. fINNER, ESQ.
Gentlemen-We, Alumni, who, start
ing from the very point at which you
now stand, have made more or less ex
tensive explorations into that, to you,
"undiscovered country" upon whose
borders you now pause, with uplifted
feet, ready to cross, have the time-hon
ored custom of returning hither at each
annual recurrence of this day, tdJvel
come the new comers and to speak to
them some words of encouragement or
advice.
As their representative on this ocoa
asion, it has occurred to me, in view of
the recent momentous events in the
history of Louisiana, that it would not
be inappropriate to present to you some
considerations, of an entirely non-par
tisan character, touching your publie
duties as citizens of the State and the
United States.
Twelve years have now elapsed since
the last gun was fired in the great civil
war which, during four years, had con
vulsed and torn the country. Very
shortly after peace ;was restored,
a system of reconstruction was
adopted, under the terms of
which the State of Louisiana, in com
mon with the other Southern States, was
formally restored to her relations as a
State in the Union, and nominally in
vested with the control of her own
affairs as a State. But it must be ad
mitted to be true that during all this
period, prior to the ever-memorable
twenty-fourth day ef April, 1877, there
has never been a day when the military
power of the United States has not,
actively or potentially, controlled and
governed the State; there has never
been an election which, either in its
conduct or in the ascertainment and de
cision of its results, has not been influ
enced or determined by that military
power.
It is equally undeniable that this pol
icy, notwithstanding its manifest re
pugnance to the spirit of the constitu
tion, notwithstanding its danger as a
precedent threatening the independence
of every State, notwithstanding its de
plorable results not only to the South
ern States but to the prosperity of the
whole country, has been sanctioned and
sustained by the vast majority of the
people of the Northern States.
It is very easy to call this the "policy
of hate" and to account for its support
upon the ground of the rancor and ill
feeling toward us left in the minds of
the Northern people as the result of the
war. But it will not do to judge the
motives of vast masses of men by so
narrow a standard. The fact is, there
were other and different reasons as
signed for the support of this policy,
and we have no right to dispute the sin
cerity of many of those who professed
to believe them. These reasons are,
principally, the following:
1. That the: Southern' whites did not
truly and sincerely acknowledge, and
would not honestly enforce the equality
of the colored people in civil and po
litical rights.
2. That they were intolerant of free
opinion and free speech, and that they
ostracised and maltreated Northern lRe
publicans and Union men who came
here to live.
3. That they were violent and lawless
and could only be restrained from tram
pling upon the rights of persons who
did not agree with them in opinion by
the strong arm of power.
4. That they were not at nears rrienas
to the Union or loyal to the national
government.
It must be admitted that there was a
time when there was some foundation
for these charges. It was not to be ex
pected that a people, emerging from
such a conflict as that in which we were
engaged, should instantaneously abjure
all the prejudices of opinion and ieel
ing in which they had been reared, and
should adapt themselves at once to
such a tremendous change in their sit
uation and relations. But Time, the
great healer and educator, soothed and
taught us rapidly, and brought into
play those tendencies of human
nature, provided by an all wise
Creator, under which man always
reconciles himself to the inevita
ble and accepts and adapts himself
to the situation in which be is placed.
And for years past I assert that these
charges have been a flagitious calumny
upon a brave and chivalrous people, ex
cept as far as they have been made true
by the very policy of political and mili
tary interference for which they were
assigned as the causes. The only facts
in our history which tended to sustain
them have been themselves the direct
outgrowth of the same policy.
We have protested, in every way in
which a people can protest, that these
charges are false. We-have pledged our
selves, in every mode by which the
honor of a people can be bound to prove
them false, whenever we should be re
stored to the control of our own affairs
and the administration of our own State
government. By these solemn protests
and pledges the honor of our people is
irrevocably committed to maintain the
equality of all citizens, white and black,
in civil and political rights; to cultivate
the spirit of toleration under which free
opinion and free speech shall be guar
anteed; to respect and enforce the laws,
and to love, cherish and defend our na
tional Union.
The time has arrived when the sin
cerity of our pledges and our ability to
perform them are to be put to the test,
and it becomes every citizen to con
tribute his quota toward the formation
of a public opinion, by the influence of
which alone can our fidelity to these
Pledges be maintained. This is a mat
ter which concerns not only our reputa
tion for honor and veracity, but also
vitally concerns our safety, our peace,
sad pur continued peaceable enjoyment
d sous right of self-government.
just been restored to us. It
y purpose to touch more at
n those branches of this sub
ject which trench upon the domain ofm
party polities, but I shall confine my re
mars to the genesrl subject of our re
lations to the Utnion and to our fellow
oltieals of the Ulion.
What is chiefly needed to seurethe
peaae, harmany and prosperity of our
country, and the perpetuity of our re
publican institutions, is a genuine spirit
of conciliation pervading the entire
people, under the influence of which
the events of our recent civil conflict
may be regarded merely as historical,
and not in any way connected with liv
ing political issues. If we and our
Northern brethren cannot agree about
present and future Issues until we agree
about the past, it is very clear that we
shall never agree. If we cannot be
friends in the future until one or the
other of us has humbled himself in the
dust and abased his manhood by
asking pardon for confessed crimes in
the past, it is very certain we shall
never be friends. I proclaim it here
that not merely the present survivors
of the lost cause, but their children and
their children's children will maintain
the justice of the cause in which their
sires fought and bled, and to the latest
generation will honor the matchless
valor and heroism with which for four
years they sustained an unequal conflict
in defense of what they believed to be
right. Whatl Shall we inscribe dis
graceful epitaphs upon the monuments
of our heroic dead? Nay; shall we
ever cease to honor them, and with rev
erent devotion to perpetuate the memo
rials of their glorious deeds ?
But shall this prevent us from being
loyal citizeps of the republic of to
day ? Shall this prevent us from being
patriots? Nay, shall this present the
slightest impediment to a complete and
cordial brotherhood with our Northern
fellow-citizens? Northern man, I say
to you, lay your hand upon your heart
and tell me, if you had been born and
bred in a Southern State, do you not
know that when the flag of the Confed
eracy was flung to the breeze you would
have been found battling under its
folds? Southern man, I ask you, if
you had been born and reared in a
Northern State, do you not know that
when the flag of the Union was fired
upon you would have rallied with your
people to its defense? From the bot
tom of my heart I pity the bigot who
could answer "No" to either of these
questions.
What then? Shall we forever hate
each other because w- chanced to be
born on different sides of an imaginary
line ? We are brethren, descendea from
a line of noble ancestry, whose fame
and deeds are our common heritage.
In an evil hour we have quarreled
fought-- fought manfully - approved
ourselves stout soldiers, worthy of our
sires.
The fight is over, the victory ad
judged, the judgment ncoepted. The
questions about which we quarreled are
settled-settled irrevocably--the settle
ment so thoroughly acquiesced in that
neither would disturb it, if he had
the power. What, then, hinders our
reconciliation ?
Of course there are many armless
sleeves, and maimed men, and vacant
chairs by many a desolate hearth-stone.
There are wrecked fortunes, and broken
ties, and bleeding hearts. There are
widows and orphans, and loverless wo
men. Alas I that it should be so. But
have all these calamities befallen one
side only? It you should invoke the
old code of an "eye for an eye and a
tooth for a tooth," yet, I ask you, is not
the very letter of the law fulfilled?
Where is the evil that that has befallen
the North that cannot be paralleled
with its fellow in the South-yea, and
supplemented with such a prepon
derance of misfortune as to 'dash to
earth the unequal scale? Are we Chris
tians? Are we so steeped in selfishness
that we can feel for the calamities of
none but ourselves? Can we not "find
in some part of our souls" a drop of
vrmnathv for others' woes?
There have been civil wars long be
fore our time. There is not a nation
upon earth whose history does not
record the story of just such strifes as
ours. Read these stories, oh! short
sighted men, and learn the lesson that
there is no fued so bitter but there
comes a time for oblivion and peace.
Are Englishmen still fighting the wars
of the Roses or the battles of the royal
ists and Puritans? Do the descendants
of the Guises and Condes keep alive the
enmities of those extinguished strifes?
Nay; have not the valiant deeds of the
partisans of either side been garnered
up into the common historic treasure
house of the nation? Even so shall it
be with us. Unless our insensate hates
shall wreck and destroy the fabric of
our government and dissever into jar
ring and discordant States this mighty
Union, he is blind who cannot see the
coming time when Lincoln and Davis,
Lee and Grant, Sherman and Jackson,
will find their places side by side in the
historic pantheon of the nation, and
when the valorous achievements of the
champions of either side will be prized,
not as the property of a section, but as
illustrations of American manhood.
If it be said that such fraternization
and oblivion of strife have been only
the slow and painful growth of long
lapses of years, and cannot be expected
to spring into being in the brief space
of a generation, I ask,why not? Of what
avail is our tremendous progress in the
arts of inter-communication, and swift
exchange of ideas, and popular educa
tion, and rapid enlightenment, and lib
erality of thought, if they may not
hasten the processes by which human
ity achieves results and reaches the
ends which wisdom and justice point
out to her?
Let us but be true to the duties of the
hour and to the destiny which has just
been placed in our own hands, and I be
lieve that we have already seen the dawn
of the era of true conciliation and
genuine reunion.
The prime necessity of man, under
the conditions of society and govern
ment, is to have a country which he can
call his country-not merely a country
to which he belongs, but a country
which belongs to him, in the sense
which the patriot feels when he says
"my country!" In such a sense our
country is the last and highest develop
ment of the primal idea of the family.
Indeed, all speculations as to the origin
of government must carry us back to a
time when the earth was occupied by
one father and one family, which
naturally fell under the patriarchal
form of government. Thus the
first form of government originated
with the first family of men. Then
came into play all the elements of
man's nature which lead him and
keep him in the social state-the help
lessness of infancy and old age, the
yearnings of parental and filial love, the
loneliness of solitude, the advantages
and necessity of mutual aid in the vicis
situdes of sickness and of health. But
the blessings of society cannot be eu
joyed without government. There must
be some power to restrain the evil dis
position and short-sighted selfishness of
man, to guarantee to every individual
the proceeds of his own labor, and to
protect the rights of the weak against
the encroachments of the strong. Then,
as society progressed, other wants origi
nated whioh it required organized power
to satisfy. Roads must be construoted
rivers made navigable, the powers of
nature made subservient to the uses of
man, youth instructed, and many
other things essential to the devel
opment of his nature done, which
could only be accomplished by
co-operation under the guidance and
control of government. Besides this
as man increased and multiplied, and
spread out over the earth, congregating
in separate tribes and communities,
government became still more neces
sary for the purpose of protecting each
of these communities from the incur
sionsland attacks of the others. I have
recurred to these elementary ideas
about the origin and nature of govern
ment in order to remind you of the
beneficent purposes for which it was in
stituted--of its necessity to the happi
ness and welfare of man, of the ilipor
teant interests that are confided to it, of
the great benefits which it is capable of
bestowing, and for which indeed we
must look toitalone. This government
is the representative and embodiment
of what we call our country. How in
finitely important it is to us that we
should hatrea country that loves us, and
if we would have a country that loves
us, is it not necessary that we should
love our country.
The development of civilization and
of international law has not been favor
able to the sentiment of patriotism.
Man has become cosmopolitan-a citi
zen of the world. It is hardly possible
for us to conceive of the deep devotion
which the ancient man felt for his
country. In those old days a man's
country was the only spot on earth in
which he had any rights. To the whole
universe beside he was a stranger or an
enemy. If he placed his foot upon any
foreign soil he left all rights behind,
and was subject to any outrages which
cruelty or rapacity might see fit to in
flict. If shipwrecked upon any foreign
shore, he was subjected to the dangers
of plunder and enslavement; if cap
tured in war, his person and effects be
came the property of the captor. His
country was precious not only because
it contained his family, his friends, his
hearthstone, his penates and the tombs
of his ancestors but because it was his
sole refuge and fortress. What wonder,
then, that he loved, venerated and de
fended it ?
Hence banishment became the heavi
est punishment that could be inflicted
for the crimes of a citizen. If you would
appreciate the horrors of this penalty,
read the letters of Cicero to Atticus,
written during his exile. The lamenta
tions of Job under all the tortures of
divine wrath, and of Pellico in the soli
tude of a loathsome dungeon, are tame
in comparison with the wails of Cicero,
surrounded with friends and enjoying
every comfort of life, but exiled from
Rome.
"Country is more than father or
mother," says Socrates, "and whatever
violence or whatever injustice she in
flicts upon us, we must submit without
striving to escape from it." Such was
the ancient idea of country and of pa
triotism. This enables us to appreciate
the true Roman spirit with which
Shakespeare's Brutus asks, "Who is
here so rude that would not be a
Roman? Who is here so vile that would
not love his country? "
Although, in the progress of civiliza
tion, the relations between the peep lee
of different States have been placed
upon a more benevolent basis, so that
the man who can travel may find pro
tection in any country, yet it remains
true that the vast majority of men must
pass their lives within the dominions of
the nation to which they belong, and
must look to its government alone for
all the protection and benefits which
governments are instituted in order to
bestow. We are told by the wise Vat
tel that "the love and affection which a
man feels for the State of which he is a
member is a necessary consequence of
the wise and rational love he owes to
himself, since his own happiness is
connected with that of his country.
This sensation ought also to flow from
the engagements he has entered into
with society. He has promised to se
cure its safety and advantage as much
as is in his power; and how can he serve
it with zeal, fidelity and courage if he
has not a real love for it?" -
Having thus attempted to enforce the
duty of patriotism, it must not be for
gotten that this duty of the citizen is
attended with correlative obligations on
the 11art of the State. The State is
bound to secure the citizen in the pos
session and enjoyment of his rights, to
preserve protect and defend him, and
to provide and enforce just laws and ad
ministration. In an imperial or mon
archical government, where the sov
ereign is independent of the people, it
is possible to conceive that the greatest
hate and bitterness of feeling between
different portions of its people might
coexist with the most perfect perform
ance of the correlative duties of the
State to all its citizens and of all clti
zens to the State. But, in a republican
government, where parties divide upon
this very question of hostility to
each other between different sec
tions of the people, and where
the majority ordain and constitute the
government, so that it is but the repre
sentative of the sentiment and will of
that majority, it is apparent that such
a state of affairs is incompatible with
the peace and happiness of the State.
If the minority bear hatred and malice
to the majority who create and estab
lish the government, it cannot be ex
pected to love the government which
represents and will ordinarily enforce
the sentiment of that majority. If the
majority hate and desire to oijure the
minority, the government which repre
sents it will hate and injure the minor
ity. Under such conditions the relations
of mutual love and beneficence which
should subsist between the citizen and
the State are utterly subverted and de
stroyed. If parties be equally divided.
the bitterness of partisan strife at every
election will augment and intensify.
When one party triumohs it will heap
injustice upon the defeated; and when,
in the turn of the tide, the victim be
comes the victor, it will better the in
struction of its predecessor.
What safety or happiness can there be
for such a nation? How long will it be
before the incensed and furious parti
sans will fly at each others' throats and
renew the horrors of fratricidal strife ?
Must such be the end of this great re
public? Are we to meet the fate of
Mexico, where every election is a civil
war, and where rival chieftains succeed
each other in the overturning and estab
lishment of governments so rapidly
that the ruler of to-day is the fugitive
of to-morrow, and the treason of one
week the loyalty of the next ?
Or shall we imitate the example of
Europe by dividing into a multitude of
jealous and powerful States? L )ok at
Europe to-day. See her great nations
all armed cap-a-pie; their peopl-s im
poverished; their industries crippled;
their resources exhausted, to maintain
vast armies-glaring at each other like
wild beasts, ready to spring into deadly
conflict at the slightest hostile mani
festation of each other.
Turn then to this mighty republic.
tb e ret o oMilioce to constituted
order and authority whioh yet prevails,
notwithstanding the severe ordeals to
which it has recently been subjected.
Observe the workings of its admirable
system of local and general government
just emerging from sore strains and
perils, but yet vigorous and unharmed,
and capable, under patriotic guidance,
of still vindicating the wisdom of its
founders. Look at its vast domain,
stretching from sea to sea, separated by
oceans from every powerful or dan
gerous neighbor, so that, with an army
of a handful of men, it rests in
perfect security and tranquility. Ob
-serve how her wide stretches of
territory are diversified with every va
riety of industries and production, the
superfluities of every section exactly
supplying the deficiencies of some
other; how they are interlaced with
railroads and mighty rivers, and indis
solubly locked together with the mana
cles of commerce, so that there are no
conflicting interests, but, on the con
trary, the prosperityv of every part con
tributes and Is essential to the prosperi
ty of thewhole.
Was there ever a nation that possessed
so many elements of power and great
ness? Was there ever a people that had
so great itlucements to peace and
brotherhood?
What threatens to mar and disturb
this fair horoscope of a happy and glo
rious future? Nothing but party spirit
and sectional malice. Shall they be
permitted to prevail? There is a mag
nanimity of the conqueror and a mag
nanimity of the conquered, and the ex
ercise of both is essential to heal the
wounds of sectional strife. The magna
nimity of the conqueror is displayed by
trusting the conquered, restoring to
them liberty, and uwing a wise patience
and generous forbearance of any abuise
which may result at first from the sore
ness of long irritation.
In the beautiful phrase of Macaulay,
"there is but one cure for the evils
which newly acquired freedom pro
duces, and that cloe is freedom. When
a prisoner leaves his cell, he cannot
bear the light of day; but the remedy is
not to remand hift to his dungeon, but
to accustom him to the rays of the
sun. The blaze of truth and liberty
may at first dazzle and bewilder nations
which have become half blind in the
house of bondage; but let them gaze
on, and they will soon be able to bear it.
In a few years men learn to reason. Tae
extreme violence of opinion subsides.
Hostile theories correct each other.
And at length a system of justice and
order is evoked out of chaos." .
On the other hand, the magnanimity
of the conquered consists in subduing
the natural human instincts of revolt
against submission to superior force,
the revengeful promptings of wounded
pride, the brooding over injuries of the
past-in adopting the bright school-boy
philosophy of shaking hands after the
fight and trying to forget all about it;
and in faithfully observing the condi
tions upon which we have received and
accepted peace.
In adopting the noble profession
whose livery you assume to-day, you,
young men, have in some measure con
stituted yourselves the guides and cen
sors of public opinion in matters of gov
ernment and politics. Your studies
have necessarily embraced the history,
philosophy and nature of governments
and the relations subsisting between the
citizej and the State. These and the
cognate study of the fundamental prin
ciples of right and wrong, justice and
injustice, rights and duties, fit you to
take large and liberal views of the con
duct and motives of men, to measure
them by correct standards, and to ap
preciate the folly and wickedness of
perpetuating animosities growing out
of past conflicts about buried issues
between brethren whose every interest
in the present and the future is abso
lutely identical. They make you their
natural advisers and leaders of popular
sentiment and the public policy of your
State. As you step forth into the arena
of active life, suffer me to hope that the
words I have uttered here to-day may
quicken in your hearts the sentiment of
national patriotism and stimulate you
to co-operate with good men of all sec
tions in the noble task of true pacifica
tion upon the basis of mutual tolera
tion for past differences and common
efforts for the future glory of our coun
try.
I know not if, in thus stretching forth
the hand of friendship, you shall meet
with a responsive grasp. I know not if
the prophets of evil and the apostles of
hate may not, with flaming swords,
overcome and expel the angel of peace
and reconciliation. But there iJs a con
tagiousness in noble thoughts and gen
erous deeds. There is an electric cur
rent ever flowing between lofty souls.
The right has, inherent in itself, a sub
tie magnetic power, which attracts with
silent but ceaseless force. I, for one,
have confidence in such influences and
believe they will prevail. So the North
and South, each glorifying its own
achievements in the past, each tenderly
cherishing the memories of its dead and
living heroesa, each uprightly maintain
oing the justice of its own cause, may
lock hands and march forward to the
achievement of a common and glorious
destiny.
TO PHYI1CIASn AND MIDWIVES.
OEFICE BOARD OF HEALTH.
Stale of Louisiana.
Now Orleans, May 12. 1877.
I beg to call your attention to the 9th section
of Act No. s0, passed April 20th, 1877, reorgan
izing the Board of Health, as forlows:
8EOTION 9. ie it furthe, enacted, etc.. That It
shall be the duty of the attending Physician or
Midwife, as tie birth of any child i, the parish
of Orleans. to report the same to the office of
the Board of Health within twenty-four fours
of the same' and it shall be the duty of the
father, or in his default, of any person present
at the birth of any child, to report within twen
ty- four hours from the ,late of such birth at the
o0rtte of the Board of Health. su*h birth, which
report shall be rec,rd d in presence of two wit
resses, and shall as nearly a{ possible show the
dat,. hour, street and number thereof, of such
birth, the sex of the child and its name. the
names of thu father and mother, their nation
ality, age. occupation and residence, and the
names of said witnesses.
I respectfully urge your co-operation in a
ma ter of so much importance to science as tha
of the vital statistics of New Orleans.
Very respectfully.
HAMUEL CHOPPIN, M. D..
President.
P. F. TAYLOR. M. D.. Secretary.
my13 SuWedSu1
S. TYLER READ'd LIFE INSURANCE
A* Aeec,, 13 Carondelet street.-Parties d(
siring new insurane'-. or to transfer their poli
cies for toe purpose of obtaining absolute seeu
rly are reminded that this old a: d established
agency has never plac.d a policy in any compa
ny which has failel. It offers to those seeking
insurance or reinsurance the best security (in
eluding Massachusetts equity non-forfeiture),
the strongest 'ompanies. th-, mo4t juillcious
p!ans. and the lowest rates in the United States.
my13 tW
F. BUSCH,
GUN AND LOCKSMITH.
No. sa Commercial Place, New Orleans.
BIELL HANGING, IRON RAILRINGS, AND
General House Work attended to at sh rt
notice and reasonable prices. Also Vaults.
Looks and Conying Presses repaired; I)upllc te
Keys of all descriptons made. Safe reopair
Ings a specialty mt9'7Iy
OFFCIAL t A
-or in
9I NAT4
STATE Or LOVtSIAtNA,.
EXTR 4 SESSION OF 1877.
EXECUTIVE REN5ION.
SENAT'1 CriAMnmEn,
New Orleans, March 22, 1877. 1
The Senate met in executive session, Hon.
Louis A. Wiltz, Lieutenant Governor and
President of the Senate, in the chair.
On a call of the roll the following Senators
answered to their names:
Messrs. Boatner, Breaux, Ducros, Ellis,
Eustis, Garland George, Goode, Grover, Kel
ly MitclelIl,sandion, Perkins, Richardson, Rob
rton, andi ford, Steven, Stubbs, Texada,
Wheeler, White and Zacharle-22.
Absent--Mossrs. Allain, Bryant, Burch,
Cage, Domas, Dumont Gn, Harper Landry
Stamps, Sutton, Twi'bhell, Wakefield and
Y.oung--14.
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS.
The following Executive communications
were placed before the Senate by Its Presi
dent:
ExE.crlvr DEPARTMENT,
State of Louisiana,
New Orleans, March 22, 1877.
To the Honorable the Senate of the State of
Louisiana:
Gentlemen--I hereby nominate, and with the
advice and consent of your honorabloe body
will appoint Richard Proctor Tax Collector of
the Third District parish of Orleans; George
M. Phillips, C. J. Lewis, B. Onorato and
Robert Brewster, Harbormasters and W. W.
Hunter and John T. Davis, Wardens for the
port of New Orleans.
Respectfully.
FRAN IS T. NICHOLLS
Governor of Louisiana.
ExnE UTIVE DERPARTMENT,
State of Louisiana,
New Orleans, March 22, 1877.
To the Honorable the Senate of the State of
Louisiana:
Gentlens--I hereby nominate, and with the
ad.vice and consent of your honorable body,
will appoint Victor Estopinal Police Juror for
the parish of St. Bernard, vice Joseph Wat
son resigned.
Numa Deblieux Justice of the Peace, Fourth
Ward, parish of ?1atchiltohes.
Jules iompeyrac, Constable, Fourth Ward,
parish of Natehitoches.
W. H. Goodale, J. West McMains, Robert
Morris and William Garig, Administrators of
the Asylum of the Blind at Baton Rouge.
Robert F. Humble, Parish Surveyor of the
parish of Caldwell.
Reseectfully
FRANCs T. NICHOLLS,
Governor of Louisiana.
Mr. Kelly asked and obtained unanimous
consent to take up the name of Robert Brew
ster, Harbormaster for the port of New Or
leans.
Mr. Kelly moved that the Senate do now
advise and consent to the foregoing nomina
tion and appointment.
On a call of the roll the following was the
result:
For confirmation-Messrs. Boatner, Breaux,
Ducros, Ellis, Eustis Garland, George,
Goode Grover, Kelly itchell, Ogden, Per
kins, Richarldson, Ritolrtson, Handlford, 8te*.
ven, Stubbs, Texada, Wheeler, White and
Zacharie-22.
Against conflrmation--Nome.
bsent--Messrs. AllainBryant, Burch,
Cage,, Demas, Dumont la, Harper, Lan
dry, Stamps, Sutton, Twtchell. Wakefield
and Young-14.
So the Senate did unanimously advise and
consent to the nomination and appointment
of Robert Brewster, Harbormaster for the
port of New Orleans, and on motion of Mr.
Kelly the injunction of secrecy was re
moved and the Secretary directed to notify
the Governor.
Mr. Kelly moved to reconsider the vote
just taken, by which the Senate advised and
consented to the foregoing nomination and
appointment, and on motion of the same Sen
ator that motion was laid upon the table.
Mr. Ogden asked and obtained unanimous
consent to take up the nomination and ap
pointment of B. Onorato, Harbormaster of
the port of New Orleans.
Mr. Ogden moved that the Senate do now
advise and consent to the foregoing nomina
tion and appointment.
On a call of the roll the following was the
result:
For confirmation-Messrs. Boatner, Breaux,
Dueros, Ellis, Eustis, Garland, Gorge Goode,
Grover, Kelly, Mitchell, Ogden, Perkins,
Richardson, Robertson, Sandiford Steven,
Stubbs, Texada, Wheeoler, White and Zacharle
-.2
Against confirmation-None.
Absent-Messrs. Allain, Bryant, Burch,
Cage, Demas, Dumont, Gia Harper, Landry
Stamps, Sutton, Twitchell, Wakefield and.
Young-14.
So the Senate did unanimously advise and
consent to the nominiation and appointment
of B. Onorato, Harbormaster of the port of
New Orleans, and on motion of Mr. Ogden
the injunction of secrecy was removed and
the Secretary directed to notify the Governor.
Mr. Ogden moved to reconsider the vote
just taken, by which the Senate advised and
consented to the foregoing nomilation and
appointment, and on motion of the same
Senator that motion was laid upon the table.
Mr. Zacharie asked and obtained unanimous
consent to take up the nomination and ap
pointment of George M. Phillips, as Harbor
master of the port of New Orleans.
Mr. Zacharie moved that the Senate do now
advise and consent to the nomination and ap
pointment of Goo. M. Phillips, Harbormaster
for the port of New Orleans.
On a call of the roll the following was the
result :
For conflrmation-Messrs Boatner, Breaux, .
Ducros, Ellis Eustls, Garland, George Goode,
Grover, Kelly Mitchell, Ogden, Perkins,
Richardson, robertson, Sandiford, Steven,
Stubbs, Texada, Wheeler, White and Zacharie
-22.
Against confirmation-None.
Absent-Mesers. Allain= Bryant, Burch,
Cage, Demas, Dumont, Gla, Harper, Lan
dry, Stamps, Sutton, Twitchell, Wakefield
and Young--14.
So the Senate did unanimously advise and
consent to the foregoing nomination and ap
pointment, and on motion of Mr. Zacharlo
the injunction of secrecy was removed and
the Secretary directed to notify the Governor.
Mr. Zacharie moved to reconsider the vote
just taken, by which the Senate advised and
consented to the nominationr and appoint
ment of George M. Phillips. Harbormaster
for the port of New Orleans, and on motion of
the same Senatot that motion was laid upon
the table.
Mr. Eustis asked and obtained unanimous
cpnsent to take up the nomination and ap
pointment of W. W. Hunter, Warden for the
port of New Orleans.
Mr. Eustis moved that the Senate do now
advise and consent to the foregoing nomina
tion and appointment
On a call of the roll the following was the
result:
For confirmation-Meeers. Boatner, Breaux,
Ducros, Ellis, Eustis, Garland, George, .oode,